XI. Epigraphic Researches in Mysore

289

XI.

EPIGEAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSOBE.

By J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. OOME seventeen years ago, the Government of Mysore inaugurated a new departure in archaeology, the results of which have been greatly appreciated by those who are interested in exploring the ancient history of India. They appointed Mr. B. Lewis Rice, then their Secretary and previously their Director of Public Instruction, to be Director of Archaeological Researches. And they made provision for the collection and publication by him, in a series of volumes entitled Epigraphia Carnatica, of the texts, with abstract translations and historical introductions, of all the inscriptional records of their territory. An idea shall be given further on, of the heavy nature of the task on which Mr. Rice is still engaged, and of the great value of the records which he has been bringing to notice. Meanwhile, we have to congratulate him upon another substantial advance towards the end of his work by the issue of volume viii,1 received quite lately, which disposes of the records, 1038 in number, of the Sorab, Sagar, Nagar, and Tlrthahalli talukas or subdivisions of the Shimoga district. And I propose to glance at some of the chief features of interest in this latest addition to our materials for work. * # * * * The earliest records laid before us in this volume are, another copper-plate charter, from Hire-Sakuna (8b. 33),2

1 EPIGRAPHIA CAKNATICA, by B. LEWIS RICE, C.I.E., Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore. Vol. VIII; Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Part ii. Bangalore; Mysore Government Central Press; 1904. 2 According to a convenient system of abbreviation, laid out for the whole series, " Sb. 33" means inscription No. 33 of the Sorab taluka. The records are best referred to in this manner, as is done by Mr. Rice himself in his introductions, except when an actual citation of page and line is necessary. But it is a drawback that the abbreviations have not been placed along the tops •of the pages of the texts and translations. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 290 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

of the Kadamba king Mrigesavarman of VaijayantI, i.e. Banawasi in the North Kanara district, Bombay Presidency, and a fragmentary stone inscription at Kavadi (Sb. 523) which mentions him and his son Ravivarman. On page 2 of his Introduction to the volume, Mr. Rice has offered a revised genealogical table of the Kadambas, to take the place of that given by him in vol. vi, introd., p. 4. Unfortunately, even setting aside a few points in respect of which there may fairly be a difference of opinion, this revised table is still not correct. And, for the best table as yet issued of the Kadambas, we have to turn to that given by Professor Kielhorn (El, 8, 30), in the introduction to his edition of the Talgund inscription which recites the origin and advancement of the family. To the same authority we have also to turn for the best opinion as to the period of these Kadamba kings. Mr. Rice would place them in the fourth and fifth centuries (introd., 2). But no help in this matter is really derived from the statements made in certain spurious records of the Ganga series, upon which he relies. And Professor Kielhorn's opinion, based upon grounds fully set out by him, that the Talgund inscription, which is of the time of Kakusthavarman of the fourth generation, may be assigned to about the first half of the sixth century A.D., is to be preferred. This would place the last generation, the eighth, a century or so later, say about A.D. 625-650. And this result fits in exactly with all the local history of that period, and especially with the following item. The Anaji inscription, referred by Mr. Rice to " ? about 450 A.D. " (EC, 11, Dg. 161, translations, 81), mentions the ruin of the surrounding country (the Chitaldroog district and its neighbourhood), and the shattering of the army of a king Krishnavarman, in "a tumultuous battle" between him and a Pallava king. And the event can hardly have occurred except at the time when the Pallavas invaded Western India at the end of the reign of the Western Chalukya king Pulakesin II. of Biidami in the Bijapur district, Bombay ; that is, at some time between about A.D. 642 and 655: see my Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts,

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in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. i, part ii, pp. 322 f., 328 f., 358 f. The palaeography of the Anaji record exactly suits that period. And there can be little doubt, if any, that the Krishnavarcnan mentioned in it is the Kadamba king Krishnavarman II., the last of the line according to Professor Kielhorn's table. It must be observed that there is no basis for the remark " the 5th king," which has been attached by Mr. Rice to the name of the first Krishnavarman, placed in the sixth generation, of his table. It is based upon a curious misunderstanding of the description, not even of that Krishna- varman, but of the second one, as Kadambanath panchamo lokapalah in the Bennur plates (EC, 5, Bl. 245, and see translations, 276, and in trod., 3). But the expression panchamo lokapalah does not mean " a fifth (successive) king." It means " a fifth Lokapala," a Lokapala over and above, in addition to, the four Lokapalas or regents of the four cardinal points of the compass. And the words applied to Krishnavarman II. have exactly the same purport as if we were to say, in accordance with western ideas, that he was " a Kadamba eighth wonder of the world." The «xpression is one of constant occurrence, along with others of a similar nature. We have panchamo ld\liapd\lah in the Pahladpur pillar inscription (F.GI, 250); and we have the full unmistakable wording lokapdldnam panchamamja lolca- pdlasya in a Pallava record (IA, 5, 51, line 8). So, again, while the Lokapalas are counted as four for only the cardinal points, they are also counted as eight for those and the intermediate points. And the same idea is used with also the latter enumeration. Thus, verse 96 of chapter 3 of the Kavirajamarga of KavMvara,1 in illustration of " praise," enumerates the eight Lokapalas, and then says:—" 0 ex- cellent one ! thou art indeed a ninth Lokapala among them ! " For a case in which this kind of idea is carried out through a whole series of comparisons, see the Sindigere inscription of A.D. 1103 (EC, 6, Cm. 160, texts, 137,

1 Regarding the author of this work, and the circumstances in which he wrote it, see my article in IA, 1904, 258 ff. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 292 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

line 18 ff.), in which the Hoysala prince Ereyanga is said to have been a third Maruti, a fourth (sacred) fire, a fifth ocean, a sixth flower-arrow (of Kamadeva), a seventh king of the whole world, an eighth mountain-range (of the seven divisions of the earth), a ninth elephant (of the eight points of the compass), and a tenth treasure (of Kubera). It must also be observed that, in shewing Krishnavarman I. as a son, instead of as the younger brother, of Santivarman, Mr. Rice has acted again upon his misunderstanding of the expression jyeshtha-pitri in the Birur plates (EC, 6, Kd. 162). As has been fully explained by Professor Kielhorn (El, 8, 30, note 3),1 jyeshtha-pitri means, not ' a grandfather,' but ' a father's elder brother.' ***** The present volume contains four records of the Western Chalukyas of Badami in the Bijapur district, Bombay. One is an inscription of Vinayaditya at Kodakani (Sb. 15), of the period A.D. 680-696. Another is that contained on the Sorab copper-plates of the same king (Sb. 571), fully dated on a day of which the English equivalent is Saturday,. 22nd June, A.D. 692. The third is an inscription of Vijayaditya at Hire - Magadi (Sb. 411), of the period A.D. 696 to 733-34. And the fourth is a fragmentary inscription at Grulehalli (Sa. 79), which presents the name of Vikramaditya. , Mr. Rice has attributed this last record to Vikramaditya I., and has placed it "? about 680 A.D." (translations, 106). But, from all that we know about the history of the period, it is much more likely to be a record of the second Vikramaditya, of the period A.D. 733-34 to 746-47. The Sorab plates have been known for many years. And the record on them has been edited by me in 1890 (IA, 19, 149 ff.). A special point of interest in it, is, that it presents,, in the details of the date, the earliest but one known instance of the mention of a week-day in a record of Southern India. The other instance from Southern India, earlier than this.

1 And, earlier, in Gottinger Nachrichten, 1903, p. 303 f. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 293

one, is contained in the grant that was issued in the second year of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana II., edited by me in IA, 7, 186 fl\, and referred by me to A.D. 664 (IA, 20, 8, 98), for which, however, I have since then found reasons for being inclined to prefer A.D. 674. In this record, and in others of the same series, there is an expression, trairajya-Pallava (line 14), instead of which we sometimes have trairajya - Kanchipati {e.g., IA, 9, 127, line 16), the meaning of which is still misunderstood in some quarters. Whether I myself started the wrong interpretation, or whether I took it over from someone else, I cannot just now say; and it does not much matter. But, up to as late a date as that of my edition of this Sorab record, I translated the expression by " the Pallavas, whose kingdom consisted of three component dominions" (IA, 19, 152). Mr. Rice, in his translation of this record, has similarly given " Trairajya Pallava (or Pallava who ruled over three kingdoms)." And Mr. Yincent Smith, quoting my similar rendering of the expression on an earlier occasion, has located three seats of Pallava sovereignty, at Vengi and Kafichi in the eastern parts of Southern India, and at Palghaut, Palghat (Palakkatu, Palakkadu) in the Malabar district, in the Western Ghauts; see his Early History of India, 248 f., 347 ff., and 348, note 2. I corrected the mistake, but perhaps not with sufficient prominence, in 1896 (F.DKD, 362, note 6). The word trairajya is from tri + rdjan ; not from tri + rdjya. It means ' a collection or group of three kings;' not ' having three kingdoms or sovereignties.' It is explained by the words Chdla-Pandya-Kerala-dharanidhara-traya, "the three kings of Chola, Pandya, and Kerala," in line 12 of the record.1 And the expressions trairajya-Pallava and trairdjya- Kanohlpati mean "the three kings and the Pallava," "the three kings and the lord of Kafichi."

1 The word dharanidhara, meaning 'king' and 'mountain,' was used for the sake of a play upon words which runs through the whole compound of which this expression forms a part. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 294 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IX MYSORE.

Whether any seat of the Pallava power may be located at Palghat,— where it would clash with the Pandya and Kerala dominions,— or indeed, in early times, anywhere at all in Western India, is a question which must be decided without any regard to the expression trairajya-Pallava. And too much weight must not be attached to any real or supposed similarity between the name Palakkatu, Palakkiidu, and the name of a place which is mentioned as Palakkada or Palakkada in an early Pallava record (IA, 5, 51, line 1). Also, there is nothing to mark as a Pallava either the Hastivarman of Vehgi, or the Ugrasena of Palakka or Palakka, of the Allahabad inscription of Samudragupta (F.GrI, 13). And we really cannot accept the proposed but quite unsupported identification of Palakka, Palakka, with Palghat; the vernacular name of Palghat is plainly from the Malayalam pala + kdtu, Mdu, " the forest or jungle of milk-plants," as stated in the Madras Manual of the Administration, vol. iii, p. 646. * # * * # Next in point of time, this volume gives us twenty-nine new records of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions, ranging onwards from the time of Govinda III., for whom we have elsewhere dates in A.D. 794 and 813. About twenty of them mention governors of the Banavasi province; and in that and other respects they add some very useful new items of historical and geographical importance. Particularly interesting are those of them which give the names of some members of the as yet but little known Matiira family. Amongst the others, an inscription at Hunavalli (Sb. 531) gives us the curious name of Garbindara, who in A.D. 967 was governing a division (or ? the division) of the Banavasi province, under Khottiga. An inscription (not yet published) at Devl-Hosur in the Karajgi taluka of the Dharwar district, Bombay, mentions him as Garvindara, and gives a date for him in A.D. 961; he was then governing the Banavasi province under Khottiga's predecessor, Krishna III.

In the Humcha inscription of A.D. 1077 (Nr. 35), we have the mythical pedigree of the Santara or Santara princes of Patti-Pomburchapura (Humcha), which represents them as descended from Raha, of the ITgravamsa, lord of Uttara- Madhura (i.e., Mathura in Northern India), who, the record says, fought and conquered in Kurukshetra in (the) Bharata (land or war). And by way of an appendix to it, in order to establish an equally high descent for a lady of Ganga birth, KafichaladevI otherwise named Vlramahadevi, who became one of the wives of the Santara prince Viradeva, the record presents another recital of the alleged origin and pedigree of the Ganga princes of the Gangavadi country in Mysore, of which various versions have been given to us in some inscriptions of the same period published in vol. vii. The quasi-historical part of the fictitious Ganga pedigree starts with two brothers Rama and Lakshmana, alias Dadiga and Madhava, who are asserted to have been the first Ganga kings of Gangavadi. The Humcha inscription and the inscription at Tattekere (EC, 7, Sh. 10) represent these two brothers as sons of Harischandra, who was a son of Dhanamjaya king of Kanyakubja. On the other hand, the Kalliirgudda and Purale inscriptions (EC, 7, Sh. 4, 64) represent them as sons of Padmanabha, king of Vijayapura-Ahichchhattra.1 They trace back the descent of Padmanabha to Harischandra of the Ikshvakuvamsa (that is, of the Solar Race), king of Ayodhya, who, they say, was reigning there in the time of the Jain Tlrthamkara Vrishabha; that is to say, at a fabulous and perhaps inexpressible early date which is to be placed (see SBE, 22, 285) at approximately a koti of kotis

1 There is something to he cleared up here, if it is ever worth while. The puhlished treatment represents the god Indra as giving the name Yijayapura to Ahichchhattra in the time of Priyabandhu, a predecessor of Padmanabha (EC, 7, translations, 5, and introd., 15); and this might be accepted as intelligible. But both the published texts, Kalliirgudda, line 19, and Purale, line 42 (Kanarese texts, 11, 66, and romanised texts, 9, 46), say exactly the reverse; and that reading can in fact be recognised in the lithograph of the Kallurgudda record given with its romanised text. There is, however, no preceding mention in these records of a Yijayapura to which the name Ahichchhattra could be given ; whereas a previous part of the story is placed at Ahichchhattra. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 296 EPIGKAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

oi-sagaropamns of years, less by 42,000 years, before B.C. 527 as the traditional date of the death of Mahavira. I must confess, in respect of this, that I do not know, and do not care to pause in order to try to find out, exactly what a sdgaropama is. But it would seem to be a period of time so vast that each year of it is like a drop of water in the ocean. Anyhow, a koti is a crore, ten millions. And that may suffice to give some kind of an idea of the remote period to which these extraordinary records would trace back the ancestry of the Graiiga princes of Mysore; but, not unnaturally, with an occasional hiatus here and there. The Kalhlrgudda and Purale records of course duly account for the derivation of the family-name, and for the possession by the Gangas of the elephant-crest, the banner of a peacock's tail, and the Jain religion. They explain the circumstances in which Padmanabha changed the name* of his sons from Rama and Lakshmana to Dadiga and Madhava; namely, when, attacked by king Mahlpala of Ujjayinl, he sent them into Southern India, in order to secure the safety of them and of five celestial ornaments which the god Indra had presented to one of his ancestors. And they recite how they obtained the sovereignty of Gangavadi with the help of the Jain Acharya Simhanandin. As regards, however, the value of the whole story, in addition to the fabulous antiquity and the contradictory assertions as to the parentage of Rama and Lakshmana, alias Dadiga and Madhava, there are the following points. These records are not in agreement with each other even as to the asserted details of the pedigree onwards from Dadiga and Madhava. Nor do the details presented in any one of them agree with the details of the pedigree set up by the spurious copper-plate charters of the Ganga series; see my tables in El, 3, 161, 177. And still less do they agree with the real pedigree established by the genuine records; see my table in El, 6, 59.1 And further, Mr. Rice has made 1 In this table there should now be inserted the name of Vijayaditya as another son of Sripurusha-Muttarasa, on the authority of the published reading of the inscription at Asandi in the Kadur district, EC, 6, Kd. 145 ; see my remarks in El, 8, 55. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 297

available to us, from Mysore, an appreciably large number of genuine records of the Gangas of Grangavadi themselves,, who rose to power about A.D. 750 and passed away about A.D. 1000; but neither in any of those records, nor in any other such record known to me from other parts, is there the slightest allusion to, or hint of, the fictitious pedigrees which are set up by the spurious grants and by the Humcha and other inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In these circumstances, we can hardly agree with Mr. Rice that these inscriptions give us "a full and credible outline of the history of the Gangas, who played so important a part in the Mysore country and beyond during the first millennium of the Christian era" (EC, 8, introd., 6). And it must be observed that, in omitting, in his general review of the contents of the Kallurgudda and Purale inscriptions (EC, 7, introd., 14 ff., and see 15, note 1), not only certain " supernatural details," but also the mention of Vrishabha in connection with Harischandra and of Nemi and Parsva in connection with two subsequent names, those of Vishnu- gupta of Ahichchhattra and Priyabandhu of Vijayapura— Ahichchhattra, he has deprived general readers, who might peruse that abstract but would not study the texts themselves or even the translations of them, of some rather significant indications of the nature of the entire account. The whole story is, of course, nothing but a thoroughly good instance of the kind of stuff that was invented in late times, in order to enable the great families of Southern India to set up claims to descent from the Lunar and the Solar Races; see for the present, on the general subject of the invention of Puranic and quasi-historical pedigrees, my remarks in El, 6, 82 f. The same remark applies to the introductory portion, anterior to the mention of Vikrama-Santara, of the asserted origin and pedigree of the Santaras or Santaras. But it is not quite so preposterous in its details, and it does not aim at such minute completeness. It asserts that, when various (unnamed) rulers had reigned and passed away after the Raba who has been mentioned on page 295 above, there was Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 298 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

a certain Sahakilra, who practised cannibalism.1 His son was Jinadatta, who, disgusted at his father's behaviour, migrated to the South. By slaying a demon named Simha- ratha, he pleased (the goddess) Jakkiyabbe, and obtained from her the lion-crest. He slew a demon named Andha- kasura, and founded (a city named) Andhasura. He then •came to Kanakapura, and there slew another demon named Kanakasura. Fighting and putting to flight Kara (sic) and Karadiishana (sic) who were in the fort named Kundadakote, he pleased the goddess Padmiivati; and she, establishing herself in the lokki-tree of Pomburcha which had come to be called Kanakapura,2 and assuming the second name of Lokkiyabbe, founded for him Pomburcha, as his royal city. There, Jinadatta and others (unnamed) ruled and passed away. Then there were Srlkesi and Jayakesi. Srlkesi's son was Banakesi. After him, others (unnamed) ruled. Then there was Vikrama-Santara,3 otherwise called Kandukacharya and Diinavindda, who, amongst other achievements, gave the great gift named Hiranyagarbha,4 and fixed the boundaries of the Santalige thousand province. He married Lakshml- devl, daughter of Kamadeva, king of Banavasi. And to him was born Chagi-Sitntara ; and so on. Jinadatta, '"'the founder of the line in the South," has been placed by Mr. Bice in the eighth century (EC, 8, introd., 8). Another version of the story, contained in another inscription at Humcha (Nr. 48), ignores both him and Sahakiira, and assigns to B,aha the exploits attributed above to Jinadatta, and allots the cannibalism to an unnamed younger brother of Bilha. Moreover, if we follow the Kanarese instead of the romanised text, it presents the name as Bala, instead of Baha. However, as Mr. Bice has

1 There is another reference to this propensity in connection with the fictitious history of the Kalachuryas of Kalyani; see F.DKD, 468. 2 Kanakapura, 'gold-town,' is meant to be the Sanskritised name of Pom- burcha, Pombulcha (Nv. 60), in which pom — pon, 'gold.' 3 This seems intended to be the Vikramaditya-Santara who was governing in A.D. 902-903 under Krishna II. ; see EC, 7, Sk. 284. 4 The translation erroneously treats the Hiranyagarbha as a name of Vikrama- Santara. It seems to be that one of the shodasa mahadanam, or ' sixteen great gifts,' which was sometimes called Brahmanda ; see, e.g., JBBRAS, 12, 374, 392. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGEAPHIC EESEAECHES IN MYSORE. 299"

remarked, those little discrepancies, as also the derivation of the family-name from an exclamation of Rala (Raha),. sd antinol, "here she is at last!," 1— evoked, it is presumed,, by the extraordinary appearance of the goddess PadmavatI perched " on the top of the lokki-tree,"— " need not be- taken seriously" (loc. cit.). It only remains to add a remark in connection with the- story about the Grangas. The Jain teacher Simhanandin may be accepted as an actual historical personage. And it is- very probable that he did help Sivamara I., the real founder of this Ganga family, about A.D. 755,— who, by the way, is not mentioned in the Kallurgudda, etc., inscriptions, though he does duly figure in the spurious copper-plate charters,— to establish his authority. But, whereas the chronological requirements of the fictitious narrative would compel us to place Simhanandin, with Rama and Lakshmana, alias Dadiga and Madhava, not later than A.D. 200, we can, even irre- spective of the date of Sivamara I., place him with confidence in the period A.D. 750-800. And it is practically certain that it is his epitaph which we have in an inscription at Sravana-Belgola (EC, 2, ISB, No. 19). According to the fictitious narrative, the brothers Rama and Lakshmana, alias Dadiga and Madhava, met with Simhanandin at a place which is mentioned as Perur and Ganga-Herur; for instance, in lines 25, 26, respectively,, of the Kallurgudda inscription. Perur and Herur are one and the same name; the Old-Kanarese p has constantly changed into h. But there are no substantial reasons for identifying Perur, Ganga - Herur, as has been done by Mr. Rice (e.g., Mysore, revised edition, 1, 310, 311, and EC, 8, introd., 16), with a small place in the Cuddapah (Kadapa) district, Madras, which is shewn as ' Gangaperur'

1 I have followed Mr. Eice's rendering, "she at last" (translations, p. 151). But, if sd is the Sanskrit word sd, ' she,'— (and, strange as the combination is, it is difficult to find any other explanation of it),— the words mean, rather, "she in the total," "she in this manner." And the exclamation was really uttered by Rala (Raha) in anger (miilidu); which point is overlooked in the translation. The text really says:—"The family came to be called Santara in the following way: Ra]a was angry, and said sd antinol; and from that time forth the family was established as being called Santara." Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 300 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 77, N.W. (1899), fourteen miles east-by-south from Cuddapah, and five miles towards the east - south - east from Sidhaut (Siddhavattam). The entries of this place as ' Gungapairoor' in the Atlas sheet No. 77 of 1842, and as ' Gungaperore' in the Madras Manual of the Administration, vol. iii, p. 838, point to the prefix,— which distinguishes it from another small village known as Penna-Perur, " the larger or original Perur," immediately on the north of it,— being the word Ganga, rather than Ganga. And, anyhow, the village is quite small and insignificant, and far distant from any of the early possessions of the Gahgas of Gangavadi. Nor need we think of even a larger and somewhat nearer place, Perur in the Anantapur district, Madras, which is shewn as 'Pairoor' in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 59 (1828), twenty- five miles towards the west-by-south from Dharmavaram. It can hardly be doubted that the place intended is the better known Perur in the Coimbatore district, Madras, only some sixty miles from the southern frontier of Mysore, which is shewn as 'Payrur' in the Atlas sheet No. 61 (1833), between two and three miles west-south-west from Coimbatore ; according to the Madras Manual of the Administration, vol. iii, p. 679, its Sanskrit name is Adipurl, ' the primeval town,' and, so far as Saivism is concerned, it is famous for containing one of the seven great Sivalayas of the ancient Kongu country, the land on the south of Gangavadi. * # * * # Amongst the remaining records in this new volume now before us, one of special interest is an inscription at Mukti- hariharapura in the Tlrthahalli taluka (Tl. 129), which gives the date and locality of the death of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara. The equivalent English date has been announced by Mr. Rice as Sunday, 31st August, A.D. 1404; see introduction, p. 12, and translations, p. 188. But that is the result of an unfortunate confusion of Sauravara, ' Saturday,' with Suryavara, ' Sunday.' Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGEAPHIC EBSEAECHES IN MYSOEE. 301

The real day, as far as we can fix it finally from the materials presented to us, was Saturday, 30th August, And the case may be exhibited in full, because, in any circumstances, it gives a typical instance, and in connection with an important date the details of which would, we should think, have be§n recorded with extreme attention and accuracy, of the carelessness which was often displayed in such matters by the ancient Hindus. The record says, in verse, that Harihara II. attained nirvana in the year Tarana, in the rainy season, in the month Nabhasya (Bhadrapada), on the tenth tithi or lunar day, on Sauravara (Saturday), when the moon was in the asterism of the Pitris. At least, that is what it says according to the romanised text (page 388, and introd., 12, note 1), which is quite complete and grammatical and scans correctly, and according to the translation (page 188), except for the mistake there of " Sunday " instead of " Saturday/' But the case is different with the Kanarese text, which is given thus:— Tarana-varshe varshe masi Nabhasye ekadas- imdu-subha-vare nirvvanam prapa Harihar- ;adhisah. This latter version represents as illegible that line •of the verse which in the romanised text runs vare Saure pitribhe, " on Saturday, in the asterism of the Pitris;" and for the tithau ddsamydm cha, "and on the tenth tithi," of the romanised text, it says, in words which do not scan, " on the eleventh tithi, the auspicious day of the moon (Monday)." Our bases, therefore, are somewhat dubious. However, as will be seen, the eleventh tithi was certainly not a Monday; nor was the moon in Magha on that tithi. And working with the romanised text, which at least gives an agreement of the week-day and the tithi, and which we assume to be a revised reading based on other materials than those used for the Kanarese text, we have the following results:— From the prose part of the record, as well as in other ways, we know that the year Tarana in question was the Saka year 1326 expired, = A.D. 1404-1405. The fortnight of the month Bhadrapada is not specified. But, that it should Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 302 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IX MYSORE.

be taken to be the dark fortnight, is to be inferred from the- mention of the asterism of the Pitris, i.e. Magha, in which the moon can never stand on any day in the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada. And the civil day of the tenth tithi of the dark fortnight of Bhadrapada in the given year was. Saturday, 30th August, A.D. 1404, on which day the tithi ended at 8hrs. 47min. after mean sunrise (for Ujjain). The moon, however, did not enter Magha until, at the earliest, 1 hr. 58 min. after mean sunrise on Monday,. 1st September, the civil day of the twelfth tithi, which ended thereon at 11 hrs. 8 min., having begun, when the eleventh tithi ended, at 9 hrs. 55 min. on Sunday, 31st August. And in respect of this item the date is, thus, unsatisfactory; it is an irregular date, or one which was recorded inaccurately. Here, however, as in other instances, we may, no doubt, accept without further question, against the nakshatra or asterism, the tithi and the week-day and the result which, is determined by them. And we thus arrive at Saturday, 30th August, A.D. 1404, as the date of the death of Harihara II. There is another record of the date of the death of Harihara II., which would appear to be not exactly in accordance with the present one, and to have been inaccurately expressed in another direction. It has been published in Mr. Rice's Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, EC, 2, No. 126. And, judged by the reading of it given there, it runs thus:—Tarana-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-bahula- dasamiyu S6mavaradal[u] Harihararayanu svahsthan=adanu. This record specifies the tenth tithi of the dark fortnight. It apparently names the week-day as Monday. And Professor Kielhorn, who has already examined this Sravana-Belgola date, but at a time when it was not known whether it was intended to apply to the first or to the second king Harihara, has marked it as irregular both for the Saka year 1266 and for the year 1326; adding that, for the latter year, the result (for the tithi) would be Saturday, 30th August, A.D. 1404,— the day at which we have arrived above: see El, 7, Appendix,. Inscriptions of Southern India, 81, note 7. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 JBPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 303

In view, however, of the close similarity of the Old- Kanarese superscript o, 6, and an, and of the frequent occurrence of a form of m which very closely resembles r, it is not impossible that the Sbmavara of the Sravana-Belgola inscription is a misreading of Sanravara, and that that record may be thus reconciled with the Muktihariharapura record. There are two passages further on in the Muktihari- harapura inscription, which run thus ; line 27:— sri-vlra- Hariharamaharayaru muktar=adalli Muktihariharapurav=agi bitta agrahara ; and lines 79, 80 :— Hariharamaharayara hesara Muktihariharapurada agrahara. These two passages, with the contexts of the first of them, tell us, not only that an agrahara or grant to Brahmans was constituted, and was assigned as such, by the minister Viththanna-Vodeya, and was named Muktihariharapura, in commemoration of the death of Harihara II., but also that Harihara died in that neighbourhood. The words muktar-adalli mean, not "on his becoming mukta (or released from existence)," i.e. "at the time when he died," but " at the place where he died." And we must understand that he died either at Tlrthahalli, which town seems to have been a great place of pilgrimage,1 or else at a camp, in the vicinity of that town, somewhere on the site which was made into an agrahara. From line 28 of the record, we gather that the agrahara was formed of lands which were a portion of a village named Belur or Belur, in the Maduvanka ndd of the Araga rentheya. Araga is the ' Arga' of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 42, S.E. (1894), five miles towards the north-west-by-north from ' Tirathalli,' which is in lat. 13° 41', long. 75° 18', on the left bank of the Turiga. Muktihariharapura is not shewn in that map, or in the maps given in Mr. Rice's Mysore, revised edition, 1897, vol. ii. But it is duly shewn in the Mysore Topo- graphical Survey sheet No. 20 (1887), as a small place about four and a half miles north-west-by-west from Tlrthahalli, one mile and a half on the south-west of Araga, and about the same distance towards the north-by-east from ' Belur.' ***** 1 See Mysore, revised edition, vol. ii, p. 485. Downloaded fromJ.U.A.S https://www.cambridge.org/core. 1905. . INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject20 to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 304 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

So much as regards the most noticeable special features of interest in the new volume now before us. Some idea of the magnitude of the task on which Mr. Rice has been engaged may now be given, by the statement that the published volumes of his series, including the present one, have presented to us no fewer than five thousand eight hundred records, ranging from the third century B.C. to A.D. 1885. The earliest of these records are the Siddapura, Brahma- giri, and Jatinga-Ramesvara versions (vol. 11, Mk. 14, 21, 34) of that edict of Asoka of which we have versions in Northern India at Sahasram, Rupnath, and Bairat. The edict was issued 38 years after the abhisheka or anointment of Asoka to the sovereignty, and (see JRAS, 1904, 1 ff.) 256 years after the death of Buddha, which event it thus places in a year lying between B.C. 487 and 477 according to the exact year, still to be determined, of the abhisheka of Asoka. Particular interest attaches to the Mysore versions of the edict because the Brahmagiri text discloses the fact that it was framed on the anniversary of Asoka's abdication, and when he was living in religious retirement on the hill Suvarnagiri, still known as Songir, which was one of the hills surrounding the ancient city GHrivraja, in Magadha {loo. cit, 355). Next comes the Prakrit inscription on a pillar at Malavalli (vol. 7, Sk. 263), of Haritlputta-Satakanni, of the Manavya gbtra and the Vinhukaddachutu family, king of VaijayantI, that is Banawasi in the North Kanara district, Bombay, who may be referred to any time in or about the first or second century A.D. It records that he granted a group of villages named Sahaliitavi, to be enjoyed on behalf of the god Mattapatti, to Kondamana, a [Hari]tiputta of the Kondinya gbtra. From Banawasi itself we have a Prakrit record of apparently the same king (IA, 14, 333), which is dated in his twelfth regnal year, and on the anniversary of either his accession or his coronation. In this latter record, the word vasa-satdya evidently represents, not vasa-sattdydh as has been supposed, but varsha-sattdydh. It means ' of the year-existence;' that is " of the continuance for one year Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 305

more." And the record thus marks the specified day of the act registered in it, the first day of the seventh fortnight of the season Hemanta, as the accession-day or the coronation- day of Haritiputa - Satakanni. Similarly, by the same expression, the inscription from China in the Kistna district, Madras (El, 1, 96), marks the fifth day of the fourth fortnight of Hemanta as either the accession-day or the coronation-day of Siri-Yana-Satakani. Next comes a Prakrit inscription (vol. 7, Sk. 264), on the same pillar and below the above-mentioned record, of apparently a Kadamba king of Vaijayanti named Siva[khada] vamma, that is Siva-Skandavarman.1 It indicates that some necessity had arisen— (quite possibly a change of dynasty, with an investigation into the titles to existing alienations)— for confirming or renewing the grant registered in the previous record. For, it recites that, "having heard that they had been formerly granted by the Haritlputta, of the [Manavya] gotra, the lord of Vaijayanti,"2 the present king granted, with a very glad mind, for the second time, to Siri-Nagadatta— (perhaps described as a maternal uncle of the king)— of the Kondinya gotra, a Kosiklputta, " an ornament of the Kondamana family," Sahala and twelve other villages, all specified by name, again for enjoyment on behalf of the god, " the great refuge," Mattapatti. Next come the Sanskrit records of the Kadambas of Vaijayanti (Banawasi), ranging about A.D. 450-650 (see page 290 above), who were first brought to notice, and have been known for many years, from their records obtained in the Bombay Presidency (see IA, 6, 22 ff., and 7, 33 ff.). Of their records obtained in Mysore, the earliest is the Talgund pillar inscription (vol. 7, Sk. 176), which recites

1 This part of the record is not legible in the lithograph. 3 The meaning of this clause has been misunderstood by the author of the published translation. And the point is worth noticing, because the result is that there is nothing to shew that the Kadambas— (if this is really a Kadamba record)— had at this time assumed the appellation Haritlputra and set up a claim to be of the Manavya gotra. A short way further on, the published texts give parityalethena by mistake for .parituttheqa. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 306 EPIGRAPHIC EBSEARCHES IN MYSORE.

the foundation of the family by Mayurasarman, about A.D. 450—475; it has recently been critically edited by Professor Kielhorn in El, 8, 24 ff. The latest is the Anaji inscription of the time of Krishnavarman II. (vol. 11,. Dg. 161), which has been mentioned on page 290 above. Then come a few records of some of the later members of the dynasty of the Western Chalukya kings of Vatapi,. i.e. Badami in the Bijapur district, Bombay,— (about A.D. 550-757) ; and, in larger numbers, some records of the Rashtrakuta kings of Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions,— (about A.D. 750-973). These two dynasties, however, are much better known from their records obtained in the- Bombay Presidency. In Mysore, their power was mostly limited to the more northern parts. But, in the time of Govinda III. (A.D. 794 and 813), the Rashtrakuta supremacy extended at any rate as far as Sravana-Belgola in the Hassan district, in the very heart of the province. Concurrently with these, come the records of the Ganga family of the Gangavadi territory, in the southern and eastern parts of Mysore, ranging about A.D. 750-1000. And from some time about the beginning of this period we have the inscription at Sravana - Belgola (vol. 2, ISB, No. 1 ; edited by me in El, 4, 22 ft), which, written in order to> record the death of a Jain Acharya named Prabhachandra who seems to be the well known Digambara writer of that name, recites, for earlier times, the migration of the Jain community from Ujjain to the South, and its arrival at Sravana-Belgola, which events it would apparently place in the time of the pontiff Bhadrabahu II. After these, we have, in greater or less abundance according to the extent to which the dynasties and families belonged exclusively or not so to Mysore, records of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani, the Hoysalas of Dora- samudra, the Kalachuryas of Kalyani, the Yadavas of Devagiri, the Nolamba - Pallavas of the Nolambavadi country, the later Kadambas of Hangal, the Santaras or Santaras of Humcha, the local Pandyas of TJchchangi, the kings of Vijayanagara, and the later Rajas of Mysore up Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 307

to almost the present day, and various other families of more or less importance. Here again, however, what we Tmow about the Chalukyas, Kalachuryas, and Yadavas, is •derived chiefly from the records of the Bombay Presidency and the Nizam's Dominions. Among the late records, a noticeable one is the Sravana- Belgola inscription No. 141, of A.D. 1830, which presents the only known instance of the expression of the date of an •epigraphic record according to the number of years elapsed since the death of the Jain Tlrthamkara Vira-Mahavlra- Vardhamana. And it states that number wrongly! It :gives a date in the Saka year 1752 (expired), of which the equivalent is Monday, 9th August, A.D. 1830; see the result given by Professor Kielhorn in IA, 25, 346, and El, 7, Appendix, Inscriptions of Southern India, 161, No. 1013. With the specification of the Saka year, it couples the year 1888 of the Vikrama era, which itself is of extremely exceptional use in Southern India, and an assertion that 2493 years had elapsed since the death of Vardhamana. And thus it would place that event B.C. 663; whereas the Svetambaras and the Digambaras both agree in placing it B.C. 527 (or more absolutely 528),— the former putting it 470 years before the Vikrama era; and the latter, 605 years before the Saka era. As indicated by Professor Kielhorn (IA, 25, 346), the explanation is that the figures 2493 were obtained by mistakenly adding 605 years to the Vikrama instead of the Saka year. And no genuine varying tradition is represented by the statement in the present record. With this curiosity of South-Indian epigraphy, we may compare, from Northern India, the Gaya inscription of apparently A.D. 1176 (see El, 7, Appendix, 79, No. 575), which purports to have been written 1813 years after the •death of Buddha, and so would place that event B.C. 638,— ninety-five years before the traditional date of B.C. 543, which, set up in Ceylon at some time about A.D. 1200, spread thence in various directions, and is the only specific date really asserted by Buddhist tradition. The explanation of Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 308 EPIGEAPHIC EESEAECHES IN MYSOEE.

this latter curiosity, the apparent date in B.C. 638, has not yet been arrived at. ***** As will readily be understood, the volumes of the Epigraphia Carnatica contain an enormous amount of most varied information about political history, geography, religion, literature, administrative and fiscal arrangements, social customs, and other subjects of inquiry. But so great has the mass of materials become, that it is now very difficult to handle the records chronologically, and to follow up conveniently any particular line of research, even with the help of the introductions and classified lists of the separate volumes. It is to be hoped that, when the volumes of texts and translations have all been completed, there will be taken in hand an additional volume which shall assume the form of an index to the others ; giving us at least a general arrange- ment of all the records according to the consecutive order of their recorded or deducible dates, and a second arrange- ment of them according to the dynasties and families to which they belong, and an index of at any rate all proper names and names of territories and places, on lines similar to those of Professor Kielhorn's List of the Inscriptions of Southern India, El, 7, Appendix. ***** And there is another point which requires attention. Many of the earlier records, in particular, deserve more careful and critical treatment than they have received, and than can be given to them from the published readings of them, which, we learn from the preface to vol. iii, have been largely prepared from copies made by Munshis and School Inspectors and Teachers. Even the published texts, romanised and in Kanarese characters, sometimes differ from each other. The cases in which reproductions of the original records have been given, are very limited in number. And, unfortunately, the instances in which the reproductions are of a reliable and utilisable nature, as purely mechanical presentments, prepared without any touching up by hand of the materials. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 309

which are the bases of them or of proofs from those materials,; are still fewer. In the present volume, which deals with 1038 records, we have only thirteen reproductions. Amongst these, we may class as reliable facsimiles, prepared from satisfactory ink-impressions, little if at all touched up by hand in any stage of the process, and giving good results as far as the originals are capable of yielding such, the Kadamba inscription at Kavadi (Sb. 523), the record on the virgal or monumental tablet of a local hero at Hunavalli (Sb. 531), and the extracts from the Kuppatur, GSvardhanagiri, and Humcha inscriptions (Sb. 263; Sa. 55 ; Nr. 35). And commendation may be bestowed, though not to quite the same extent, on the reproductions of the record on the virgal at Mavali and the Kumsi inscription (Sb. 10, 85). The same, however, cannot exactly be said of the reproductions of the Kadamba copper-plate charter from Hire- Sakuna (Sb. 33) and the Bhlmankatte - Matha spurious plates (Tl. 157). For a faithful reproduction of the last- mentioned record, we have still to turn to Colonel Dixon's photograph, No. 10 in his collection published in 1865, reproduced as No. 30 in my Pali, Sanskrit, and Qld- Canarese Inscriptions issued in 1878. The reproductions of two other mrgals at Mavali (Sb. 1, 9) may, to a certain extent, represent sufficiently well the sculptures on the stones. But the treatments of the inscriptions on them are useless for any critical purposes. The reproduction of the Bardavalli virgal (Sa. 45) fails to render legible any part at all of the inscription on it. And the nature of the reproduction of the charter contained on the Sorab plates (Sb. 571) is such as to fairly give that record the crude appearance of a rather badly done spurious document. Fortunately, however, we can form a better opinion of it from Colonel Dixon's photograph No. 5, reproduced in my PSOCI, No. 16. The time has long gone by for the publication of reproductions of epigraphic records such as those mentioned in at Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 310 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSOKE,

any rate the last four paragraphs. They are of no use for critical work. For such work, the best materials, of course, when:the originals themselves are not accessible, are carefully made ink-impressions and inked or uninked estampages, the latter of which, if properly beaten in, will shew the letters in reverse on the back. And, in fact, in many cases such materials are better than even the originals. But we can hardly expect such materials for study as those to be obtained and distributed to anyone who may ask for them. And we naturally look more to materials which can be multiplied to any desirable extent, in the shape of thoroughly reliable reduced facsimiles, prepared mechanically from impressions and estampages by collotype or photo- lithographic processes, without any touching up by hand at any stage of the proceedings. Without one or the other of such bases for work, we are helpless ; except in so far as we may happen to arrive by chance at any sound results through the process, generally unsatisfactory and always to be avoided if possible, of conjectural speculation. The enlightened and liberal Government of Mysore have done much to make us acquainted with the ancient records of their province. Is it too much to hope that they will crown their work, by giving us eventually a final volume which shall be devoted to actual facsimile reproductions of all the more important records anterior to, say, A.D. 1000, with a selection from the later ones ? That such facsimiles can be prepared in Mysore, is shewn by the instances which I have quoted from the volume which now chiefly is under notice, and by a conspicuous instance in an earlier volume; namely, the reproduction of the Talgund Kadamba inscription (vol. 7, Sk. 176), which compares favourably with even the reproduction of the same record recently given from other materials in El, 8, 32.

"We are looking forward with considerable interest to the Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE. 311

appearance of the remaining three volumes of the Epigraphia Carnatica, which are to contain the records of the Bangalore, Kolar, and Tumkur districts. In them, if anywhere, there should be found information which may help to settle some of the questions regarding the Gangas of Ganga vadi in respect of which Mr. Rice and I have been at issue. Mean- while, the following observation may be made. On the authority of the spurious records,— which he, of course, maintains to be genuine,— Mr. Rice would place the Ganga prince Srlpurusha-Muttarasa in the period A.B. 727- 776. On the other hand, working with the undeniably genuine records, I have, on palseographic and historical grounds, placed him in the period A.D. 765-805, with an intimation of opinion that he may be placed even ten years later (El, 6, 59, 64). And I have been inclined (ibid., 65) to find in him the Gahga prince who was for a second time dethroned and taken into captivity by the Rilshtrakuta king Govinda III., for whom we have dates in A.D. 794 and 813. The son of Govinda III. was Amoghavarsha I., who reigned from A.D. 814 or 815 to about A.D. 877—78. And of the time of this king we have in the present volume the Kumsi inscription (Sb. 85), dated A.D. 869-70, which mentions, as the seller of the land the assignment of which is registered by that record, a certain Devati, i.e. Devaditya, son of Siripurusha, i.e. Srlpurusha. It would be rash, to assume off-hand that this Srlpurusha is the Ganga prince of that name. But the appellation is extremely rare, if not actually unique. And there is nothing impossible in the supposition that Srlpurusha-Muttarasa, living in captivity in the Rashtrakuta territory, there begat a son who was alive in A.D. 869-70. In illustration,— in fact, in exaggerated illustration,— of this possibility, let me quote a case which has come to my knowledge after writing the above remarks. It is that of Signor Manuel Garcia, the famous teacher of operatic singers, now in his hundredth year; and I am indebted for it to the Strand Magazine, March, 1905. He was " born in Madrid in the year 1805, Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. INSEAD, on 12 Oct 2018 at 17:30:11, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00033086 312 EPIGRAPHIC RESEARCHES IN MYSORE.

when George III. was on the throne of England" (p. 2576). His "father, the elder Manuel Garcia, was born at Seville in 1775, a hundred and thirty years ago" (p. 259a). And his " singing master, Giovanni Anzani, was born some- hundred and fifty years ago, when Bach was still alive and Handel but a short time dead" (p. 257a).