Aboriginal Australia, Cultural Access, and Archival Obligation
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Mapping Landscapes of the Mind: a Cadastral Conundrum in the Native Title Era
Mapping landscapes of the mind: A cadastral conundrum in the Native Title era Graeme Neate President, National Native Title Tribunal Presented at the UN-FIG Conference on Land Tenure and Cadastral Infrastructures for Sustainable Development, Melbourne, Australia 25-27 October 1999 ABSTRACT When the Crown progressively assumed sovereignty over different parts of Australia, groups of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples had their own laws and customs which made them traditional owners of different parts of the land. Despite more than two centuries of colonisation, traditional links to land have survived and are exercised in some places. Through the prism of their cultural heritage, traditional owners of the land see geological features and items of vegetation as instances of Dreamtime activity. The stories, the songs, the ceremonies and the language are embedded in the land but are maintained in the minds of successive generations of traditional owners. The features of the landscape can be observed by all, but their meaning and significance is known to the few. In that sense, the traditional estates of indigenous groups are landscapes of the mind. The legal recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights and interests in land, and laws providing for the recognition and protection of areas of particular significance to indigenous Australians, have generated the need to precisely describe the location and extent of indigenous interests in land. That requirement gives rise to numerous issues about how indigenous peoples’ rights are to be -
'Cluttering up the Department'
Wooden sculpture of a human male collected by Berndt, 1946–7 by Leigerang Dalawongu people, north-east Arnhem Land courtesy Buku-Larrnggay Mulka Centre National Museum of Australia ‘Cluttering up the department’ Ronald Berndt and the distribution of the University of Sydney ethnographic collection by Geoffrey Gray Abstract we should not revisit the issue of how the ANRC collection was made, the way it was The issue of ownership of cultural objects broken up and distributed, the circumstances collected by fieldworkers sponsored by around its distribution and the question of the Australian National Research Council ownership — does it reside with the collector, (ANRC) between 1926 and 1955, when the the institution housing the collection, or ANRC was replaced by the Academy of the funding body? This paper traces Ronald Science, is now in a sense passé, as these Berndt’s attempts to assert ownership collections have been broken up, and now over part of the collection housed at the reside in diverse centres both nationally and University of Sydney, at the two moments of internationally. This does not mean that its redistribution, 1957 and 1980. reCollections: Journal of the National Museum of Australia September 2007, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 153–79 Introduction Scattered among the ethnographic collections of several Australian and overseas museums are a large number of objects originally collected between 1927 and 1956 by anthropologists sponsored by the Australian National Research Council (ANRC). These expeditions covered many parts of northern Australia, particularly the north-west Kimberley in Western Australia, Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory and Cape York Peninsula, North Queensland. -
The Economics of Road Transport of Beef Cattle
THE ECONOMICS OF ROAD TRANSPORT OF BEEF CATTLE NORTHERN TERRITORY AND QUEENSLAND CHANNEL COUNTRY BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS \CANBERRA! AUSTRALIA C71 A.R.A.PURA SEA S5 CORAL SEA NORTHERN TER,RITOR 441I AND 'go \ COUNTRY DARWIN CHANNEL Area. ! Arnhem Land k OF 124,000 S9.mla Aborig R e ), QUEENSLAND DARWIN 1......../L5 GULF OF (\11 SHOWING CARPENTARIA NUMBERS —Zr 1, AREAS AND CATTLE I A N ---- ) TAKEN AT 30-6-59 IN N:C.AND d.1 31-3-59 IN aLD GULF' &Lam rol VI LO Numbers 193,000 \ )14 LEGEND Ar DISTRIT 91, 200 Sy. mls. ••• The/ Elarkl .'-lc • 'Tx/at:viand ER Area , 94 000'S‘frn Counb-v •• •1 411111' == = == Channal Cattle Numbers •BARKLY• = Fatizning Araas 344,0W •• 4* • # DISTRICT • Tannin! r Desert TABLELANDS, 9.4• • 41" amoowea,1 •• • • Area, :NV44. 211,800Sq./nil -N 4 ••• •Cloncurry ALICE NXil% SOCITIf PACIFIC DISTRI W )• 9uches `N\ OCEAN Cattle \ •Dajarra, -r Number 28,000 •Winbon 4%,,\\ SPRINGS A rn/'27:7 0 liazdonnell Ji Ranges *Alice Springs Longreach Simpson DISTRICT LCaWe Desert Numbers v 27.1000 ITh Musgra Ranges. T ullpq -_,OUNTRY JEJe NuTber4L. S A 42Anc SAE al- (gCDET:DWaD [2 ©MU OniVITELE2 NORTHERN TERRITORY AND QUEENSLAND CHANNEL COUNTRY 1959 BUREAU OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS CANBERRA AUSTRALIA 4. REGISTERED AT THE G.P.O. SYDNEY FOR TRANSMISSION BY POST AS A BOOK PREFACE. The Bureau of Agricultural Economics has undertaken an investigation of the economics of road transport of beef cattle in the remote parts of Australia inadequately served by railways. The survey commenced in 1958 when investigations were carried out in the pastoral areas of Western Australia and a report entitled "The Economics of Road Transport of Beef Cattle - Western Australian Pastoral Areas" was subsequently issued. -
Noun Phrase Constituency in Australian Languages: a Typological Study
Linguistic Typology 2016; 20(1): 25–80 Dana Louagie and Jean-Christophe Verstraete Noun phrase constituency in Australian languages: A typological study DOI 10.1515/lingty-2016-0002 Received July 14, 2015; revised December 17, 2015 Abstract: This article examines whether Australian languages generally lack clear noun phrase structures, as has sometimes been argued in the literature. We break up the notion of NP constituency into a set of concrete typological parameters, and analyse these across a sample of 100 languages, representing a significant portion of diversity on the Australian continent. We show that there is little evidence to support general ideas about the absence of NP structures, and we argue that it makes more sense to typologize languages on the basis of where and how they allow “classic” NP construal, and how this fits into the broader range of construals in the nominal domain. Keywords: Australian languages, constituency, discontinuous constituents, non- configurationality, noun phrase, phrase-marking, phrasehood, syntax, word- marking, word order 1 Introduction It has often been argued that Australian languages show unusual syntactic flexibility in the nominal domain, and may even lack clear noun phrase struc- tures altogether – e. g., in Blake (1983), Heath (1986), Harvey (2001: 112), Evans (2003a: 227–233), Campbell (2006: 57); see also McGregor (1997: 84), Cutfield (2011: 46–50), Nordlinger (2014: 237–241) for overviews and more general dis- cussion of claims to this effect. This idea is based mainly on features -
Australian Aboriginal Oral Traditions
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace Oral Tradition 1/2 (1986): 231-71 Australian Aboriginal Oral Traditions Margaret Clunies Ross 1. Aboriginal Oral Traditions A History of Research and Scholarship1 The makers of Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances, are the poets, or bards, of the tribes, and are held in great esteem. Their names are known in the neighboring tribes, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe, until the very meaning of the words is lost, as well as the original source of the song. It is hard to say how far and how long such a song may travel in the course of time over the Australian continent. (Howitt 1904:414) In 1988 non-Aboriginal Australians will celebrate two hundred years’ occupation of a country which had previously been home to an Aboriginal population of about 300,000 people. They probably spoke more than two hundred different languages and most individuals were multilingual (Dixon 1980). They had a rich culture, whose traditions were centrally concerned with the celebration of three basic types of religious ritual-rites of fertility, initiation, and death (Maddock 1982:105-57). In many parts of Australia, particularly in the south where white settlement was earliest and densest, Aboriginal traditional life has largely disappeared, although the memory of it has been passed down the generations. Nowadays all Aborigines, even in the most traditional parts of the north, such as Arnhem Land, are affected to a greater or lesser extent by the Australian version of Western culture, and must preserve their own traditions by a combination of holding strategies. -
Dialogue and Indigenous Policy in Australia
Dialogue and Indigenous Policy in Australia Darryl Cronin A thesis in fulfilment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Social Policy Research Centre Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences September 2015 ABSTRACT My thesis examines whether dialogue is useful for negotiating Indigenous rights and solving intercultural conflict over Indigenous claims for recognition within Australia. As a social and political practice, dialogue has been put forward as a method for identifying and solving difficult problems and for promoting processes of understanding and accommodation. Dialogue in a genuine form has never been attempted with Indigenous people in Australia. Australian constitutionalism is unable to resolve Indigenous claims for recognition because there is no practice of dialogue in Indigenous policy. A key barrier in that regard is the underlying colonial assumptions about Indigenous people and their cultures which have accumulated in various ways over the course of history. I examine where these assumptions about Indigenous people originate and demonstrate how they have become barriers to dialogue between Indigenous people and governments. I investigate historical and contemporary episodes where Indigenous people have challenged those assumptions through their claims for recognition. Indigenous people have attempted to engage in dialogue with governments over their claims for recognition but these attempts have largely been rejected on the basis of those assumptions. There is potential for dialogue in Australia however genuine dialogue between Indigenous people and the Australian state is impossible under a colonial relationship. A genuine dialogue must first repudiate colonial and contemporary assumptions and attitudes about Indigenous people. It must also deconstruct the existing colonial relationship between Indigenous people and government. -
The Big Picture
The igicture b p The Gurindji people lived in the Victoria River country in the Northern Territory for thousands of years. In 1883, Europeans came and set up Wave Hill cattle station on Gurindji land. The traditional owners had nowhere to live and their hunting grounds were destroyed by the cattle. To survive, they took jobs on cattle stations as house servants and stockmen. Indigenous workers were treated like slaves. They could not leave the cattle stations and often worked without pay. In 1914, Wave Hill cattle station was taken over by the Vestey Pastoral Wave Hill cattle station Company, owned by English millionaire Lord Vestey. The company made is about 600 kilometres huge profits by paying Indigenous workers flour and beef instead of money. south of Darwin in the Indigenous families at Wave Hill lived in iron huts with dirt floors and no Northern Territory. lights, running water or toilets. There were no schools or health clinics. On 22 August 1966, more than 200 men, Wave Hill cattle station was set up on the traditional lands of the Gurindji people, who had lived there for women and childrenEyewitness words thousands of years before European settlement. of the Gurindji peopleBilly Bunter Jampijinpa Unfair pay packed their belongingsBilly Bunter Jampijinpa was 16 at the time of By 1966, the Vestey Pastoral Company the walkout. About living conditions at Wave had leased about 16 000 square and walked off HillWave cattle station, he said: kilometres of Northern Territory land We were treated just and employed more than 30 000 Hill cattle station in the people worldwide. -
The 1948 Wubarr Ceremony Performed for the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land1
20. The Forbidden Gaze: The 1948 Wubarr ceremony performed for the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land1 Murray Garde They bin make im Ubarr, everyone bin go there, make that Ubarr, and they bin look that didjeridu. ‘Hey! Ubarr alright!’ And everyone they bin know…I went in front. They tell me…‘This thing you can’t tell im kid, you can’t tell im friend, you can’t tell im anybody, even your wife. You find your son…you can’t tell im story about Ubarr, you got to tell im what I’m telling you now. This “outside” story. Anyone can listen, kid, no-matter who, but this “inside” story you can’t say. If you go in Ring-place, middle of a Ring- place, you not supposed to tell im anybody…but oh, e’s nice.’ 2 — Bill Neidjie Introduction Anthropology in Australia in the early twentieth century was dealing very much with the exploration and description of the unknown. The political and cultural underpinnings of the European project to colonise and document unknown peoples and places across the globe tell us as much about Western views of science and cultural development as they do about its colonial subjects of investigation. The unknown was in a process of being revealed, rationalised, classified and collected. In his preface to Charles Mountford’s Records of the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land, the Australian Minister of State for Information, Arthur Calwell, described Arnhem Land as 1 Whilst this chapter discusses some aspects of ceremonial secrecy, it does not mention cultural information that is not in the public domain. -
A Grammar of Jingulu, an Aboriginal Language of the Northern Territory
A grammar of Jingulu, an Aboriginal language of the Northern Territory Pensalfini, R. A grammar of Jingulu, an Aboriginal language of the Northern Territory. PL-536, xix + 262 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 2003. DOI:10.15144/PL-536.cover ©2003 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. Also in Pacific Linguistics John Bowden, 2001, Taba: description of a South Halmahera Austronesian language. Mark Harvey, 2001, A grammar of Limilngan: a language of the Mary River Region, Northern Territory, Allstralia. Margaret Mutu with Ben Telkitutoua, 2002, Ua Pou: aspects of a Marquesan dialect. Elisabeth Patz, 2002, A grammar of the Kukll Yalanji language of north Queensland. Angela Terrill, 2002, Dharumbal: the language of Rockhampton, Australia. Catharina Williams-van Klinken, John Hajek and Rachel Nordlinger, 2002, Tetlin Dili: a grammar of an East Timorese language. Pacific Linguistics is a publisher specialising in grammars and linguistic descriptions, dictionaries and other materials on languages of the Pacific, the Philippines, Indonesia, East Timor, southeast and south Asia, and Australia. Pacific Linguistics, established in 1963 through an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund, is associated with the Research School of Pacific and Asian Shldies at the Australian National University. The Editorial Board of Pacific Linguistics is made up of the academic staff of the school's Department of Linguistics. The authors and editors of Pacific Linguistics publications are drawn from a wide range of institutions around the world. Publications are refereed by scholars with relevant expertise, who are usually not members of the editorial board. -
Songs from the Stations: Wajarra As Performed by Ronnie Wavehill
Indigenous Music of Australia Linda Barwick, Series Editor The many forms of Australia’s Indigenous music have ancient roots, huge diversity and global reach. The Indigenous Music of Australia series aims to stimulate discussion and development of the field of Australian Indigenous music (including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander music) in both subject matter and approach. For the Sake of a Song: Wangga Songmen and Their Repertories Allan Marett, Linda Barwick and Lysbeth Ford Reflections and Voices: Exploring the Music of Yothu Yindi with Mandawuy Yunupingu Aaron Corn Songs from the Stations: Wajarra as Sung by Ronnie Wavehill Wirrpnga, Topsy Dodd Ngarnjal and Dandy Danbayarri at Kalkaringi Myfany Turpin and Felicity Meakins Wurrurrumi Kun-Borrk: Songs from Western Arnhem Land Kevin Djimar Wajarra as Sung by Ronnie Wavehill Wirrpnga, Topsy Dodd Ngarnjal and Dandy Danbayarri at Kalkaringi Myfany Turpin and Felicity Meakins, with photographs by Brenda L Croft The Gurindji knowledge in this book is the intellectual property of Gurindji people. This knowledge should only be used with written consent of the intellectual property owners and with proper attribution. © Gurindji people 2019 First published by Sydney University Press 2019 © Myfany Turpin and Felicity Meakins 2019 © Ronnie Wavehill, Topsy Dodd and Dandy Danbayarri 2019 © Sydney University Press 2019 Reproduction and Communication for other purposes Except as permitted under the Act, no part of this edition may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or communicated in any form or by any means without prior written permission. All requests for reproduction or communication should be made to Sydney University Press at the address below: Sydney University Press Fisher Library F03 University of Sydney NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA [email protected] sydney.edu.au/sup A catalogue record for this book is available from the National Library of Australia. -
What's in a Name? a Typological and Phylogenetic
What’s in a Name? A Typological and Phylogenetic Analysis of the Names of Pama-Nyungan Languages Katherine Rosenberg Advisor: Claire Bowern Submitted to the faculty of the Department of Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts Yale University May 2018 Abstract The naming strategies used by Pama-Nyungan languages to refer to themselves show remarkably similar properties across the family. Names with similar mean- ings and constructions pop up across the family, even in languages that are not particularly closely related, such as Pitta Pitta and Mathi Mathi, which both feature reduplication, or Guwa and Kalaw Kawaw Ya which are both based on their respective words for ‘west.’ This variation within a closed set and similar- ity among related languages suggests the development of language names might be phylogenetic, as other aspects of historical linguistics have been shown to be; if this were the case, it would be possible to reconstruct the naming strategies used by the various ancestors of the Pama-Nyungan languages that are currently known. This is somewhat surprising, as names wouldn’t necessarily operate or develop in the same way as other aspects of language; this thesis seeks to de- termine whether it is indeed possible to analyze the names of Pama-Nyungan languages phylogenetically. In order to attempt such an analysis, however, it is necessary to have a principled classification system capable of capturing both the similarities and differences among various names. While people have noted some similarities and tendencies in Pama-Nyungan names before (McConvell 2006; Sutton 1979), no one has addressed this comprehensively. -
Changing Places: European and Aboriginal Styles
4 CHANGING PLACES: EUROPEAN AND ABORIGINAL STYLES Patrick McConvdl 1 ENGLISH PLACENAMES: TAKING THE NAME OF YOUR HOME WITH YOU WHEN YOU MOVE Gurindji people had special cause to note European-Australians' fondness for taking placenames with them when they moved, because this is what happened to the name of the most important cattle station in the region, where most Gurindji people came to live - Wave Hill. Buchanan (1935:71) records why Sam 'Greenhide' Croker gave this name to the camp the pioneer pastoralists made on the Victoria River in 1883: Greenhide Sam, struck by the sharp undulations of the plateau, suggested the name of Wave Hill, by which it has been ]mown ever since ... The land formation is clearly visible from the bridge over the Victoria River to this day; the wave-like shapes along the hills beside the river are very striking and possibly unique in the region. This area is called Lipananyku and Karungkami by the Gurindji after the two large waterholes in the Victoria River. The first Wave Hill station was established a kilometre or so from there. A police station, and later a 'welfare' settlement, were established close to the station homestead also bearing the name Wave Hill until the 1970s. Gurindji found this transfer of the name Wave Hill relatively understandable, as the places so named were all within the same general area. Much more puzzling to them though were the subsequent transfers of the name Wave Hill to new station homesteads quite far away from the original location. First, following the 1924 flood which washed away the original station at Malalyi-malalyi, Wave Hill was moved to higher ground to a new site further from the river at Jinparrak, which was occupied until after the 1966 strike at Wave Hill, when the station - with its name 'Wave Hill' - was moved even further away from the river to the 'new station' at Jamanku, some 30 kilometres from the original 'Wave Hill' and nowhere near any undulating hills.