Wise Before the Event: 20/25 Years

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Wise Before the Event: 20/25 Years Wise before the event 20/25 YEARS SCIENTIFICCOUNCIL FOR GOVERNMENTPOLICY Wise before the event Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) 2, Plein 1813 P.O. Box 20004 2500 EA The Hague The Netherlands Phone +3170 3564600 Fax +3170 3564685 E-mail [email protected] Internet http://www.wrr.nl The volume 'Wise before the event' was composed by an editorial board, consisting of the following members of the Scientific Council for Government Policy and its scien- tific staff: prof.dr. H.P.M. Adriaansens, J.C.F. Blea, J.P.H. Donner, dr. P. den Hoed, H. van Kempen, dr. S.J.Langeweg. Ms. Van Kempen also compiled the register of think tanks and the other surveys. Studio Daniels in The Hague took care of the graphic design. The volume was printed by Opmeer Drukkerij bv in The Hague. Technical advice was provided by F.W. van Dijk (RVD). Translated into English by J.W. Arriens and J. Ross. Wise b+re the event A To rule and to foresee Distance and nearness - H.PM. Adnaansens Not by policy alone - G.]. Kronjee and R. Rabbinge Exploring uncharted territory - H.C. van Latesteijn and1.J Schoonenboom Expertise in development - P. den Hoed B Surveys In search of the impossible - Think tanks throughout the world Problem-oriented and contextual - Literature on think tanks 25 years WRR - Publications Functions and composition of the council and bureau Establishment act WRR 066~laUI6z do peeJ ap uee qaOZaqqlJM JEDq llq XlqB.9 U@UIUO~WUIOI(IPMlIA EpYIV 'M'Jp'p~dJaUIUWA-MUM INTRODUCTION Scientific advice and planning for government policy evoke different asso- ciations today than twenty-five years ago. The founding of the Provisional Scientific Council for Government Policy was born of the idea that govern- ments had an insufficient insight into the opportunities and threats posed by the future, and that a scientific approach would improve that insight. Scientifically based information, it was felt, could protect politicians from errors and enable them to make choices between alternative future scena- rios. In a time when flexibility, decisiveness and the 'primacy of politics' have acquired a positive note, however, a scientific approach to policy has in many eyes become entangled in the inertia ofwhich much policy is accused. The radical reform of the advisory structure surrounding the government is indubitably also a reflection of this viewpoint. This is only one side of the reality,-however.The other side is the almost insatiable need on the part of modern governments for information, research and advice. No policy is formulated without the help of thick piles of reports, recommendations, studies and impact reports: were this not the case, the courts could conclude that a policy was insufficiently solidly based or well researched. The number of advisory bodies may well have been cut drastically, but the number ofbroad social debates, consultations, enquiry procedures, referenda and other forms of 'interactive administra- tion' is increasing by leaps and bounds. This apparently conflicting development arises from the paradoxes with which modern government is confronted. Initially the need for planning, exploration and analysis of social trends was a reaction to an overly strong 'primacy of politics' within a relatively closed national economy and society. This created the need for research, planning and exploration of relationships in order to enable policy to be oriented and if necessary imbued with discipline. The disappearance of these closed economies, and of the 'primacy of politics' within them, has however not led to a decline in the need for advice, knowledge and insights. The key focus today is less and less on a framework and orientation for policy, and more and more on obtaining a lead in the international policy race and strengthening the supporting base for policy aimed at winning that race. In this sense, a government's need for information is almost inversely proportional to the freedom of that same government to make use of it. This is the paradox within which the Scientific Council for Government Policy operates. The literature pigeonholes the Council in the category of WISE BEFORE THE EVENT 'think tanks' or 'policy research institutes' which have arisen in almost all Western countries since the 1960s. The trend was initiated by calls in 1966 by a committee of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in which renowned scientists such as Raymond Aron, Briggs, Dahrendorf, Lazersfeld, Oppenheimer, Massart and Hofstee sat. They concluded that there was a gap in the political support system in the area of long-term thinking, and called on governments to do some- thing about this. One way of doing this was to create independent insti- tutions at the interface of politics and the academic world. The formation of the Provisional Scientific Council for Government Policy in 1972 fits into this context and can be seen as a response by the Dutch government to the identified need. Form and function Generally, 'policy research institutes' show correspondences in terms of aims and functions, but they can differ in terms of their form and position in the social system. The Dutch variant, the WRR,has been given the form ofa public-law research, planning and advisory institute within the govern- ment apparatus, with the legislator emphasising the independent status of the Council and the interdisciplinary nature of the envisaged activities. Fears of a dependence on both the scientific world and the individual government departments led to a high degree of independence of opera- tion, under the responsibility of the Prime Minister/Minister of General Affairs. The purpose of the Council was to offer a counterweight to both technocracy and the power of the ministries. Fears of a lack of balance in content and discipline led to the stipulation that the reports must come from the Council as a whole. All these factors together resulted in a subtle balance of substantive freedom and organisational discipline. The WRR is part of the government apparatus, but is also bound to keep that same government at a distance; the Council is free and independent, but is publicly accountable for its activities through its reports; the WRR is in- dependent, but the government can change its composition completely once every five years. In terms of function, the WRR clearly meets the wishes of the OECD committee referred to above: it seeks to make a contribution through scientific means to creating an insight into the development of the economic, technological and social conditions under which policy has to operate; to examine the repercussions of those developments on that policy; and to indicate the possible courses of action resulting from that INTRODUCTION interaction. In common with virtually every other country, the practice of policy research and future studies has undergone a shift in the Netherlands. This applies not only to the methods used, but also to the nature and function of such research. Based on the underlying idea of a cogent, scientific reality of facts and correlations, the initial aim was to undertake general explorations which would both encompass and predict all relevant social trends. This approach was quickly replaced by attempts to sketch alternative developmental possibilities, as the Interfutures report from the OECD itself also did. This revised approach also determined the next step, towards explorations of alternatives in a limited policy domain: thematic future surveys. This is no more than a logical development: as soon as the idea of general, compre- hensive and objectively cogent developments is abandoned and replaced by explorations of potential scenarios, the developments in a limited domain can also be studied as possibilities without it being necessary to elaborate a general framework first. Future for the present The shift described above also led to a change in the function of explor- atory surveys. As the future comes to be seen less as an inevitable and scientifically determinable continuation of trends in the past and present, a survey of the future acquires more the function of a deepening of today's insights. It can be compared to a period of residence abroad, which sharpens one's insight into one's own, familiar society. A broadening of the function of think tanks is a corollary of this development. In addition to exploring future trends, that function now also involves unravelling contemporary normative views, prejudices, facts and the cogent nature of paradigms and concepts within which those facts are encapsulated. It is very common to see images, metaphors, concepts or principles (e.g. 'eco- scope', 'supporting base', or the unexpressed choice for the present as a reference point when assessing future developments) forcing themselves into the perception of developments and the ability of policy to respond to those developments. The importance of policy research and future surveys then no longer lies in identifying the boundaries of policy, but in pushing back those boundaries and increasing the number of alternatives by placing question-marks alongside the 'obvious'. And this is often the most fruitful contribution ofresearch to policy, albeit simultaneously the most thank- less. It may be that this function is particularly important in a democracy, in which the need for political support and democratic control also har- WISE BEFORE THE EVENT 20/25 yCLIf3 WRR bours the danger of the formation of political taboos, with no-one wishing to 'bell the cat'. The foregoing does not mean that new 'truths' or methods replace the original ones. The WRR has published both reports such as Groundfor choices, in which model-based extrapolation was used to formulate a framework for land-based agriculture, and Sustainable risk;, which demonstrates that such methods when applied to the environment and nature lead to false certainties, because a fixed content is suggested for what are in reality political concepts, such as 'ecoscope' - i.e.
Recommended publications
  • J. Kohnstamm LL.M
    J. Kohnstamm LL.M. Curriculum vitae Jacob Kohnstamm has served as chairman of the Dutch Data Protection Authority from August 2004 until August 2016. Between 2008 and 2010 he also served as the elected vice chairman of the Article 29 Data Protection Working Party (WP29). He was subsequently elected chairman of that body in 2010, and re-elected for a two-year mandate in 2012. WP29 is an independent advisory body composed of representatives of the various data protection supervisors in the European Union. Between 2011 and 2014 Kohnstamm was chairman of the Executive Committee of the International Conference of Data Protection and Privacy Commissioners. As a preparation for hosting that Conference in Amsterdam in 2015, he initiated the Privacy Bridges project in 2014. The Privacy Bridges project united twenty U.S. and EU privacy specialists to find pragmatic and workable solutions to overcome the differences in privacy legislation in all parts of the world; solutions that have as primary goal to improve the control of users over their data. Since his retirement as chairman of the Dutch DPA in August 2016, Kohnstamm serves as vice-chair of the Royal Commission on Parliamentary Reform and as chairman of the Dutch Euthanasia Review Committee. Between 1999 and 2004, prior to his appointment as chairman of the Dutch DPA, Kohnstamm was a member of the Senate of the States General for D66 [Liberal Democrats]. He also was chairman of a large number of organisations and committees, including the Police IT Control Board. He was state secretary for Home Affairs between 1994 and 1998, in particular responsible for Urban Policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix 8 Visitors
    Appendix 8 Visitors 5 October 2000 19 October 2000 Mr Vladimir M Platonov Mr Walter Noel, Mr Hans Olav Ostgaard, Mr Leonid I Kovalskiy Minister for Assistant Secretary General, Mr Vladimir M Azbukin Intergovernmental Affairs Ministry of Justice, Norway Mr Anatoliy S Voronin for the District of Virginia Waters, Canada 23 October 2000 26 October 2000 HE Heraldo Munoz Mr Yuan Yin, 17 October 2000 Valenzuela, Chief Director, Secretariat of Mr Marc Vandenborre, Chilean Vice Minister of the General Office of The Director-General, Customs Foreign Affairs State Council, People’s and Excise Administration, Republic of China Ministry of Finance, 24 October 2000 Belgium Mr Wang Julu, 26 October 2000 Deputy Secretary-General, Ms Gabriele Tsürtz, 17 October 2000 National Committee, Head of Division, External Senator the Hon Peter Cook, Chinese People’s Political Economic Relations, Deputy Leader of the Consultative Conference, Federal Ministry for Opposition in the Senate, People’s Republic of China Economic Affairs, Austria and Shadow Minister for Trade, Australia 25 October 2000 27 October 2000 Delegation led by Delegation of the Economic 18 October 2000 Mr Wu Anfu, Crime Investigation Delegation of the People’s Director of the Economic Department of the Ministry Government of Inner Crime Investigation of Public Security, People’s Mongolia Autonomous Department of the Ministry Republic of China: Region to Hong Kong: of Public Security, People’s Republic of China: Mr Liu Dong Mr Liu Xingzhu Mr Tong Dejun Mr Liu Jun Mr Liu Dong Mr Cao Haibo Mr Wang
    [Show full text]
  • Montesquieu Paper6.Pdf
    The Quest for a Vision for Europe: Lessons to be learned from Dutch and German Debates on the Future Democracy of European Union Hanco Jürgens, Amsterdam Institute for German Studies (DIA)/ Montesquieu Institute In November 2012, a day before Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte went to Brussels to join the EU summit, he apologized in Parliament for being not very specific about his efforts in the negotiations. He said he has to speak “with his mouth full of meal”, meaning that he could not answer the questions of the Members of Parliament in detail.1 After arriving in Brussels, he confirmed his position by stating that he had come to the EU summit with a loaded gun in his pocket and that it would not be in the Dutch interest to lay down his pistol on the table immediately. In its vagueness, Rutte’s stance is in line with the Dutch EU policy, which is traditionally seen as part of the foreign policy domain. Seen from this perspective, Dutch politicians should not be too open in public about their strategy, since this could harm their position at the EU negotiation table. For several reasons, one may ask whether this position is still accurate. Since the Treaty of Maastricht, the EU has become a policy domain far beyond the field of foreign affairs, concerning not only all ministries, but above all, the peoples of the member states. Therefore, democratic legitimacy and parliamentary control has become an important issue. One might ask why Dutch parliament allows its Prime Minister to keep his gun in his pocket.
    [Show full text]
  • The University of Miami National Security & Armed
    THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI NATIONAL SECURITY & ARMED CONFLICT LAW REVIEW Volume 2 Summer 2012 THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI NATIONAL SECURITY & ARMED CONFLICT LAW REVIEW Volume 2 Summer 2012 Copyright © 2013, National Security and Armed Conflict Law Review All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored, or transmitted by any meanswhether auditory, graphic, mechanical, or electronic without written permission of both publisher and author, except in the case of brief excerpts used in critical articles and reviews. Unauthorized reproduction of any part of this work is illegal and is punishable by law. ISBN 978-1-300-44648-4 V THE UNIVERSITY OF MIAMI NATIONAL SECURITY & ARMED CONFLICT LAW REVIEW ________________________________________________ Executive Board Justin Levine Paul Jezierny Editor-in-Chief Staff Managing Editor Joel Feigenbaum Jillianne Pierce Executive Managing Editor External Marketing Editor Editorial Board Greg Widmer Alexander Roth Chief Article Editor Chief Notes & Comments Editor Tricia Robinson Justin Ortiz Symposium Editor Website Articles Editor Senior Article Editors Shawn Brooks Kate Lotz Corey Gray Cole Timonere Members Gretchen Cothron Krysta Markus Jared Dallue Paige Reese Matthew Davis David Roller Mark DeSanto Claire Rumler Timothy J. Green James Slater Alejandra Guarneros Jonathan Stamm Brian Heit Josh Stern Dan Kinney Zachary Ward James Lechter Michael Weiss Grant Lyons Aric Williams VI Article Requirements: The Executive Board of the University of Miami National Security & Armed Conflict Law Review welcomes the submission of articles written by professors, practitioners, and other scholars. The National Security & Armed Conflict Law Review accepts articles written on national security, law of war, and armed conflict-related areas of the law.
    [Show full text]
  • Publicatielijst Patrick Van Schie
    PUBLICATIELIJST PATRICK VAN SCHIE Boeken De liberale strijd voor vrouwenkiesrecht (Amsterdam, 2019) 270 pp. [met Fleur de Beaufort]; Burgers behoren bepalend te zijn (Den Haag, 2018) 101 pp.; Tussen geschiktheid en grondrecht. De ontwikkeling van het Nederlandse kiesrecht vanaf 1795 (Amsterdam, 2018) 418 pp [met Fleur de Beaufort, Peter van den Berg, Ron de Jong en Henk van der Kolk]; Passie voor individuele vrijheid (Den Haag, 2016) 179 pp.; Eigenzinnige liberalen. Onafhankelijk denkende politici in Nederland (Amsterdam, 2014) 267 pp. [met Fleur de Beaufort en Joop van den Berg]; Sociaal-liberalisme (Amsterdam, 2014) 198 pp. [met Fleur de Beaufort]; Neoliberalisme: een politieke fictie (Amsterdam, 2014) 79 pp. [met Martin van Hees en Mark van de Velde] Liberale spiegel. Reflecties op zestien veelgehoorde vooroordelen over het liberalisme en de VVD (Den Haag, 2013) 51 pp. [met Heleen Dupuis]; Het Liberalen Boek (Zwolle, 2011) 448 pp. [rijk geïllustreerde geschiedenis van de liberale theorie, de politieke praktijk en de maatschappelijke inbedding in Nederland alsmede van de Europese context en de ons omringende landen; samengesteld en geschreven met Fleur de Beaufort]; Vrijheidsstreven in verdrukking. Liberale partijpolitiek in Nederland 1901-1940 (Amsterdam, 2005) 503 pp. [dissertatie universiteit Leiden, tevens in handelseditie verschenen]; Aurea Libertas. Impressies van vijftig jaar Teldersstichting (Den Haag, 2004) 138 pp. [met Sabine Bierens]; Krijgsgerommel achter de kim. Analyse van de veiligheidsrisico's voor Nederland (TS-geschrift 89; Den Haag, 1999) 102 pp.; Nationaal belang. Over de bruikbaarheid van het begrip voor een liberaal buitenlands beleid (TS-geschrift 84; Den Haag, 1996) 60 pp.; Europa: een volgende akte. Een verkenning van de grondslagen en de toekomst van de Gemeenschap en de positie van Nederland daarin (TS-geschrift 76; Den Haag, 1992) 225 pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Personalization of Political Newspaper Coverage: a Longitudinal Study in the Dutch Context Since 1950
    Personalization of political newspaper coverage: a longitudinal study in the Dutch context since 1950 Ellis Aizenberg, Wouter van Atteveldt, Chantal van Son, Franz-Xaver Geiger VU University, Amsterdam This study analyses whether personalization in Dutch political newspaper coverage has increased since 1950. In spite of the assumption that personalization increased over time in The Netherlands, earlier studies on this phenomenon in the Dutch context led to a scattered image. Through automatic and manual content analyses and regression analyses this study shows that personalization did increase in The Netherlands during the last century, the changes toward that increase however, occurred earlier on than expected at first. This study also shows that the focus of reporting on politics is increasingly put on the politician as an individual, the coverage in which these politicians are mentioned however became more substantive and politically relevant. Keywords: Personalization, content analysis, political news coverage, individualization, privatization Introduction When personalization occurs a focus is put on politicians and party leaders as individuals. The context of the news coverage in which they are mentioned becomes more private as their love lives, upbringing, hobbies and characteristics of personal nature seem increasingly thoroughly discussed. An article published in 1984 in the Dutch newspaper De Telegraaf forms a good example here, where a horse race betting event, which is attended by several ministers accompanied by their wives and girlfriends is carefully discussed1. Nowadays personalization is a much-discussed phenomenon in the field of political communication. It can simply be seen as: ‘a process in which the political weight of the individual actor in the political process increases 1 Ererondje (17 juli 1984).
    [Show full text]
  • Vrijzinnig Maar Bovenal Onvoorspelbaar
    pagina 8 • Idee. juli 2004 • Thema: Hoe sociaal is liberaal KOHNSTAMMS LOOPBAAN ALS JAKOBSLADDER NAAR ESSENTIE D66 Vrijzinnig maar bovenal onvoorspelbaar , - Jacób Kohnstamm verlaat per 1 au'gustus de, driemansfractie van D66 in de Eerste Kamer om voorzitter te worden van het College Bescherming Persoonsgegevens. Daarmee sluit hij een aaneengesloten periodefclf van bijna dertig jaar waarin hij voor en namens D66 functies bekleedde "als amateur, semi-prof en prof". Bij de start van de werkátel.iers van D66 Amsterdam eind mei keek hij terug op zijn loopbaan "omdat het persoonlijke ook altijd politiek is". We praten met hem verder over de 'fantastische, soms duivelse dilemma's' die hij daar aanstipte omdat hij daarmee doordrong tot wat hij ziet als de essentie van D66: onvoorspelbaar zijn, en vooral blijven. Het gaat niet uitsluitend om het eindresultaat, het gaat bovenal om de weg ernaartoe. DOOR ARTHUR OLOF EN EMILY VAN DE VIJVER Jacob kwam in 1968 naar Amsterdam vanuit Brussel, waar vader Max sinds 1952, als secretaris van Jean Monnet, een belangrijke rol speelde bij de totstandkoming van de Europese samenwer­ king en integratie, toen in het Europese Genootschap voor Kolen en StaaL Hij kan zich herinneren dat hij in 1969 in het Amsterdamse studentenhuis met drie huisgenoten tot diep in de nacht een heftig debat voerde waarbij het ene duo WO-standpunten verdedigde, hij met een ander 066- punten, "Aan het begin van mijn dertigjarige loopbaan vierde ik meteen een ultieme overwinning van D66 op de VVD , Om drie uur 's nachts belden de 'VVD'ers' hun partij om zich als lid op te geven, maar daar werd niet opgenomen.
    [Show full text]
  • Protecting Fundamental Rights in a Digital Age Proceedings, Outcome and Background Documents
    Protecting fundamental rights in a digital age Proceedings, Outcome and Background Documents 2013 – 2014 Inquiry on electronic mass surveillance of EU citizens Protecting fundamental rights in a digital age Proceedings, Outcome and Background Documents 2013-2014 1 2 Introduction by Claude Moraes MEP, Rapporteur of the Inquiry on electronic mass surveillance of EU citizens.................................................................................................................................................................5 European Parliament resolution of 12 March 2014 on the US NSA surveillance programme, surveillance bodies in various Member States and their impact on EU citizens’ fundamental rights and on transatlantic cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs (2013/2188(INI))...................................................................................9 Explanatory statement (A7-0139/2014).............................................................................................................49 European Parliament resolution of 4 July 2013 on the US National Security Agency surveillance programme, surveillance bodies in various Member States and their impact on EU citizens’ privacy (2013/2682(RSP))........57 Working document on the US and EU Surveillance programmes and their impact on EU citizens fundamental rights by Claude Moraes...............................................................................................................65 Working document on the relation between the surveillance practices in the
    [Show full text]
  • Verloren Vertrouwen
    VERLOREN VERTROUWEN EN DE WEG NAAR HERSTEL Een terugblik op twaalf jaar verkiezingsnederlagen NOVEMBER 2007 1. Inleiding 1.1. Aanleiding Is een terugblik op het reilen en zeilen van D66 in de periode van 1994, toen de partij een historisch hoogtepunt van 24 zetels behaalde, tot het najaar van 2006, toen er nog 3 zetels resteerden, echt nodig? Is alles al niet eens gezegd, liggen er niet voldoende evaluaties en andere geschriften die ons met de neus op de feiten en het eigen falen drukken? Is de eigen D66-boezem niet langzamerhand overvol van alle handen die er in de loop van de jaren ingestoken zijn? Zou wéér een analyse niet de grens van het masochisme overschrijden? Kunnen we niet gewoon overgaan tot de orde van de dag? Nee, zo meende het D66-congres op 12 mei 2007. Het congres was van mening dat het Landelijk Bestuur met de nota "Klaar voor de klim" te snel wilde overgaan tot een nieuwe start, zonder zich voldoende rekenschap te geven van de redenen waarom D66 de afgelopen twaalf jaar aan politiek profiel en electoraal vertrouwen heeft verloren. De congresmotie die aanleiding was voor deze evaluatie, verwees, hoe ook verwoord en toegelicht, naar een zorg onder de D66-leden en indirect naar een onvrede onder de D66-kiezers. De commissie die door het Landelijk Bestuur is belast met de uitvoering van de congresmotie, erkent deze zorg en meent dat het na twaalf jaar verkiezingsnederlagen zinvol is om aan de hand van de recente geschiedenis en een aantal terugkerende thema's te bezien waar D66 keer op keer tegen aan loopt.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Van Tekst
    Haags duet Frits Bolkestein en Margriet Brandsma bron Frits Bolkestein en Margriet Brandsma, Haags duet. Prometheus, Amsterdam 1998 Zie voor verantwoording: https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/bolk008haag01_01/colofon.php Let op: werken die korter dan 140 jaar geleden verschenen zijn, kunnen auteursrechtelijk beschermd zijn. 5 Woord vooraf Twee jaar geleden ontstond bij mij het idee om tijdens de eerstvolgende verkiezings- en formatieperiode een dagboek bij te houden. Het leek me interessant om die aantekeningen te zien naast die van een politicus. Het plan rijpte nadat ik een discussie had bijgewoond over omgangsvormen tussen politici en parlementaire journalisten. Daar viel me op dat de opvattingen van politici over journalisten (en omgekeerd) clichématig waren: ‘Parlementaire journalisten zijn lui en dientengevolge niet meer geïnteresseerd in de inhoud.’ Omgekeerd: ‘Politici zijn ijdel, arrogant en overwegend saai.’ Parlementaire journalisten koesteren nóg een vooroordeel over politici: op werkbezoeken in verre, liefst warme buitenlanden zijn ze openhartiger en toeschietelijker dan op het Binnenhof. In november 1996 brachten vier fractievoorzitters een bezoek aan de Antillen en Aruba. Tijdens dat bezoek, aan de bar van een hotel in Oranjestad, sprak ik met Frits Bolkestein over mijn idee voor een ‘dubbel-dagboek’. Ik vroeg hem of hij dagboeknotities wilde maken tijdens de eerstvolgende verkiezings- en formatieperiode om die na afloop naast die van mij te leggen. Bolkestein bevestigde het vooroordeel: hij reageerde enthousiast. Mijn idee legde ik voor aan Frits Bolkestein omdat ik, als parlementair verslaggever van het NOS-Journaal, de VVD zou volgen in de maanden voor en na de verkiezingen van 1998. We spraken af dat we onze dagboeken zouden openen op de dag van de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen, 4 maart 1998, en zouden sluiten op de dag van de beëdiging van een nieuw kabinet.
    [Show full text]
  • Arrondissementsparket Te 'S-Hertogenbosch
    Paus Benedictus XVI Aartsbisschop André Léonard (België) Paus Benedictus XVI / Vaticaan T.a.v. Kardinaal Mgr. André Léonard Wollemarkt 15, 2800 Mechelen (e-mail: [email protected]) Geachte Monseigneur André Léonard, In de volgende link (met deeplinks aan bewijzen) vindt u nogmaals onze aangifte d.d. 30 maart 2011 aan Paus Benedictus XVI die wij persoonlijk bij uw secretaris in Mechelen zijn gaan inleveren. http://www.mstsnl.net/ekc/pdf/aangifte-paus-30-maart-2011.pdf Wij verzoeken u nogmaals kennis te nemen van de inhoud (inclusief de deeplinks), die inhoud hier als herhaald en ingelast te beschouwen en tevens aan aartsbisschop André Léonard gericht. In onze bij u ingeleverde aangifte d.d. 30 maart 2011 hebben wij Paus Benedictus XVI verzocht om vanuit het Vaticaan een strafrechtelijk onderzoek te starten naar de daarin beschreven gepleegde sluipmoordende genocide (eco-terrorisme) op miljarden wereldbewoners (waaronder alle Rooms- Katholieken) vanuit Nederland en België met miljoenen/ miljarden kilogrammen valselijk geëtiketteerd zeer giftige kankerverwekkende stoffen als arseenzuur en chroomtrioxide (chroom VI) in strijd met de Nationale wetgeving, Europese richtlijnen, verordeningen, en Internationale verdragen. Heden (na maar liefst 9 maanden) hebben wij van Paus Benedictus XVI daarop nog geen enkele reactie mogen ontvangen. Wij vragen ons daarbij dan ook af of u betreffende aangifte, zoals was toegezegd door uw secretaris, wel ter afhandeling hebt doorgestuurd aan Paus Benedictus XVI. Aanvullend op die aangifte d.d. 30 maart
    [Show full text]
  • 'Aan Die Onzin Hebben We Nooit Meegedaan'
    ‘AAN DIE ONZIN HEBBEN WE NOOIT MEEGEDAAN’ De ontwikkeling van de grondslagen van D66 1972-1998 Mathijs kramer (1517082) [email protected] Begeleider: Prof. H. te Velde Tweede lezer: Dr. B.E. van der Boom Masterscriptie geschiedenis Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen Universiteit Leiden Woordaantal: 17.900 Datum: 24 augustus 2020 Inhoudsopgave Inleiding ................................................................................................................................................................... 2 Literatuuroverzicht.............................................................................................................................................. 4 Methodologie ..................................................................................................................................................... 7 1. Achtergrond 1966-1972 .................................................................................................................................... 11 2. 1972- 1977: Van opheffen naar doorgaan ........................................................................................................ 14 2.1 Inleiding ...................................................................................................................................................... 14 2.2 Een partij in verval, stemmen over opheffing ............................................................................................. 15 2.3 Doorgaan wint voorzichtig tractie .............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]