FINAL REPORT UGC MINOR RESEARCH PROJECT

on

LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

Submitted by DR.N.SAVITHRI Associate Professor Department of History Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s Arts and Commerce College, Mysore-24

Submitted to UNIVERSITY GRANTS COMMISSION South Western Regional Office P.K.Block, Gandhinagar, -560009

2017

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

First of all, I would like to Express My Gratitude and Indebtedness to University Grants Commission, New Delhi for awarding Minor Research Project in History.

My Sincere thanks are due to Sri.Paramashivaiah.S, President of Marimallappa Educational Institutions. I am Grateful to Prof.Panchaksharaswamy.K.N, Honorary Secretary of Marimallappa Educational Institutions. I owe special thanks to Principal Sri.Dhananjaya.Y.D., Vice Principal Prapulla Kumar.S., Dr.Saraswathi.N., Sri Purushothama.K, Teaching and Non-Teaching Staff, members of Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s College, Mysore. I also thank K.B.Communications, Mysore has taken a lot of strain in computerszing my project work.

I am Thankful to the Authorizes of the libraries in for giving me permission to consult the necessary documents and books, pertaining to my project work. I thank all the temple guides and curators of minor Hoysala temples like Belur, . , Thalkad, Melkote, , kikkeri, Govindahalli, , ext….

Several individuals and institution have helped me during the course of this study by generously sharing documents and other reference materials. I am thankful to all of them.

Dr.N.Savithri Place: Date:

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CERTIFICATE

I Dr.N. Savithri Certify that the project entitled “LIFE AND

ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA iii (1299-1342 A.D)” sponsored by University Grants Commission New Delhi under Minor

Research Project is successfully completed by me. This work has not been published anywhere before this in any University.

Dr.N.Savithri Place: Date:

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PART-A

1 Broad Subject : History 2 Duration : 2 years 3 Principal Investigator : Dr.N.Savithri Sex : Female Date of Birth : 5/5/1957 Qualification : M.A., Ph.D Designation : Associate Professor Address College : Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s Arts and Commerce College, Mysore Residential : #33, 2nd Cross, ‘G’ Block, Ramakrishna-nagara, Mysore-22 Contact Number : 9845032761 Email ID : [email protected] Name of Institution where the project will be undertaken a) Department : History b) University : University of Mysore c) Teaching Experience : 32 years d) Research Experience : 18 years e) Year of Award of : March 1996 Doctoral Degree f) Title of Thesis of : “Ruling and Rural Elites in the Doctoral Degree Maiden Regional of the Hoysalas” g) Publications Papers published : 10 Papers unpublished : 06 Books published : 02

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PART-B PROPOSED RESEARCH WORK

Final Report “LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I 1.0 Introduction 1.1 Historical Background 1.2 Geographical Background 1.3 Sources 1.4 Review of Literature 1.5 Scope of the Study 1.6 Objectives 1.7 Methodology

CHAPTER 2 2.1 Accession of Ballala III 2.2 Reunification of the Empire 2.3 Conflict with the Sevunas and Action against refractory feudatories 2.4 ’s attack on Dorasamudra

CHAPTER III 3.1 Ballala III and his role in Civil War of Pandyas of Madurai 3.2 War against Kampiladeva 3.3 Ballala’s increase of sphere of influence in Tamil Country 3.4 Second Invasion on Dorasamudra during Qutb-ud-din Mubarak 3.5 Third Invasion during the Reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq 3.5.1 The Revolt of Bahauddin Gurshasp 3.5.2 The Destruction of Kampili Kingdom

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3.5.3 Ballala III and Gurshasp’s Revolt 3.6 Ballala’s Concentration of Southern Frontier 3.7 Battle of Kannanur and Koppam 3.7.1 Victory of Ballala III 3.7.2 Victory turned into a defeat and the tragic end of Ballala III 3.8 Ballala III and

CHAPTER IV Administration during Ballala III

CHAPTER V Social Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VI Economic Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VII Religious Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VIII Education and Literature during Ballala III

CHAPTER XI Inferences

Appendices Maps Genealogy Bibliography Photos

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CHAPTER-I LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

INTRODUCTION The Hoysalas have a dominant role in the political and cultural history; not only of Karnataka but also of south . Their contribution in political history, administration, religion, literature and art and architecture are varied and interesting. Unfortunately not much work has been done on this dynasty. The Hoysala dynasty had the good fortune of having some very illustrious kings like , Ballala II, Somesvara, III and Ballala III who made their dynasty politically and culturally great. The Hoysalas ruled from 1000-1346 A.D. They nearly ruled for 350 years. a) Sources Our knowledge of the has remarkably increased since the beginning of the twentieth century. Many archaeological remains and literary works have been brought to light sources of information for the purpose of study of the History of Karnataka in general and in the History of the Hoysalas in particular.

For this purpose much credit should be given to the eminent scholars and epigraphists of the West like Cunningham, J.F. Fleet and B.L. Rice. Dr. Fleet started the systematic collection and publication of the numerous inscriptions in the northern Karnataka areas of then the Bombay province1. The publication of twelve volumes of by B.L.Rice and another four (Volumes 14-17) from the Department of Archaeology, Government of Mysore came into being with translations and notes. In addition to it, the text part of inscriptions along with transliterations and references have been published. They added extra information to the historicity of towns and temples of the Hoysala period.

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Now the University of Mysore has taken the work of revising and reediting the inscriptions of Epigraphia Carnatica and Mysore Archaeological Reports and brought out the nine volumes. Besides, Epigraphia Indica, Indian Antiquary, South Indian Inscriptions and Hyderabad Archaeological series have published number of Hoysala epigraphs.2 The Research Institute, Dharwar contains a few inscriptions, belonging to Bombay Karnataka regions.

Epigraphical Sources The subject under study possessed enough of Hoysala epigraphs. In total, there are about 2000 inscriptions. Majority of the inscriptions are found in the districts of Hassan, Mysore, Mandya and Bangalore. But some of them are defaced and fragmentary. Only a very few of them are completely spoiled. The inscriptions are purely poetic in style. They were composed in different metres like Kanda, Vritta, Champu etc. They are engraved both on copper plates and stone. The script is in Kannada, and Tamil.

Outwardly the inscriptions register gifts for all sorts of charitable purposes but a thorough and careful study of them reveal the activities of the state in the overall development and progress of society. From the inscriptions we get information as to the number of different portfolios of the administrative machinery, the concept of danas, social structure based on the system of Chaturvarna and their mobility, eighteen samayas and so on. For example, kings were engaged in making great gifts of the four .3 The Neralige copper plate of Hoysala Ballala II aims at the settlement of and the promotion of learning.4 Custom of offering Annadana and Santarpana was the main feature of this period.5

Thus the study of Hoysala inscriptions to a great extent serves our purpose in enlightening the above aspects. The inscriptional evidences to an extent supply the concept of different terms like

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Kutumba (family) Vamsa, Vivaha (marriage) and cult etc. they are adequate to undertake a critical study of state activities in relation to the progress of the Hoysala society. b) Geographical Background The physical geography consists of natural vegetation, soils and rivers, Karnataka is bounded by Maharashtra in the north, and Tamilnadu in the South, in the east and Arabian sea in the west. Topographically the state is divided into four parts. 1. Coastal region 2. Northern Maidan 3. Malnad 4. Southern Maidan

Coastal Region The low lying tract between and the Arabian sea is a picturesque region of great beauty. It is full of rivers, isolated peaks and detached range of hills and receives heavy and assured rainfall between June and August, measuring about 254cms to 279cms. The soils are lateritic except in isolated stretches near the seaside where alluvium is found. It has dense forest followed by coconut and arecanut gardens. Besides there are many kinds of trees of great size and of much economic value, such as bamboo, teak and rosewood. Western coastal line contains good harbours. Through these harbours contact was maintained with distant countries from earliest times. This region consists of the western portion of North Kanara and South kanara districts.

Northern Maidan The Northern Maidan consists of Belgaum, , Bijapur, Gadag, , Raichur and Bellary districts. As the western districts of Belgaum, Bijapur and Dharwar are on the edge of Western

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Ghats, they are thickly wooded and enjoy a better water supply than the arid Deccan plains, which are in the adjacent Maharashtra. It is dominated by black soils. The important tanks are found constructed in Malaprabha basin, southern areas of Tungabhadra valley and the lower Bhima region. The main crops are jowar, wheat and cotton.

Malnad Region The Malnad is separated from the coastal region by the steep wall of the Ghats and in the east it gradually merges with the southern maidan. It is a land of forests and mountains. Malnad covers , Chitradurga, and Hassan districts. The climate is generally hot and wet. It receives heavy and assured rainfall decreasing from 100” to 40”. Here the soils are red, black and brown. The major crop is paddy followed by coffee, areca and coconut plantations.

Southern Maidan Southern Maidan consists of Bangalore, Kolar, Mandya, Tumkur and eastern portions of . The soils are predominantly red, often referred to as lateritic. In the east particularly in the northern side there is an extension of the black soils of the northern maidan, with the result mixed red and black soils occur. As there are over 16,000 tanks in this region, it is known as tank country of Karnataka. The major crops raised are rice, ragi followed by jowar, sugarcane, coconut and arecanut plantations.

Rivers The chief river systems of Karnataka are the and . They originate in the Western Ghats and flow eastward to join Bay of . The tributaries of Krishna are Bhima, Ghataprabha, Malaprabha, Tungabhadra and Vedavathi. They flow in the north, whereas the tributaries of Kaveri such as Hemavathi, Shimsa,

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Arkavati, Lakshmanathirtha and Kabini flow in the south and have helped agriculture. The mental make up of the people towards the river was philosophical. Moreover as the cultivable land being less during those days, the waters of the rivers were utilized to a limited extent. References to Krishna (Maisolas), Kaveri (Khaberos) and Bhima (Banda) are seen in early . Inscriptions of the period also refer to river Tungabhadra, Godavari, Kaveri and Kabini.

Objectives • The main objective is to know about the accession of Vira Ballala III and the reunification of the Empire. • The relations with the Sevunas and the attempts made by Vira Ballala III to check their incursions into the . • Attack of Delhi Sultans on South Indian Kingdoms. • Malik Kafu’s attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala’s helplessness. • The acceptance of the demands of Malik Kafur. • Ballala III’s encouragement to Harihara and Bukka, the founders of .

Methodology Inscriptions issued during the period of Ballala III and literary works during his reign will be studied. Historical method its tools will be applied for the present study.

Significance of the Study This study is going to be a contribution to the Medieval Karnataka History. It helps to understand the role of Hoysala King Ballala III. It is hoped that the research work would contribute to some extent to our knowledge of the past. c) Review of Literature The works relating to the Hoysalas can be divided into four categories:

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The first one is the general histories of either India, or Karnataka in which the Hoysala dynasty finds a place, obviously in a short way.

The second category includes books written exclusively on the Hoysalas. Here again the works may concentrate on the political history, administration, art, religion either singly or in combination.

The third category includes important research papers published in learned journals on various aspects of Hoysala history.

Finally, the recent trend in Karnataka is to write books and articles in Kannada. This has encouraged many young researchers to write books and articles in Kannada and there is a bulk of such literature on this topic too. To understand the study undertaken here, it is proposed to review critically all the above relevant material.

The first work in the first category is the famous work of J.F.Fleet entitled “Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency” published long ago in 1896. Actually it was an article written by the learned scholar for the Bombay Gazetteer. Its value lies in the fact that it can easily be considered as the first or the inaugural attempt to write a history of a region which included Karnataka. Based meticulously on epigraphical source, Fleet made it a highly useful book with necessary details. But the thrust was on political history. Naturally a chapter in this work on the Hoysalas is a useful attempt to give a connected political history of that dynasty. Though the account has become outdated because of the discovery of hundreds of new inscriptions, the basic structure of the dynasty seems to be stable. This is the greatness of this work and any research student can not ignore this work for a basic study.

Another similar work was by Bhandarkar entitled “Early History of the Dekkan” published in the year 1957. Though it is not as

12 detailed as the work of Fleet, more interpretation marks this important work. In that way it can easily be called as an improvement over the former. However, this work lacks the indepth knowledge of the epigraphs which is a unique feature of the work of Fleet. Bhandarkar has not given a continuous and connected account of the political or cultural history of the Hoysalas. However, while dealing with the Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Sevunas of Devagiri, he has referred to main political events of the Hoysalas as far as they relate to these two dynasties mentioned above.

The Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay has published a series of volumes on Indian history written by various authors. As it is claimed, it is the history written by her own people and naturally is expected to contain material fully understood and interpreted by the scholarly contributors. The volume five in the series entitled “The struggle for Empire” has a chapter (ninth) under the caption ‘The Hoysalas’ written by S.Krishnaswami Iyengar. The latest epigraphs have been made use of in writing this chapter. But the chapter is so short that it does not make any appreciable impact on the reader. One would be disappointed if one wants to know about the Hoysala dynasty. The same remarks hold good regarding the chapter on architecture and sculpture. Other aspects of culture have not been exclusively studied here. Thus this work is useful for a general understanding of the subject but not for an indepth study of the various cultural aspects of the Hoysala dynasty.

Another work which more or less falls in the above category is the work “Karnataka through the Ages” edited by Dr.R.R.Diwakar. It was compiled to glorify the Karnataka culture in all its aspects. It is a very useful work and though written by many scholars, presents a bird’s eye view of the political history, administration, society, religion, literature, education, art and sculpture in a satisfactory way. Each of these contributors is a good scholar in his own field and this has

13 made this work prestigious and scholarly. Realising the importance and usefulness of this work, the publishers got a Kannada version of this volume in two sections, called “Karnataka Parampare”. This has also seen a second edition, which means the book is warmly welcomed by historians. This work contains a section on political history of the Hoysalas and has sections followed by administration, society, religion and art. Though the political history can be termed independent, the other aspects are not so; and secondly the accounts are very short to make any detailed impression on the reader. From the point of view of a researcher, there are many deficiencies which are normally inherent in a work of this type. Secondly, being contributed by various contributors, the absence of a single thread of view point is easily seen. This work has a chapter dealing with the Hoysala political history written by B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar. Though short, it has taken all the published material into consideration with thoroughness. Besides political history, it has a well written short account of religious conditions including Srivaishnavism, and Saivism. In fact it has a detailed account of the philosophy of also. The other cultural aspects that are covered here are education and science, , , Prakrit literature and finally art and architecture. Thus most of the cultural aspects are covered here. The basic defect here is that it generally summarises the events without going into the details with original sources. And finally there is no attempt to synthesise the various materials and this gives the impression of independent articles on Hoysalas rather than a connected account. However, its value for a beginner can not be overestimated.

K.A.Nilakantha Sasti’s famous and popular work “A ” has been many editions and impressions. This work deals with South India including the Hoysalas. Prof.Sastri has a unique way of narrating the political events as they were happening simultaneously in different parts of South India. Thus it gives a clear

14 picture of the Hoysala political history in this way. Though it has sections on administration, society, religion, literature etc., it is difficult to separate the contribution made by the Hoysalas as the treatment gives more importance to the holistic approach as far as South concerned. Thus a student or a general reader interested in knowing the cultural contributions of the Hoysalas or any other dynasty for that matter will be lost in details furnished by the learned author. However, things are slightly better when the author takes up the chapter on art and architecture wherein each section deals exclusively with the main characters and contribution of each dynasty including the Hoysalas. Thus this popular work cannot be appreciated by a student interested in any particular dynasty and its contributions. However, the admirable synthesis attempted by Nilakanta Sastri is extremely useful as a background for understanding the cultural achievements of the Hoysala period. Thus it is a highly useful book.

There are many works on the history of Karnataka written by various authors. Many of them serve the students as text books. But the most important of them all is by P.B.Desai (with others). This is a useful work based upon the latest epigraphs. The chapter on Hoysalas is not only detailed but also contains references to inscriptions thereby making the narration authentic and authoritative. This is true as far as the political history of the Hoysalas is considered. The cultural history is summarized in three or four pages highlighting the main trends of the period. This does not satisfy the curiosity of a student of cultural history of the Hoysalas. But it inspires any genuine student to take up the cultural history in a detailed way. That is the real usefulness of this book. This work also has been reprinted.

We cannot forget the volumes of ‘Mysore Gazetteer’ compiled by Hayavadana Rao. Though written more than fifty years ago, it has a

15 unique value to the historian of Karnataka as a good base. In one of the volumes, the Hoysala history along with cultural aspects has been explained in a fairly detailed way. It not only contains political events, but also touches on the importance of different aspects of religion, education, architecture and sculpture, including coinage. It also comments on the ministers and generals. Though it is highly informative, the main thread of history is rarely seen in the narrative and hence it is characterized as a good gazetteer but not a satisfactory history. This in no way diminishes the value of this great work which has stood the test of time. However, this chapter cannot be a substitute for a connected and comprehensive work on the Hoysalas.

Another significant study is by Dr.Choodamani. Her main concern in her thesis is music and dance. She has approached the subject from three angles of epigraphy, literature and sculpture. The material mentioned in epigraphs regarding music and dance, musical instruments together with the same collected from Kannada and Sanskrit literary texts have been compared to visually seen sculptural representations.

Now, we may take up the works exclusively written on the Hoysala dynasty. First and foremost is the book ‘Hoysalavamsa’ written by William Coelho. Perhaps it is the first monograph on the Hoysalas. The main thrust of this book is political history. Chapters are divided on the basis of ruling kings. Then the remaining chapters though very small take care of the cultural aspects such as administration, society, religion etc. by the nature of these chapters, they are too short to make any impact on the reader and thus do not bring out the contribution of the Hoysalas in an appreciable way. It occupies an important place as the first independent work on the Hoysalas.

Another important work on this subject is by Duncan Derrett. It is entitled “The Hoysalas”. As the author himself states it is an

16 essay on Hoysala inscriptions, and their interpretation. The greatness of Derrett is that he visualizes the political events of the Hoysalas in a vivid way through the hundreds of inscriptions. He explains as if he was a witness to what was happening in the Hoysala political scene. His synthesis and interpretation of Hoysala inscriptions is admirable. Thus he has been able to produce a highly interesting and authentic account of the political history of the Hoysala period. Perhaps there is no other better and more authentic political history of the Hoysalas than this work of Derrett. Unfortunately this work does not contain any material regarding the cultural history. In an appendix, Derrett has given a short account of administration with special reference to taxation. No other aspect such as society, economy, religion, literature, art and sculpture have been studied here.

Reconstructing the social and cultural life of the Hoysala people through their sculptures has attracted the attention of recent scholars. Dayananda Patel’s work ‘Kesava temple at Somanathpur – A cultural study’ is a useful work from this point of view. He has examined all the sculptures of the Kesava temple at Somanathpur in a minute way and has culled out dress, ornaments, domestic utensils, chariots, animals, weapons, houses, furniture etc. and has synthesized and interpreted them to reconstruct the life during the Hoysala age. He has also used the literary evidences to collate and corroborate his findings.

Another similar work is by K.Padmanabha. His book is entitled ‘Hoysala sculptures – A Cultural Study’. He has taken to his best advantage the entire Hoysala sculpture to reconstruct the social and cultural life of the period. He has shown more typology of vessels, utensils, chariots, animals, houses, furniture etc than the work of Patel mentioned above. His comparative study of the Hoysala material with those of the earlier schools of sculpture is extremely useful in properly analyzing the Hoysala contribution. He has practically

17 touched all aspects of social and cultural life through the sculptural representations. As he has selected his material from different temples far apart geographically as well as chronologically, he has been able to show the possible evolution as well as different styles of life in far flung areas as far as details are concerned. This indeed is a strong point of this study. The entire study is supported by line drawings and photographs.

The contribution of the Hoysalas to the temple architecture and sculpture has been stupenduous and hence this aspect has attracted a large number of historians. Perhaps the best book on Hoysala art written in recent years is by S.Setter, entitled ‘The Hoysala Temples’. This is a comprehensive work on the subject. Right from the beginning of political history, he has made use of religious and social conditions as a background for the temple construction activity. He has also dealt with the names of the Hoysala sculptors and their background. The characteristic features of Hoysala temples have been examined with regard to select temples. Thus for a proper understanding of the Hoysala temples, this book is of great help. His chronological considerations are generally acceptable as he has based them on genuine epigraphs. The same author has another work on Hoysala sculptures found in the Copenhagen Museum.

Another work exclusively meant for the Hoysala artists and their work is written by Kelleson Collyer. The learned author has taken up the study of the Hoysala artists and on the basis of the characters of these sculptures, she has analysed other sculptures and has tried to identify the schools and styles. The study is highly technical and has been undertaken meticulously with the help of short labels. Her main concern is the Hoysala artists and their work, their background, their sociological connections etc. Thus at times she turns to the method of sociology in understanding styles of the sculptors. Without any contradiction, it may be stated that this is the most authentic and

18 authoritative study of the Hoysala artists begun by R.Narasimhachar many decades ago and pursued by M.H.Krishna, M.Sheshadri and others. Incidentally it may be said that this author does not give great importance to epigraphy and its ramifications to understand the details of the artists.

The three monographs written by R.Narasimhachar on Belur, Somanathapur and Doddagaddavalli deserve special mention. Epigraphical source has been made use of effectively by him in giving the history of the three temples mentioned above.

The University of Mysore conducted a seminar on the Hoysala dynasty in the Year 1970. Its proceedings have been edited by B.Sheikh Ali. This work also contains many research papers on political history besides some on other aspects of culture. Our interest lies with the papers the themes of which rest on cultural aspects. The three major religions of the Hoysala period, namely Saivism, and Jainism have been examined in three independent papers. These three papers have made use of the epigraphs of the period. There is also article on the coinage of the Hoysala period. This takes into consideration the actual specimens of the coins and some epigraphical data also in understanding the coinage of the period. Important Hoysala temples have been examined by different scholars. Dr. Chidananda Murthy has tried to locate the home town of the Hoysala artist Mallitamma. of the Hoysala temples have been examined in detail by Dr. S.Settar. There is a useful article on the identity of Vidya Chakravartins, the poets by Dr. Janaki. Thus there is a conglomeration of articles on different aspects of the Hoysala cultural history written by different scholars. As there is no single motivation for this book as the authors have different view points, the book does not present the cultural achievements of the Hoysalas in proper perspective. Of course this is the drawback of any collection of papers. Still it has to be stated that this is the best

19 available book on the subject of the Hoysalas treating both political and cultural aspects together. This book is useful in understanding and identifying the problems of the cultural history of the Hoysalas and to that extent this work is useful for any student of Hoysala history.

In this category we should include B.R.Gopal's monograph ‘Sri Ramanuja in Karnataka.’ As the name itself signifies, it discusses the circumstances under which Ramanuja left the Chola country and his sojourn to Karnataka, his various acts, preachings etc. In doing so, Hoysala Vishnuvardahna's role in patronising this great Srivaishnava saint and other connected problems are examined with the help of epigraphs found here. Thus it is a useful work to understand the part of Ramanuja in Hoysala kingdom. The usefulness of this work is enhanced by the compiled list of inscriptions which have a bearing on the problem of Ramanuja.

Another important publication having a direct bearing on the Hoysalas is R.Vasantha's monograph on the 'Narayanaswami temple at Melkote'. It is not merely a study in art and architecture but a socio-economic study of the temple. As Melkote had intimate relations with Ramanujacharya and Hoysala Vishnuvardhana, the religious background has been competently examined with the help of all available epigraphs and literature. It also provides a list of epigraphs found at Melkote and particularly the epigraph of Hoysala period dated twelfth century A.D which is very important. Thus this work is highly useful for understanding the religious conditions of the Hoysala period.

Research articles published in various learned Journals related to Hoysalas are not as prolific as of other dynasties like the Cholas and the Pallavas or Vijayanagara kings. The Epigraphia Carnatica volumes and the Mysore Archaeological Department Annual Reports

20 provided the required space for most of the research material and this explains the small number of research papers published in other Journals. Among them the majority of the papers are published in the pages of the Quarterly journal of the Mythic society, published regularly from Banglore. S.Srikantaiya published atleast four papers; two on the Hoysala empire; one on the life in the Hoysala period and the fourth one on the topography of Halebid. The thrust of these papers is to highlight the social and economic life of the period including administration. The last paper gives an excellent topographical framework for Halebid.

H.Krishna Sastri has a paper on the Hoysalas in and beyond Mysore. Actually it reviews the Hoysala political activity in Tamilnad when the empire was partitioned. Another notable paper was by Krishna lyengar on Vaishnavism. Actually it concentrates on the activity of Ramanuja in Karnataka and the work done by him here. C.K.Nagaraja Rao's paper is highly interesting as it deals with the number of children of Vishnuvardhana and their identification. T.Narasimha lyengar has tried to solve the date of the death of Vishnuvardhana on the basis of available epigraphs. It is of interest to the students of political history.

Two very important papers were contributed by the famous scholar A.Venkatasubbaiah. The first one relates to the Rajaguru Kriyasakti, the famous Kalamukha teacher. He was in the Hoysala period also and the learned author traces the genealogy of this great teacher and indirectly throws light on the Kalamukha Saivism during the period. His array of epigraphical material is amazing. The second article is the classic article on the Kodiya of the period which has been described by him as the twelfth century University. Though it concentrates on the Kodiya matha of Balligave, it is actually a fine scholarly paper on educational system in ancient Karnataka.

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Queen Santaladevi is a multifaceted lady and her personality has attracted Seetharam to write an article on her. He also discusses her namesake mentioned in epigraphs and identifies correctly Santaladevi, the queen of Vishnuvardhana. R.Vasantha has examined the problem of Srivaishnavism as against the background of the part played by the Cholas in a detailed way. The word Hoysala itself has been a subject of controversy and this has been examined by Joshi. The same problem together with the origin of the Hoysalas has attracted two or more scholars who have given different interpretations. Almost connected to this is the problem of the identification of Sosevur or Sasakapura and this has been examined by M.Hanumantha Rao.

The other topic that has attracted the scholars is the Hoysala artists. The research begun by R.Narasimhachar and M.H.Krishna was continued by later scholars. M.Seshadri originally published a paper entitled "Some Notable Hoysala Sculptors of Mysore' where he examined Mallitamma, Dasoja, Chavana and others. Later he wrote a paper on Mallitamma, one of the most important sculptors. Then after visiting the United States, he published a paper on inscribed images located in the Museums of Art in U.S.A. The same was published by M.S.Nagaraja Rao also. Finally Seshadri incorporated all these and more material in a long article. A.V.Narasimha Murthy collected many of the label inscriptions and interpreted them to know the names of the Hoysala artists.S.Settar also has an article on the 'Hoysala artists and their peregrination’. That the famous sculptor Dasoja belonged to Balligave was evidenced by a label inscription published by H.R.Raghunatha Bhat. Chidananda Murthy tried to locate the home- town of Mallitamma on the basis of linguistic arguments.

Srikanthika is a felicitation volume containing many research papers. Some of them relate to Hoysala cultural history. S.Settar has a paper on the development of Hoysala temple architecture based

22 upon epigraphs. K.V.Raman has an important paper in which he has analysed the influence of Hoysala art on Vijayanagara art, a field which has not been explored fully. Vasantha has contributed a paper on Tonnur connected with Ramanuja Noted Hindi scholar M.S.Krishna Murthy has a paper on the reference to a Hoysala prince in a Hindi romance. K.S.Shivanna has reviewed the agrarian system under the Hoysalas. Thus this work is important for any student of Hoysala history from the presence of the above papers.

The Hoysala kings encouraged people from other linguistic groups such as Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam areas. A.V.Narasimha Murthy has published a paper on the encouragement and patronage given to a Kerala family by the Hoysalas. The reference here is to the famous Kunjanambi and his ancestors. T.D.Patel has published an article on the Jewelry and ornaments of the Hoysala period, taking the material from sculptural representations. A general article on is published in T.V.Mahalingam commemoration volume, entitled South Indian studies. These assorted articles have their own value to a student of Hoysala history.

Raghunatha Bhat has brought out a collection of his articles under the title Karnataka Sasana mattu Kale. This collection has four papers related to Hoysala cultural history. The first one relates to the stellate plan of the Hoysala temples. The second one is devoted to a study of the Lakshmidevi temple at i) Origin of the Hoysalas

The Hoysalas claimed Puranic genealogy like all royal families of South India in the 10th and 11th centuries A.D. They traced descent to the moon as belonging to the Yaduvamsha. They rose to power gradually and took advantage of the political confusion in the 11th century to found their political power. They had settled in the

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Western Ghats and by subduing the hill tribes known as Malepas, assumed the title of Maleparaleganda (Lord among the Malepas). Advancing from the Ghats, they slowly extended their territory in the east and about the beginning of the 11th century, acquired some terriotory. The title ‘Maleparoleganda’ is commonly found in all the inscriptions which describe the achievements of Vishnuvardhana. Early in the 11th century, the Colas under Rajendra Chola advanced upon the Gangas who were ruling in Mysore and subdued them. The Gangas were compelled to seek protection of the Hoysalas. The Cholas and the Hoysalas had to contend for supremacy and ultimately the Hoysalas expelled the Cholas from Mysore in the beginning of the 12th century. But for more than a hundred years after their rise to power, they preferred to be feudatories of the Western Chalukyas. The Hoysala inscriptions from Vinayaditya to Vira Ballala II acknowledge their allegiance to the Chalukyas. Vinayaditya, Vishnuvardhana and were rulers of ‘Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand’ under them and Ereyanga was also a general in the Western Chalukya army. They rendred yeoman service to the Western Chalukyas in their wars against the Cholas early in the 11th century. It was only under Vira Ballala that the Hoysalas threw off the shadowy allegiance which they owed to the Chalukyas. Vira Ballala was the first king to be styled ‘ of the South’. They exhibited their political insight by gradually extending their power and by remaining in the background until they were able to set up their independence.

The traditional account of their origin is very familiar from the inscriptions. They claimed Sosevur or Sosavur – Sasakapura of Sanskrit writers as their birth-place. This place has been identified with Angadi in the South of taluk of the Kadur (now Chickmagalur) district, formerly included in the Manjarabad country (Ep. C.VI, Mg.9, 15, 16 and 18), Mg.15 of C.1164A.D. refers to Sosevurupattana-swami. Mg.16 of C. 1060 A.D. refers to a monument of Lokajita, (one) of the merchants of Sosevur, erected by the company

24 of townsmen. Lines 15-16 of Mg. 18 of C. 1040 A.D. mention Sosavur where Vajrapanibratisvara ended his life. Bl.112 of C.1220 of C. 1220 A.D. menions that Sasakapura was founded by Sala of the Yadukula and the Chief deity was the Goddess beloved of Vasantha.

The identification of Sosavur with Angadi in the Mudigere taluk is made clear by an inscription of Achuta Raya (of Vijayanagar) (Bl.197). Dr.S.K.Aiyangar observes, “In the far off recesses of the Western Ghats, there is a place called Angadi (mart) in the Mudigere taluk of the Kadur district. Its situation, where the road over the ghats from meets two others leading to Saklespur in the south-west and Belur in the south-east, must have been the cause of the name. This place has the honour of having been the cradle of this dynasty of rulers of Mysore” (Ancient India, 1911, p.228).

Sosavur became the scene of the incident between Sala and tiger, which led to his becoming the founder of the Poysala or Hoysala line of kings (Ep. C.VI, Ck.20 and 137). Cm.20 states that when Sala, an ornament of the Yaduvamsha, was worshipping (the Goddess) Vasantika of Sasankapura with sandal, flowers and incense, a tiger sprang out o the forest; on which the holy Jinamuni gave him his Fan (kuncha) saying Poysala (strike, Sala!) from which time forth the name of Poysala was the designation of the Yadu kings. We learn from Cm.137 of 1130 A.D. that when Sala was passing through the forest, an ascetic, terrified at the appearance of a tiger called out hoysala (strike, Sala) on which he at once at the Muni’s explanation slew the tiger, and it become his crest, and Hoysala his name. “Verily thou shalt become a celebrated man, shalt be the founder of a family and be as renowned as the enemy of Mura (Krishna) – thus by the power of his penance did he (the muni), proficient in the Agama predict; from which he (Sala) gained double glory.”

The temple of Vasantikadevi at which it occurred is still represented by the present Vasantamma temple, which enjoys a great

25 local reputation. There are other temples in ruins, containing some fine carving, which attest the former importance of the place. We learn from Sb. 28 that the name of the muni who, on the appearance of the tiger called out Poysala (the earlier form of Hoysala) was Sudatta. It was he who brought the Goddess into his power, and obtained from her a kingdom for his rescuer Sala. Ng.39 and 38 say of Sala, the founder of the line that the muni at whose bidding he slew the tiger which had pushed upon them, was one whom he had sent from some other part (Orva munipane tare bandan), and on his arrival had established in the abode, i.e., the temple of Vasanti in the prosperous Sasapura. It was while he was giving valuable instructions to Sala that the tiger sprang out of the forest. There are other versions of this story. Bl.171 says that when Sala was hunting along the slopes of the Sahya mountains (or Western Ghats), he was astonished to see a hare pursuing a tiger. Coming alone, saying to himself, this is heroic soil, a holy rishi in his fear of the tiger called out as above, and before it could step a span (gen), Sala slew it with his dagger (gen). This is in accordance with the Hoysala crest. It is after this incident that the Yaduvamsha came to be known as Poysala-Vamsha, and that place became Sasakapura. Hn.65 (E.C.V, Part II) gives substantially the same account, and says that the muni wanted to test Sala’s bravery. Ak.71 says that Sala was prostrating himself to the holy Yogindra, who was an adept at incantations, and pleased with Sala he resolved to give him an empire. For this purpose he was performing the necessary rites to bring the goddess Vasantika of Sasakapura into his power, when in order by any means to break the spell, she sprang forth in the form of a tiger; on which the Yogi uttered the explanation and Sala killed it with his cane (betta). Bl.112 is to the same effect, but calls it a cane-rod (bettada sale). Ak.108 calls it Kunchadasele, the rod of the Yogin’s fan or whisk, which is properly a bunch of peacock’s feathers. It also adds that he had uttered a spell into it- soiled bamboo-rod of an ascetic, at the top of which in the case of a Jain the Kuncha or bunch

26 of peacock’s feathers might be tied. The only other variation is Bl.74 which calls it a salaki, properly an iron-rod, which is not admissible for a Jain; but it may also mean a pointed-stick. The seals of some of the copper plates give the crest as the tiger and the rod, and this also appears on the coins. According to Bl.112 of C.1220 A.D. deity was the Goddess beloved of Vasantha. 5. Sri dayitam yadukuladala 6. gadam Salanemba norva nrpananrpa nindadudu Sasakapura madarkkadadhi 7. daivam Vasantavallabheyambol from Bl.199 of 1101 A.D. we learn that Ballala, eldest son of Ereyanga visisted Sosavur, the brith-place of the Hoysalas. Tn.191 f C. 1173 A.D. sketches the genealogy of the Hoysalas upto Ballala II. The reference to Sala killing the tiger is made in that inscription. 8. Khyateshu teshu nripatih katitah kadachit 9. Kaschid vane munivarena salah karalam 10. Sardulakam prati hi possala ityatobhut 11. Tasyapidha munivacho va chamuralakshmah

Though the traditional account of the origin of the Hoysalas reads like a story, Sala killing a tiger by the favour of a muni - we cannot, in any way, dismiss it as cock-and-bull story. The fact that almost all the inscriptions refer to this incident indicates that it must have been a historic event in their dynasty. Though direct epigraphical evidence of Sala and his rule is not found, the later kings of this dynasty took pride in praising Sala and his brilliant deed. It is evident that the Hoysalas were a family of hill chiefs residing in the extreme west of Mysore near the Ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere taluk. Their Puranic genealogy, as Prof. William Coelho observes, meant nothing more than a proof of royalty. “If the Hoysalas had come from the north, as the Halebid kaiffiyat says, their language could not have been pure Hale-Kannada which is a Dravidian language. The fact that there is no trace of northern influence in the

27 very early Hale-Kannada of the Hoysalas is clearly proved by the 11th century inscriptions of Angadi” (p.10-11, The Hoysala-Vamsha- William Coelho).

There is nothing strange in the story of Sala slaying a tiger by the blessing of a saint. Just as Rome was founded by Romulus, Vijayangar by Harihara and Bukka with the help of gurus, Sala founded his dynasty by a heroic deed. Almost all great dynasties trace their origin to some remarkable event.

The story, as such cannot be lightly treated. It is repeated in all the accounts of the origin of the dynasty and their crest on temples exhibits a free standing group of Sala stabbing the tiger, while the seal of copper plate grants shows a dead tiger and the rod. Dr.Derrett and Prof.Coelho do not attach much importance to this story. Dr.Derrett observes, “we should regretfully pass with a smile over the charming myth which was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s day to account for the odd name; nevertheless the Hoysala badge, namely the representation of Sala absent-mindedly killing a wide-eyed tiger, which appears to- day high up on the roof or architrave of many of the temples constructed by the Hoysala kings or their ministers in many quarters of the plateau, requires a brief mention. The tale ran how a Jaina teacher bade his princely pupil slay the tiger with his wand (or a steel- rod versions vary) saying “Hoy Sala”, “Hit it, Sala”. In fact, Hoysala from the root hoy (originally poy) signifies ‘the Smiter’, and the terse cognomen indicates without ambiguity the type of role which the family first played in Karnataka history. They started their career as successful brigand-chiefs” (p.15, The Hoysalas, O.U.P).

What is of importance is the location of their original habitat somewhere in the neighbourhood of Halebid or Dorasamudra. At Hullekere, a village near Halebid, a shrine dedicated to Vasantikadevi is found. This Goddess is popularly known as Chaudesvari. She has

28 four hands, holding a cup, sword, trident and drum. Thus, the Goddess is Saiva, though she is called Vasantikadevi, a Jaina Goddess. The Pushpagiri Hill nearby, is known for tigers and the Mallikarjunaswamy Temple was originally a Jaina basti converted into a Saiva shrine. It is possible that Sala was a native of Hullekere or Hulikere; he was in the service of the local Rashtrakuta chief Dora, after whom the tank derived its name. The traditional account of Sala slaying a tiger very well fits into this tiger-infested region. Minor Rashtrakuta chieftains seem to have spread in various parts of the country as evidenced by some temples found in near Mysore, Halebid and Mudigere. From the architectural point of view, Hoysala friezes may be derived from Rashtrakuta friezes. If Angadi in Mudigere taluk was the birth-place of the Hoysalas, it must have been the capital of the kingdom at least in the beginning. But the earliest inscriptions of the Hoysalas are found in Halebid and other parts of . Sasakapara need not be identified with Sosavur, the so-called birth-place of the Hoysalas.

In the Sangam age the northern frontier of the Tamil country was indicated by a single place name Venkatam, i.e., Tirupati in the north-east of the Tamil-speaking region. This frontier itself was but linguistic and not strictly political and so was deep and irregular but constant over long periods of time. It was perhaps this very vagueness of the frontier which persuaded the ancient to refrain from defining the northern limit at any point other than Venkatam. In the central sector of the northern boundary the persistence of Tamil names for localities6 shows that the present was well within the linguistic borderland between Tamil and Kannada- speaking areas.

One such place name was Tuvarai (or Torai), meaning pulses. Tuvaraiyur became Tuvarapati and later was confused with Dvaraka7 and associated with Krishna; finally it became Dvarasamudram8

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(Dorasamudram). But still the medieval Hindu dynasty of the Hoysalas could not dissociate themselves from Dvaraka or the Puranic Yadavas of that place and so ascribed to themselves a Yadava ancestry.9 But the origin of the word Dvarasaudram as we have traced it, will leave us in no doubt as to the spuriousness of this ascription.

Usually Halebid is assumed to be a later designation for Dorasamudram, which is regarded as the creation of the Rashtrakutas in the 9th century A.D. These assumptions are not absolutely substantiated but compelled by the need to somehow explain their origin. There can be little doubt that if a Dvarasamudram was built at all in the 9th century, it was but a case of rebuilding, retaining the old name but just adding a ‘Samudram’ to it.

Tuvarai was associated with the ‘ancient Velir’,10 an order of Tamil feudatory chieftains whose Valour and generosity was, if anything, superior to those of the three crowned monarchs of Tamilaham. The Velir were an ancient tribe11 and their name meant ‘the beloved ones’ and is a fair Tamil equivalent of Priyadarshin.7 Pari of Paramby, Adihaiman of Tagadur, and Pehan of Ay and Nannan Venman belonged to that stock; and Velavikkoman Paduman mentioned in Padirrupattu was deemed important enough to give his daughter in marriage to a Chera ruler.12 These Velir were often spoken of in conjunction with the crowned monarchs13 and place names associated with them are practically legion in the lower Deccan and the Tamil country.14

Nachchinarkkiniyar, the noted medieval commentator on the Tolkappiyam15 repeats the legend which had reached him about Agastiyar importing into the Tamil country eighteen varieties (families) of the Velir;16 having obtained them from the Nedumudi Annal (Sri Krishna) of Tuvarapati (i.e., Tuvarai, the modern Dvarasamudram).

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Very clearly this legend relates to the advent of Agastiyar (whoever he was) into the Tamil country and the fashionable and persistent belief that he introduced many fresh elements into Tamil polity, society, literature and fine arts. Of these, according to the belief, the introduction of the Velir group was one. But the single historical element in this legend seems to be that the Velir who belonged to the region of Tuvarai (which even Nachchinarkkiniyar could not help confusing with Dvaraka or the Yadava Capital of Sri Krishna) fanned out and spread southwards into Tamilaham proper at some remote point in the history of the Tamils. But as according to common superstition every line in Tamil antiquity conveniently converged on Agastiyar, this event was also ascribed to him. The Velir were associated with Dvaraka of Sri Krishna on account of the anxiety to trace Velir ancestry to a ‘respectable origin’; and once a migration from the distant Dvaraka was imagined, it was perfectly natural that Agastiyar the patron Saint of treks and migrations should be connected with the movement too. Fleet who probably considered the Dvaraka association credible, said that the Hoysalas belonged to the lineage of Yadu.17 The association of Velir with Dvarasamudram is attested by the mention in Purananuru of Irunko Vel as a chieftain of that region.

If this background of ancient Tamilian association with Tuvarapati is borne in mind, it would be repaying to enquire into the origin of the Hoysalas who in mediaeval times were connected with Dvarasamudram.

The origin of the Hoysala dynasty is considered by many scholars who are all univocal on its absolute obscurity; but all of them dutifully repeat, as I am going to do soon, an absurd story which is supposed to enlighten this problem. This story has many versions but basically there is a standard version which will do for our purpose here; the story is: “There was once in the South Mysore forests an

31 ascetic engaged in his penance; a tiger which came that way prepared to pounee on the ascetic; but then a king called Sala who also happened to come that way was directed by the Rishi to smite the tiger dead; and in so directing he exclaimed, “Hoy! Sala!” that is, “Smite! Oh Sala!” The king did so and became the founder of the Hoysala line of rulers.” ‘Sala’ is an unusual and meaningless designation; and the story itself is on the face of it incredible. But it is said that medieval epigraphy and literature stand solidy by this fiction; and some scholars whose faith in epigraphic prasati tales about origins of dynasties borders on the religious somehow bring themselves to believe this; and when an alternative and saner theory of Hoysala origin is not put forth, this fable is just mentioned and slurred over.

Dr.Derrett who has made a fine study of the Hoysala dynasty reluctantly repeats this fantastic and clumsy story but politely calls it ‘charming’ while dismissing it as useless for he is of opinion that the ‘myth’ was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s days to account for the odd name. He says, “The tale ran how a Jaina teacher bade his princely pupil slay the tiger with his wand, or a steel-rod-(versions vary) saying ‘Hoy, Sala’! In fact Hoysala, from the old Kannada root ‘Hoys’ (originally Poys), signifies ‘the smiter”.18

It is, however, noticeable that all the concerned inscriptions agree on the point that one Sala was the progenitor of the dynasty; but they differ in details in regard to the myth surrounding the origin. In Kadur No.318 of 1174 A.D. it was “Sakala” and not “Sala” who killed the tiger and he was a Yadava King. Another inscription Sorale No.28 of 1208 A.D.: “A Jain monk Sudattachariyar (some call him Vardhamana) called upon the Goddess Padmavati with a view tojoining a village to the kingdom of Sala of the Yadava race. But the Goddess appeared as a tiger and the monk called upon the king to smite it. Padmavati granted the boon and disappeared.” Mr.B.R.Joshi

32 draws our attention to “Hoysala Sculptures, besides a seal of the Hoysala kings, which wear the figures of a man and a tiger representing Sala and his victim in an encounter as narrated in the legend”;19 still like Dr.Derrett, Mr.Joshi dismisses the tiger slayer myth as later medieval; but thinks that the legend was concoted so that the dynasty would go up in the esteem of the people. There are other but equally unedifying variations of this tale.

The term ‘Hoysala’ is not uniformly used in all the Hoysala inscriptions; variants such as Hosana, Hoysana, Poysala, Poyisala and Hosala are in a confused way used to denote the same word.

Now, some scholars have suggested origin to the Hoysala dynasty, which is a worthy endeavour in so far as the legend is rejected and something more historically credible is attempted. Rice is unobjectionable when he says that “they were a family of hill chiefs to start with on the western ghats.” Mr.Joshi equates them with a community of people in North Kanara district: Hosaleru, pronounced as Hoisaleru. Dr.Derrett says, “It is not impossible that their original stock was racially distinct from that of the majority of their followers. They may have descended from the founders of the megalithic civilization which is believed to have come into being in northern Mysore in the 3rd century B.C.; they may have been of the stock of conquerors of the south-west Deccan long since overwhelmed by stronger successors from amongst their own kin; it is however useless to speculate on their racial origin.”20 Sewell says, “Originally the Hoysalas were a family of Hills chiefs residing in the extreme west Mysore near the ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere taluk.”21 This again is a speculation based on certain references in mediaeval inscriptions. But considering all the facts so far mentioned and those to be detailed hereafter in this paper, it would appear that it is more appropriate to assign a non-Aryan and native origin to the Hoysalas.

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Faced as we are with this amazing maze of reports, it is gratifying to note that ancient provides certain peep- holes which reveal the origin of the Hoysalas. The assumption of the title Bellala (Vellala = Vel Alar – corrupted into Vallala – Val Alar) by the later Hoysala rulers is the first indication that this mediaeval dynasty was derived from the ancient Vels of Tuvarapati. This is confirmed by other information that we get in the Sangam literature wherein the theory of Hoysala descent from an ancient Tamil tribe (the Velir community) in South Mysore areas gets confirmed.

Kapilar, the author of 201 and 202 of Purananuru, the Sangam anthology, addresses therein the chieftain Irumkovel and those poems provide the earliest glimpses of early Velir history. Kapilar, poet and the bosom friend of Pari the famous Velir chieftain of Parambu hill in Madurai District, left the Parambu hill after Pari’s death and taking his chief’s two accomplished daughters with him went in search of suitable and willing bride-grooms among the Velir chiefs. This sojourn brought him to Irumkovel whom the poet addresses as ‘the Descendant of 49 generations of Velir who had ruled over Tuvarai and had been begotten in the sacrificial fire of the northern sage’22; in the next poem, the poet curses that Irumkovel for declining to marry his wards (pari’s daughters)23 and says he would settle them in Evvi’s ancient family of Velir. This poem also mentions that one of Irumkovel’s ancestors had offended a port called Kalattalaiyar who therefore had decreed the destruction of the city of Araiyam,24 incidentally reminding that Irumkovel’s insult of Kapilar would lead to similar dire consequences to that chief’s capital etc. Irumkovel is called ‘Pulikadimal’ (the hero who destroyed the tiger) in his poem. The association of Tuvarai with Irumkovel the mention of the myth of an ascetic having something to do with the origin of the Velir dynasty and the title of Pulikadimal for Irumkovel must be compared with the Hoysala capital of Dvarasamudram, the persistent story of an ascetic earning the title ‘Hoysala’ for the dynasty, and the

34 story of a tiger being smitten by the founder of that dynasty. There will be little dicciulty now in realizing that the roots of the Hoysala dynasty are to be traced to the Velir of Tuvarai, one of whom was a ‘Pulikadimal’ (tiger-smiter), mentioned by Kapilar of the 2nd century A.D. and that a thousand years later ‘epigraphic mythology’ had slightly touched up the details of the account here and there and invented a new myth to explain the term ‘Hoysala’. But the entire legend has to be re-interpreted.

The story of the birth of the dynasty in an ascetic’s sacrificial fire was born of epic imagination similar to the story of the river Kaveri flowing from Agastiyar’s sacred water flask; it shows that even in Kapilar’s days the truth about Velir origin had become too dim and ancient; but Nachchinarkkiniyar’s statement that Agastiyar settled the Velir in the Tamil country, it can be seen was only another and a prosaic way of stating that the Velir appeared out of a northern Rishi’s (Agastiyar’s) sacrificial fire. Puram 201 seems to mean that Irumkovel was the descendant of the 49th generation (presumably after the founding of the line) of Velir. If that is the correct meaning of the passage, it would mean that the Velir started as a ruling race sometime in the 8th century B.C.25

If that is considered to be a rather improbable date, it would be proper to read the meaning ‘branch’, or ‘division’ (of the tribe of Velir) instead of ‘generation’ into the expression ‘Valimurai’ used by Kapilar in Puram 201. That would mean that there were 49 families or divisions among the Velir tribe and that they coexisted and simultaneously functioned at the beginning; Nachchinarkkiniyar’s statement about Agastiyar peopling the Tamil country with 18 fmailies of Velir would only mean that he selected 18 out of the 49 and settled them in different parts of southern Tamilaham.

The expression ‘Pulikadimal’ really has nothing to do with smiting the tiger to save an ascetic but braving the ruler whose

35 emblem was the tiger (the Chola) that they could save themselves and their principality; and the hostility between the Hoysalas and the Cholas one witnesses in the 13th century seems to have been as old as the origin of the Hoysala dynasty in early Sangam days.26 The persistent use of the expression ‘Tolkudi’ (the ancient family or tribe) in Tamil literature to indicate the Velir deserves notice.27 for it is that expression which can also be rendered as ‘Palaiya Vidu’ (the ancient family) which is the same as ‘Pale Vidu’ or in Kannada ‘Hale Bidu’ or ‘Halebid’ associated with the Hoysalas. Other suggestions for the meaning of the word Halebid are unreliable and have to be dismissed as later day inventions.

Now we shall enquire into the meaning of the term ‘Hoysala’ itself. The older form of the word is ‘Poysala’ which is Hale-Kannada and therefore likely to be similar to the Tamil form of the word. The word ‘Poy’ in Kannada is said to mean ‘smite’ or ‘kill’; no lexicon goes into the etymology of the word deeper than that; evidently the Poy in the sense of falsehood28 also means ‘corruption-deviation from or destruction of the right.’ If the word is rendered as ‘Poysolar’ (those that will shun falsehood) – the truth speakers – it easily becomes ‘Hoysala’; the form ‘Hoysaleru’ in some inscriptions suggests the other form ‘Poysoleru’ or ‘Poysolaru’ or ‘Poysolar’ in Tamil. The temple built by Hoysala Somesvara (1235-1254) at Kannanur (now called Samayapuram)29 is dedicated to Poysolesvarar. In the Tiruvanaikka temple built by Somesvara there are epigraphic references to ‘Poysolesvara’; and by a strange coincidence, Lord Siva in Tiruvanaikka temple has been praised by Tirunavukkarasar as ‘The Truthful One Devoid of All Falsity’ – ‘Poyyedumillada Meyyan’. This point could be further extended and it will not be wrong to say that in the earlier stages of their dynastic history the Poysolar were identical with the ‘Meymmali Kosar’ or the ‘Satyaputras’ who were ubiquitous in the region from Tulunadu to Kongunadu and included the Adihaimans and the Kongilamkosar.30 So the Hoysalas, by another

36 name but in the same locality, existed and flourished as early as the days of Asoka.

When the Vijayanagar Kingdom tottered and fell, different regions of that vast territory came under different rulers and the Mysore area came into its own when Raja Wodeyar (re-) established a Hindu ruling power there. Really he belonged to the Hoysala stock and the Hoysalar could be traced back to Irumkovel. Now the Kovel’s (or the Vetkos) belonged to the tribe of ceramists and it is well-onown that Udaiyars belong to the same professional group. It is amazing how tenacious Hindu ruling dynasties in South India have been and how carefully they cherish their ancient professional affiliations! j) Brief Political History of the Hoysalas The origin of the Hoysalas is obscure. There are many legends about it. In their inscriptions they claimed to be the descendants of ‘Yaduvamsha’. They have called themselves as ‘Dwaravatipura Varadhishas’ and also as ‘Yadava Kulambaradyuman’ in some of the inscriptions. Some scholars are of the opinion that the Dwaravathi is the ‘Dwaraka’ (of ) created by puranic hero Lord Krishna. Accordingly they started from Gujarat and moved towards the West coast of Karnataka and conquered the Malepas of Western ghats. The title ‘Maleparol Ganda’ (The Husband of Malepas) that the Hoysalas had, substantiate this contention. Col. Mackenzis stand is also the same in this regard. It is probable that they might have built Dwarasamudra (Hassan District) in South in memory of their original Northern home city viz., Dwaraka. None of the inscriptions found here give any precise details of their origin. Except this nothing much has been found in support of their Northern origin. However, there have been evidences in their inscriptions to attribute to them a local origin. They must have been Kannadigas only. For instance some of their titles like ‘Koravara Mari’, ‘Maleparol Ganda’ etc., indicate a Kannada

37 origin. Prof. Cohelo has strongly up held the idea that their language must have been different if they were from North.

Recently (1971) in a seminar held at Mysore Dr.N.Subrama- nyam of Madurai University in a paper entitled ‘The Origin of Hoysalas’ has made an attempt to establish the fact that the Hoysalas have come from Tamilnadu. He quotes the Sangam literature in support of his argument. Accordingly Hoysalas belonged to the valour sect of Tamilnadu. The word ‘Hoysala’ has come from the root ‘poisollar’ (those who would not utter falsehoods). His attempt at finding the origin of the Hoysala dynasty which began in 10-11 century A.D. in the Sangam literature, which took birth a couple of centuries prior to it, is to be ignored.

A legend of Halebeedu (Dwarasamudra) is as follows: By the end of 10th century, a descendant of Lord Krishna by name Madhusu- dhana was traveling from Indraprastha to Rameshvaram. On the way he rested at Halebeedu. The Lord Mallikarjunaswamy atop the Pushpagiri hill nearby, appeared in his dream and according to God’s words, he established Dwaravati city. Meanwhile, Madhusudhana died owing to a curse of an ascetic, and the city also declined. But the Hoysala geneology nowhere contain the name of any king of that name. There is no doubt that this is nothing but fiction.

The idea which is currently favoured about their origin is that the Hoysalas were the sons of the soil. The place of their origin was Sashakapura or Soseuru of Malnad (near Angadi of Mudigere Taluk, Chikkamagalur District). The tradition is that as per the instructions of the Jain ascetic Sudhattamuni, Sala killed single handed a tiger which attacked him. Same aspects of this story is found in the early Hoysala inscription too. The story is as follows: A Jain ascetic was praying to Goddess Vasanthika at Soseuru. All of a sudden a tiger attacked him. The ascetic gave Sala who arrived at this juncture a

38 weapon and directed him to kill the beast with the words “Poi, Sala” “(Strike Sala)”. Sala killed the tiger and achieved the fame as a valorous young man. This Sala became poisala = Pois ala > Hoysala and his dynasty became the Hoysala dynasty.

Hullur Sreenivas Jois has expressed his opinion as follows: like Romulus of the Romans, Sala was not a legendary figure. He was a person who secured the blessings of a great sage by killing a tiger by his brave act. A kingdom was established in Malnad by the combination of the Brahmanic lustre of that Jain sage and valorous excellence of Sala. But B.R. Joshi has condemned this idea. None of the early Hoysala kings have praised Sala. Also they do not take the name of Vasanthikadevi. So he argues that Sala was no historic person. C.Hayavadana Rao has also supported the contention that Sala was just a legendary person belonging to the realm of imagination.

Hoysala was the first of the dynasty. But no details of his regime are available. Some inscriptions claim that Nrupakama was the first Hoysala king. Vinayadhitya was succeeded him has been referred to in some inscriptions as son of Sala and in some others as son of Nrupakama. This has made some scholars like Dr. Krishnaswamy Iyengar to hold the opinion that Sala and Nrupakama were one and the same. As Sala’s existence is found only in traditions, there would not be any objection to consider Nrupakama with Historical existence as the first Hoysala king. Their emblem (insignia) has a picture of a warrior killing a lion.

Nrupakama (1006-47) Nrupakama, the first Hoysala king established a small kingdom comprising the area around Soseuru. He defeated a ruler of a principality of (Western Ghats) belonging to the Malepangada (hill tribes) and achieved the title ‘Maleporal Ganda’. It

39 appears that he had another title ‘Rajamalla’. In an inscription, he has been described as ‘Rajamalla Permadiyenipa Poisalum’. The help he gave to the Gangas in their conquest of Mysore from the Cholas was significant. In the Kadamba war against Chalukyas he protected the Kadambas and earned fame.

Vinayadhitya (1047-98) After Nrupakama his son Vinayadhitya ascended the throne. He ruled for about half a century. During his period the Chalukyas of Kalyani established matrimonial relationship with Hoysalas. The queen of the Chalukya king Someshwara I. Hoysaladevi must have been either Vinayadhitya’s sister or daughter. In an inscriptions he has been described as Vikrama Ganga. This was an indication of the sway he held over the Ganga kingdom. In the battle that ensued between the Chalukyas and the Cholas, Vinayaditya and his son Ereyange fought on the side of Chalukyas and were instrumental in total defeat of the Cholas. Later in the civil war that took place between the sons of Someshwara, Someshwara II and Vikramaditya, he sent a big army led to his son Ereyanga to help Someshwara II. But Vikrama’s victory spoiled Vinayadhitya’s plans.

Ereyanga (1098-1102) After Vinayadhitya, his son Ereyanga came to the throne. Gopanambi was the guru (preceptor) of Ereyanga. Though he participated in the battle for the Chalukyan throne on behalf of Someshwara, in the end he became a follower of the victorious Vikramadhitya. Neither Vinayadhitya nor his son Ereyanga, it seems, ever tried to become independent at all. It is probable that Belur must have been their capital during this time. Someshwara II of Kalyani died and Vikramadhitya VI came to the throne without any opposition. Even then the Hoysalas continued to be the subordinates of the Chalukyas. Brave and loyal Ereyanga was considered later as the right hand of Emporor Vikramdhitya among his feudatories.

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Manaveggade Kundamaraiah was the chief minister of Ereyanga. The Jain ascetic, Ajitasena was his teacher. Chalukyan subordinate, Paramara Dandanayaka raided Dwarasamudra when Ereyanga attained old age. Dr.Derret in his book ‘The Hoysala’ has expressed the opinion that Vikramadhitya who did not take any step to prevent Jagadeva’s attack must have been dubious of the increasing Hoysala might. Because of this incidence the relation between Chalukyas and the Hoysalas during the period of Ballala I and Vishnuvardhana, Sons of Ereyanga must have been cordial. Also this became a reason for Hoysalas to raise the banner of freedom, later.

Ballala I (1102-08) Ereyanga had three sons, Ballala, Nittideva and Udayadhitya, Ballala I, eldest of the three came to the throne in 1102 A.D. with the help of Vikramadhitya VI he successfully attacked the Paramara king Jagadeva and made him to retreat. Later he conquered the Changawas (Coorg) and cleared the obstacles to the Hoysala dominance. His guru ‘Charukirti’ was called Ballala Jeevarakshaka for curing his disease. As he died with out male issue due to some disease, his brother Bittiga ascended the throne.

Vishnuvardhana (Bittideva) (1108-52) Another name of Vishnuvardhana was Bittiga or Bittideva. He was the greatest among the Hoysala kings. He had taken part in many wars during his brother Ballala’s regime. He gained a lot of experience in administration as a governor of province. By his ability and might he became the most powerful king in entire South India. He had many titles. They throw light on his victories. He completely routed the Cholas who held their sway over Gangavadi in the battle of in 1114 and came to have the title ‘Talakadugonda’. In commemoration of this victory he build the Kirthinarayana temple at Talakadu. He build the Chennakeshava temple at Belur (Velapura).

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The coins that he issued at this period contains the title ‘Talakadugonda’. After this in a victorious march he conquered Kongu, Namagali, Nolambavadi and Kovaturu. The Malavalli inscription tells us that he uprooted the Cholas from yet another capital of Gangas namely Kolar. Later he drove the Cholas upto Kanchi and earned the title ‘Kanchi-gonda’. From there he raided Madurai and defeated Pandyas. After conquering Panyas of Uchchangi in 1117 in the Dumme battle he marched upto Rameshwaram. For all these victories his general Maha Prachanda (Dandanayaka) Gangaraja was mainly responsible. The inscriptions found at Salem, Jananathapura and speak of Gangaraja’s brave deeds in those place. Vishnuvardhana attained fame after he drove the Cholas out of Karnataka. He later defeated Kongalvas, and the Cholas who were at Nidugal. Thereby he established his suzerainty over Salem and Nilgirls. The Kongalva king gave his daughter Chandaladevi in marriage to Vishnuvardhana and became his friend. While Vishnuvardhana was returning after the conquest of Halasige Rattas he was opposed by Alupas of Alwakhedha (South Kanara). They were troubling him for a long time. The Belur inscription declares that Vishnuvardhana defeated them and took the title Maleverolganda. The Chamarajanagara inscription of 1117 tells us that he threatened Todas, made the Kongas to run away and hide, destroyed Poluvas and by killing Malayalees threatened a king by name Kala. In 1130 he invaded Honagal and conquered the Kadambas there.

Vishnuvardhana tried his best to escape from the suzerainty of the Chalukyas. But he was surrounded by the principalities of the Chalukyan Empire. These rulers were always trying to break the strength of Hoysalas. They became obstacles in his attempts at raising the banner of freedom. However, Vishnuvardhana with the help of his brother Vinayadhitya and generals Gangaraja, Chamadeva, Dannanayaka, was able to suppress the feudatories of the Chalukya empire, one by one. But Achugi of Yerambaragi withstood his attacks.

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It seems he drove the Hoysala army upto Dwarasamudra. All the attempts of Vishnuvardhana in breaking the yoke of Chalukyan overlordship ended in 1118 and he remained under Chalukya suzerainty till Vikramadhitya VI was the emperor of the Chalukyan empire. Dr.B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar is of the opinion that only after Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 Vishnuvardhana was able to declare himself a sovereign ruler.

During the reign of Someshwara III, who succeeded Vikramadhitya VI, Vishnuvardhana must have tried again to become independent. Meanwhile in 1136 when he tried to re-conquer which was captured by the Chalukyas, he was driven back by them. Three years after this he must have recaptured Hanagallu. But in 1143 the Chalukyas were again after him. This time also Vishnuvardhana returned to Dwarasamudra without any success. Till the end of his life Vishnuvardhana was not able to accomplish his dream of becoming a sovereign and died in 1152. The opinion of Dr. Krishnaswamy Iyengar that Vishnuvardhana proclaimed himself as an independent ruler immediately after Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 is a matter of controversy. Some inscriptions show evidence that he remained a subordinate of the Chalukyan Empire till the end. Vishnuvardhana had titles like ‘Mahamandaleswara’, ‘Chalukya Mani Mandalika Chudmani’, ‘Tatpadapadmopajivin’ etc. these titles indicate that he was under the suzerainty of the Chalukyas. After the death of the Chalukyan emperor, Someshwara III (1139), Vishnuvardhana invaded the north of the . Sir John Fleet remarked that he was the most important and powerful of all the Chalukyan feudatories.

Narasimha I (1152-73) After Vishnuvardhana’s death, his son by his second queen Lakshmidevi, Narasimha I came to the throne. He was a contemporary of Basaveshwara and Bijjala. The great kingdom build by

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Vishnuvardhana’s needed a king of the same ability. But Narasimha was incompetent. He was a sensualist. He had neither the ability nor the valour that a king should possess. As a result Nolambavadi, Tungabhadra area and slipped out of Hoysala hands. The crown prince Ballala II could not tolerate the state of affairs. So he usurped the throne in 1173 A.D., by removing his father from power.

Ballala II (1173-1220) “Karmatala Chakravarthi” Ballala II had gained much experience in administration during his father’s regime. He was as brave a king as his grandfather. His discontent about the ways of his father at last resulted in usurping the throne. Because of Narasimha’s weakness by the time Ballala became a ruler many portions of his grandfather’s kingdom had slipped out. There was trouble within the kingdom also. Ballala had to struggle hard in order to set the things right. He began to suppress the various rulers who had become independent during his father’s regime, with his able commander Bettarasa. The moment he came to power, he conquered the Kongalvas and Chengalvas of the south. The Pandyas who were in Uchchangi of Bellary area were defeated. By capturing Uchchangi he acquired the title ‘Giridurgamalla’. Meanwhile the Chalukyas of Kalyani were on the decline and their feudatories viz., Nolambas and Kalachuris had become powerful. Ballala broke their might. Bhillama, the Sevuna king of Devagiri was trying to become independent. Ballala II advanced his well prepared army, against him. In the battle at near Gadag he defeated the Sevunas. The inscription waxes eloquent and asks ‘who could be equal to such a brave warrior’ (areasaman inthasahaya shuranol) referring to this victory of Ballala. As a result of this victory, the Tungabhadra area came under Hoysala domain. He had , near Gadag, as the Northern capital of his kingdom. The Cholas asked for his help. He helped Rajaraja Chola III to regain his kingdom that had lost it and acquired the title ‘Cholarajya Pratistapanacharya’.

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Meanwhile his queen Umadevi went with an army to quell the revolt of Sindhas of Belaguthi. According to the inscription of Kadur, this victory made Umadevi famous throughout the country from Himalayas to Rameshwaram. In 1196 Ballala captured the fort of Hanagal. As a revenge they attacked the Hoysala borders, seven years after this event. The Tiptur inscription tells us that even in this border trouble the Hoysalas came out successful and the river Bhimarathi became the border of Hoysala kingdom. From Channarayapatna inscription it is clear that Ballala who was old by then, crowned his son Narasimha II in 1220 and later spent his last days peacefully. Ballala had a troop of loyal body guards. They were called ‘’. Kuvaralakshma was a captain of such a troop of thousand body guards. His wife was Suggaladevi. Inscriptions tell us that when he heard of Ballala’s death Kuvaralakshma, his wife and the troop of thousand men, committed suicide as a mark of affection and loyalty. Ballala who ruled for about half a century achieved the same grandeur as Vishnuvardhana. He enhanced the fame of the Hoysalas. Throughout the kingdom peace was established. Many temples were built under royal patronage. The Kedareswara temple of Halebeedu was important among them.

Narasimha II (1220-35) Narasimha II came to the throne after his father Ballala. By then the Sevuna of Devagiri had became powerful and then had checked the Hoysala expansion in the north to the Tungabhadra river. Narasimha spent most of the fifteen years of his reign in the south helping the Cholas. He had given his daughter in marriage to Rajaraja III, son of Kulothunga, brother-in-law of Narasimha. A Chola subordinate Peranjinga had became powerful enough to imprison Rajaraja III and capture the Chola empire. Narasimha had to rush to help his son-in-law. He killed Peranjinga and re-established Rajaraja III on the throne. B.S. Krishna Iyengar rightly remarks, “As Cholas and Pandyas were on the decline, Hoysala had acquired the status of

45 playing the role of arbitrators in the South Indian political affairs”. Again Narasimha spoiled an attempt by Pandya king to take over Chola kingdom. He marched upto Rameshwaram and erected his victory pillar there. After Narasimha his son Someshwara came to the throne.

Someshwara (1235-53) Someshwara who was a crown prince during his father’s regime had gained experience in administration by being a governor of the southern provinces. Cannanore (re-named as Vikramapura) was his capital then. He stayed in south even after his father’s death and he visited Dwarasamudra once in a while. This encouraged the Sevuna’s of Devagiri to be bold enough to become independent. Even in south, during the regime of Rajendra III, successor of Rajaraja III, the Chola Hoysala relationship became cordial. Someswara, instead of helping the Cholas as usual, supported Jatavarma, the Pandya king against the Cholas. He thus became responsible for the defeat of Rajendra in the battle that ensured in 1252 between the Cholas and Pandyas. Someshwara in his last days divided his kingdom into two and let his elder son Narasimha III govern the Northern part with Dwarasamudra as his capital and allowed his younger son Ramanatha to govern the other portion including the Tamilnadu area (Eastern portion) from Cannanore capital.

Narasimha III (1253-91) and Ramanatha (1253-93) Narasimha III who came to the throne in 1253 at Dwarasamudra had to face trouble at the hands of his younger brother Ramanatha. The enemity between them resulted in the fall of both. The Sevuna king Ramachandra took advantage of their internal strife. He attacked Dwarasamudra and defeated Narasimha. Maravarman Kulashekara Pandya who captured the Chola kingdom, later conquered the Hoysalas of Cannanore. Many Tamil provinces including Cannanore were captured by him. Kundini in North

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Cannanore became his capital. As a result Ramanatha turned on his brother’s kingdom. In 1291 Narasimha died and his son Ballala III ascended the throne in 1295, after Ramanatha’s death his son Visvanatha came to the throne of Eastern kingdom.

Ballala III (1291-1343) Ballala III, son of Narasimha was the last of great Hoysala kings. His long regime of fifty two years was an eventful chapter in the history of Karnataka. When he came to power the Hoysala throne was troubled greatly by enemies. Moreover, his own relatives Ramanatha and his son Viswanatha were creating troubles. Ballala faced all these problems with great ability. First he imprisoned Khotanayaka who rose in revolt at Banavasi. Meanwhile he successfully withstood an attack made by Ramanatha on Bangalore and . Ramanatha died in 1295 but his son continued his father’s policy. Ballala defeated sevuna’s of Devagiri, Nolamba’s of Nolambawadi, Kalachuris and occupied their kingdom. He extended the Hoysala kingdom in south upto . Meanwhile Vishwanatha died (1300) and his death became an important event in the history of Hoysalas. Because after his death Hoysala kingdom was unified under Ballala III.

The Muslim rulers of Delhi who destroyed many Hindu royal families and who shook the entire North turned towards the South. Tajuddin Malikkafur, (formerly Hindu-Gujarati Baraber) the great general of Alludin Khilji- the Sultan of Delhi, struck Devagiri like a whirlwind. The Sevunas and Kakatiyas were the first victims of his attack. Later by 1311 Ballala III was also defeated by him. Dwarasamudra fell to Malikkafur. Later when Malikkafur attacked Pandyas of Madurai, Ballala tried to help Pandyas. But that attempt too failed. Ballala committed a big blunder in thinking that the invasion of Muslims was temporary. As a result he was caught unprepared. In 1327, the began yet another attack. Dwarasamudra was looted in an inhuman way. Temples were ruzed to

47 ground. Some were defiled. The Hoysaleshwara temple stands as a victim even to this day and it is a mute evidence of this attack. Meanwhile Ballala had Tiruvannamalai as his capital. He sued for peace, thinking that he could not do anything against the Islamic might. Treaty was the only way by which he could save his temples and liberate his subjects from the hardship. As a result of this treaty he got back Dwarasamudra. On his return from Tiruvannamalai in 1329 Ballala built a new town in the North. This new township was called Virupakshapura, Hosadurga etc., S.K. Iyengar is of the opinion that “later this became the Vijayanagara and in 1339 Veeravirupaksha was ruling this”. The sultan who drove Veerapandya and Sundarapandya and captured Madurai established a Muslim kingdom there. Ballala who was defeated helped the Sultan according to the conditions of treaty in establishing this kingdom. But later Ballala went on organizing the local resistance against the invading menace. He tried to unify the waring lords against the alien rule which had established itself in the South also. By his attempts, he was able to organize many rulers of principalities and minor kingdoms into an army against Ghiyasuddin, the Sultan of Madurai. Ballala died in 1343 on the battlefield. His son Veeravirupaksha of Veeraballala IV who succeeded him died in 1345. Meanwhile, Vijayanagara Empire which came into existence by including the Northern provinces of Karnataka, stood for Ballala’s ideals of resistance against the Muslim attack.

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CHAPTER-II ACCESSION OF BALLALA III

The accession of Ballala III to the Hoysala throne at Dorasamudra, following the death of Narasimha, paved the way for the unification of the kingdom. Narasimha's death did not change the attitude of Ramanatha. He seems to have even opposed Ballala Ill's succession. Ramanatha's position in the south was becoming very weak. Therefore he tried to claim the territories that were being ruled by his brother. His records appear frequently in the eastern parts of Southern Karnataka. In about 1295 A.D. his son Viswanatha succeeded him. But he was a weak prince and could not maintain his father's policy. He did not even rule for long. Nothing is heard of him after 1297 A.D. Ballala III understanding the weakness of Ramanatha's successor probably attacked him and ousted him that is how again the Hoysala empire was reunited.

Ballala III and the Tamil Country Ballala III ousted Viswanatha, the son of Ramanatha and united the Hoysala kingdom. Since Ballala III was busy with his internal problems and also in. checking the Sevuna attacks on the northern side, he could not turn towards the Tamil territory to re-establish the Hoysala dominance. And he could not think of immediately conquering Kannanur from the hands of the Pandyas.

End of the rule of the Cholas and emergence of Pandyas as a strong power in Tamil country Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial power from the political arena, the Pandyas emerged as supreme in Tamil country. The Chola capital Tanjore was occupied by Sundara Pandya. This was the end of the rule of the Cholas. Rajendra III fled to Gangaikonda Cholapura and died there. The death of Rajendra marked the extinction of the Chola empire. Jatavarman Sundara

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Pandya I has been praised as the greatest ruler of the . Many attempts made by the previous Pandya ruler to overthrow the Cholas had ended in failure. Sundara Pandya not only succeeded in defeating the Cholas and also succeeded in freeing the Tamil country from the clutches of the Hoysalas. He became the master of the whole of Tamil country. He died in 1268 A.D.

Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I was succeeded by his son Maravarman Kulashekara I. He ruled for 40 years (1268- 1308). His long reign was marked by peace and prosperity in the Pandya kingdom. He defeated Chera king. He also invaded Ceylon and defeated Parakrama Bahu III and received from him many precious things. Under Kulashekara the Pandyan kingdom was very extensive and powerful. During his reign Ballala III did not interfere in the affairs of Tamil country as he was busy in consolidating his position in the kingdom. But with his death in 1308 A.D. hey days of the Pandyas came to an end.

Ballala III and Pandya kingdom Kannanur which was lost to the Pandyas during the rule of Ramanatha, still remained under them. Ballala III during his rule of first decade was busy in uniting the kingdom and also in fighting against the Sevunas on the northern side of his kingdom. His position at the time of his accession in 1291 A.D. was not as strong as it ought to have been. Because he succeeded to the half of the Hoysala kingdom. His grand father Somesvara had divided the kingdom. Ballala Ill's foremost duty was to unite the Hoysala kingdom, which he accomplished by 1301 A.D. Therefore it must be admitted that like his great predecessors he did not succeed to a powerful kingdom. As a result that he could not give any attention to the affairs in Tamil country, despite the fact that the Hoysalas had lost many territories. He was just waiting for an opportunity to turn towards the Tamil country or the Pandyan kingdom.

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Outbreak of civil war in the Pandya kingdom Following the death of Maravarman Kulasekhara the political developments which took place in the Pandya kingdom provided an opportunity to Vira Ballala III to interfere with affairs of Tamil country. Maravarman Kulasekhara had two sons, namely Jatavarman Sundara Pandya III and Jatavarman Vira Pandya. Jatavaraman Vira Pandya was the illegitimate son of Kulasekhara. Maravarman Kulasekhara thought that Vira Pandya was more gifted than Sundara Pandya and nominated him as his successor. This is indicated by the fact that he was associated with his father in the administration and ascended the throne in 1296 A.D. This led to a bitter hatred between the two brothers and they fought several battles among themselves to secure the throne. About five or six years later began the rule of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. According to Wassaf, the jealousy and rivalry of these half-brothers embittered the last years of Kulasekhara, and finally led to his murder by Sundara Pandya. This crime was followed by a fraternal war which threw the kingdom into confusion on the eve of the invasion of Malik Kafur. Thus after murdering his father, Sundara Pandya ascended the throne at Madura. Vira Pandya continued his struggle against Sundara Pandya. Amir Khusrau also says that Malik Kafur was informed that the two Rais of Malbar, the eldest named Bir Pandya, the youngest Sundara Pandya, who had upto that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against each other with hostile intentions. Sundara Pandya is said to have suffered defeat in the end. He is said to have sought the help of Ala- ud-din Khilji. Marcopolo says that Sundarapandi (Sundara Pandya) met Ala-ud-din at Delhi. This statementcannot be accepted. Because Malik Kafur never tried to reinstate Sundara Pandya on Madura throne.

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Ballala's interest in the recovery of his predecessors territories Vira Ballala III also was waiting for an opportunity to reconquer the territories which his predecessors had lost in Tamil country. When the civil war broke out, he thought the conditions were more favourable to interfere in the affairs of Tamil country. Therefore he marched with a large army. His intention was more than anything else, to make some territorial gains at the cost of two brothers. By this act he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur.

Probably by 1311 A.D. Kulasekhara Pandya was murdered by Sundara Pandya. After this murder he faced lot of problems in Tamil country. Therefore he was forced to seek the aid of Ballala III, who was in an excellent geographical position to attack the possessions of Vira Pandya, which lay in and north of Kaveri Valley. Sundara Pandya promised to cede Kannanur region if he should help to subdue Vira Pandya. It is known from Amir Khusrau that Ballala had responded favourably to this invitation and it was well known that he intended to take advantage of the conflict on the plains at the expense of both the brothers. According to J.D.M. Derrett this fits perfectly with what we know of Ballala’s character, ever restless and opportunistic and the history of the land immediately beneath the Ghats to the south of Kundani. Amir Khusrau says in his Khazian-ul-futuh that Ballala , the Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya country, had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering their two cities and their merchants. His main intention was definitely to capture Kannanur and by involving himself on one side or the other side he could achieve this without much struggle and hardship.

Founding of many temples and towns in Tamil country Thus until the Muhammadan attack on the Hoysala capital, Vira Ballala III with the able assistance of his ministers and generals

52 scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several towns and cities, erected and renovated a few temples in Tamil country. One of the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III at Perur in gives full details of achievements of this king and his officer Kotayya Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava Dannayaka boldly calls himself as the "Death to the Kongus" 'conqueror of Nilagiri' and 'founder of Dandanayakankottai'. The presence of Vira Ballala's records in parts of salem and all over the Nilgiris and Coimbatore as far as Manur in the Palni taluk, is an indication of the restoration of Hoysala rule in Kongu. Ballala was frequently at Kanchi between 1299 and 1335 A.D. Presiding over the temple ceremonies and awarding honours to scholars of merit. Kanchi, which was then an easy prey to invaders and adventures, was not continuously under Ballala's direct rule. One fact however is clear that Ballala's authority was recognised in the country round about Kanchi and the local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.

Malik Kafur's attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala's return from Tamil country Ballala III was in the Tamil country when he heard the news of Malik Kafur's invasion of the Hoysala kingdom. He once hurriedly left Tamil country to reach. By the time he reached Dorasamudra it had already been surrounded by the advance guard of Malik Naib's men. Ballala was not in a position to fight against the invader. Amir Khusrau says that he had submitted conditionally. Isamy says that as a result of the conference held with Malik Naib, that Ballala submitted. From the above informations and also from the other sources, it is clear Ballala III did not take the risk of fighting against Malik Kafur. He knew that he was not prepared to fight such a powerful enemy. Ballala not only surrendered all his wealth, including horses and elephants, but also agreed to show the route to invade the Pandyan kingdom and assist Malik Naib in all respects. It seems Malik Naib also suggested to Ballala III that he would be profited in

53 numerous ways if he assisted him to go to Malbar, in other words the Chola Pandya country in the plains. Ballala could lead the Muslim army by a new route not generally used so that both Sundara and Vira Pandya may be surprised by the attack.

Probably by the assurances given by Malik Kafur, Ballala III was impressed very much. Therefore he readily agreed to guide and also provide him with all necessary things. It was a fine opportunity to recover Kannanur under these favourable conditions, as the Pandyan kingdom was engulfed in the civil war between two brothers.

All the sources clearly state that the difference between Sundara Pandya and Virapandya made the Pandyan country an easy prey to aggressors, the Hoysala Vira Ballala III and Malik Kafur.

Role of Ballala III during Malik Kafur's attack on Pandyan Brothers It is necessary to describe the role played by Ballala III during the expedition led against Malbar by Malik Kafur. Almost all the accounts of chroniclers agree that Ballala III accompanied and guided Malik Kafur during his Malbar expedition, but they do not tell clearly about his activities there. Undoubtedly till the end of the expedition Ballala III was with him.

From Kannanur the army marched to Madura. The army must have taken the road from Trichinopoly by way of Kirangur to the town of Pudukotta straight and thence to Tirumeyyam from there to and from Tiruputur to Madura. Ballala and other Chola Chieftains must have helped to plunder these places. When he reached Madura Sundara Pandya escaped. Thus it is very difficult to get a clear picture of the towns plundered by Malik Kafur. But from the accounts of Muslim chroniclers it is clear that almost all the important religious centres were plundered. After this expedition

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Malik Kafur returned to Delhi. Ballala III accompanied Malik Kafur upto Jalna, near Devagiri.

Ballala's interference in the civil war after the return of Malik Kafur Even after Malik Kafur's expedition in 1311, the civil war in the Pandyan kingdom continued. As a result of fresh political developments which had taken place in the Tamil country, Ballala III was forced to interfere. Vira Pandya being pressed by both the Hoysala and his brother Sundara, sought and obtained the aid of Tiruvadi Kulasekhara the Kerala king, and these two attempted to hold the Chola country. Sundara, whose headquarters had been at Madura since 1310, sent for aid to Prataparudradeva at Warrangal. He sent an army under Devarinayaka to the far south to help Sundara Pandya. Ballala also joined the side of Sundara Pandya. The Kakatiya forces together with those of the Hoysalas were victorious. Ballala fought more than once during this campaign and received as his reward a piece of territory which included the town of Arunasamudra which he speedily renamed Arunasamudra Ballalapattna in the region of Tiruvannamalai.

Relations with the Sultanate of Madura The establishment of the Muhammadan power in Madura by A.D. 1332 resulted in the loss of the capital to Pandyan princes. The evidences from epigraphs, however, show clearly that even the loss of Madura did not mean the immediate disappearance of the power of the Pandyas from the districts of Madura, Ramnad and Tanjore. Till about the middle of the century or even a little later, the Pandyan rulers appear to have held sway over parts of these districts.

According to K.A. Nilakanta Sastri subjects of Madura never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the

55 neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to pull down the Mohammadan power. In fact there were constant clashes between the Sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the Kaveri - Coleroon border where wars had taken place previously between the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the Pandyas had ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of Madura, Kannanur and other places by the Muhammadans, they were definitely carrying the resistance against the Sultanate of Madura by guerilla warfare. At the same time Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting all his power to reconquer the fort of Kannanur which commanded the road to Madura.

In 1340 A.D. Ballala III arrived at Tiruvannamalai and settled there. From there he was watching the activities of both Pandyas and also Sultan of Madura. The Arunachala Puranam, a much later work, refers to Ballala's stay at Tiruvannamalai. The seventh canto of that work called Vallala Magarican - Carukkan, the chapter on the great king Ballala gives the impression that the king was well established there. The king actually crowned his son Ballala IV in the city of Tiruvannamalai. An inscription of 1340 states that he had been engaged in 'performing a coronation ceremony'. Ballala IV's coronation was probably prompted as much by his father's age as by the cumulative anxieties of Madura and Vijayanagar. Ibn Batuta tells us that Ballala III was in his eighties; he had been on the throne for 50 years, and he had then reached what was an usually advanced age. Even at this age he was active. But unfortunately his son Ballala IV was not dynamic like his father. He lacked the qualities expected of an able crown prince.

Ballala is believed to have built the third enclosure wall of the temple and its four gopurams, and revived a yearly ceremony which used to be conducted there in the month Tai (January -February) in the name of Vallala-raya. Thus both Ballalas were in their look out at

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Tiruvannamalai, perched at the edge of their dominions. Tiruvannamalai was one of the main line of communication between Madura and the north. Thus from 1340 he stayed at Tiruvannamalai and made preparations to attack Sultan of Madura.

The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura during the last decade and was observing constant inroads of the Muhammadans. Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-us- din Dhamaghani was that of an infidel named Ballala Dev who was one of the principal kings of south India at that time,

Battle of Koppam - Kannanur and the death of Vira Ballala III Ibn Batuta has given a detailed account of the battle fought between Ballala's army and the army of the Sultan of Madura. He points out that this Hindu sovereign marched with a huge army consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 20,000 Muslim mercenaries. Muhammadan army on the other hand consisted of hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth nothing. The two armies met at Kubban, which has been identified with Koppam Kannanur near . This place has been described as one of the strong holds of Muhammadans.

In the battle the Muhammadan army was easily defeated. Then Ballala ordered the Muslim to leave the town. The Hoysala king Ballala also offered them to return to Madura under a safe conduct and hand over the town to him. Finding it impossible to defend themselves they asked for a truce of 14 days to obtain permission from the sultan who was at Madura.

Ghiyas ud-din realized that if Kannanur were to be surrendered, Madura itself would be in danger. Therefore he raised and marched towards Kannanur. He attacked Ballala's army when it was taking

57 rest. Ballala's army was surprised by this attack. They threw the besieging army into confusion. A general rout followed, after which large number of Ballala's troops were killed. He told sovereign who was about eighty years old was captured and taken to Madura. The Sultan treated him with apparent consideration until he had exhorted from him his wealth, horses and elephants by promising him to release. When he had relieved him of all his possessions, he slew him and had him skinned, the skin was stuffed with straw and hung on the wall of Madura. Derrett has stated "so it, came about that the will - o - the - wisp city of Kannanur, which had been the monument of an idle fancy of Ballala II, proved fatal to his name sake and descendant. This was the lamentable fate of the great king ot Hoysala dynasty.

End of the Hoysala rule in Tamil country The death of Vira Ballala III was an irrepairable damage and irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at all. The Hoysala kingdom practically came to an end after the death of Vira Ballala III, though he was succeeded by his son Virupaksha Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years. With the death of Ballala the Hoysala rule also came to an end in Tamil country.

Conclusion During the reign of Vira Ballala II the Hoysala dynasty emerged as one of the powerful dynasties in the Deccan. At the same time the Chola power was weakened in Tamil country and Pandyas were gaining an upperhand. Sundara Pandya attacked the Chola ruler Raja Raja III and humiliated him. During this crisis he appealed to Vira Ballala II. He promptly sent his son Narasimha. He defeated the Pandyas and their allies and restored the Chola authority.An army of the Hoysalas was also stationed at Kannanur to help the Chola ruler. When Narasimha II succeeded to the Hoysala throne, he also continued his help towards the Cholas. The Pandyas along with the Kadavas, attacked the Chola ruler and defeated him.Then he was

58 imprisoned. Again Narasimha II rushed to the help of the Chola ruler, defeated the combined armies of Pandyas and Kadavas. Then the Chola ruler Raja Raja III was released and reinstated on the Chola throne.During the reign of Vira Somesvara the Hoysala influence in the Tamil country reached its zenith and also witnessed a great set back at the hands of the Pandyas. Vira Somesvara continued his support to the Cholas and concluded a marriage alliance. Later on there was a shift in his policy. He made alliance with the Pandyas. Both the Hoysalas and the Pandyas became very close. This was not tolerated by the Chola ruler he tried to free himself from the clutches of the Hoysalas, but he was unsuccessful. After the accession of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya to the Pandya throne, the relations between the Hoysalas and the Pandyas were strained. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya commenced a policy of conquest. He even attacked the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. He waged a war against Somesvara in which the latter was defeated. Thus ended the hey days of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. Somesvara before his death divided the Hoysala empire between his two sons namely Narasimha III and Vira Ramanatha. He handed over the administration of Hoysala territories in Tamil country to Vira Ramanatha. When Vira Ballala III came to the throne, he succeeded in reuniting the Iloysala empire. The Chola kingdom had grown weak and gave way for the establishment of the Pandya dynasty. During the reign of Vira Ballala III, a civil war occurred in the Pandya kingdom. A fight ensued between two brothers for the throne. Ballala interfered in this civil war. When Ballala III was busy in the Pandya kingdom, Malik Kafur attacked Dorasamudra. Ballala III rushed back to Dorasamudra and was forced to conclude a treaty with Malik Kafur. Then Ballala III agreed to guide Malik Kafur to Pandyan kingdom, Ballala III rendered all kinds of help. Even after the return of Malik Kafur the civil war in Pandya kingdom continued. As a result the Pandya kingdom, was further weakened. During this period a Sultanate was established at Madura. The sultan began to attack the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. As

59 a result a battle was fought at Koppam Kannanur in 1342 A.D. Ballala was captured and taken to Madura and was finally murdered. Thus ended the rule of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. With his tragic end the Hoysala rule also came to an end.

Some prominent feudatory families In the Hoysala empire The feudatories or samanthas as a segment of the ruling elites acted as an important link between the people under their jurisdiction and the paramount authority at Dorasamudra. Here we may examine some of the important Hoysala feudatories as linkages in the Hoysala State.

The Changalvas The Changalvas were a family of kings who ruled in the western portion of Mysore district and Coorg. Modern Hunsur taluk was their original home and from there they spread to other neighbouring areas and were a source of constant trouble of the Hoysalas. It cannot be said with certainty when exactly the conflict between the Hoysalas and Changal- vas began. Derrett is positive that Vinayaditya did not attack the Changalvas. But there are some references in inscriptions which can be taken as referring to Changalvas and Kongalvas. An inscription from relur states that the sons of hill-kings placed their heads at the lotus feet of 9Vinayaditya. These hill chiefs may perhaps be identified as the Changalvas. This is further corroborated by an inscription of A.D. 1091.These inscriptions mention certain grants made by Chan-galva chief Nariyapergade during the rule of Vinay- aditya.Whether Changalvas continued to be faithful subordinates hereafter cannot be said with certainty. However, it can be said that the wars between these two dynasties started during the time of Vinayaditya. No conflicts between the two dynasties occured during the reign of Hoysala king Ereyanga. The next Hoysala ruler Ballala I

60 distinguished himself by a victory over the Changalvas. The comparative inaction of Ereyanga against them had made the Changalvas strong enough to assume high sounding titles. Ballala who observed this plunged into action against the Changalvas. By about 1104 A.D., Ballala was on an expedition against Changalvadeva. Two inscriptions from the very border of the Changalva territories clearly show that Ballala encamped there on his forward march. According to one of these inscriptions a battle was fought at Hosavidu in which many brave warriors died. But this defeat, the Changalvas, however did not become the subordinates of Hoysalas. They were checked to a considerable extent.

But by 1116 A.D., they attracted the attention of Hoysala Vishnuvardhana. The Hoysala king on an expedition against the Changalvas, Kongalvas and the Tulunadu, subjugated the Changalva ruler. But this did not prove effective and the Changalvas indulged in anti-Hoysala activities soon after. In 1124 A.D., Vishnuvardhana's army marched under the headship of Bokinayaka who killed Ballala and others of the enemy camp. An inscription describes this battle in graphic terms. Bckinayaka attacking the elephants of the Changalvas, "treading upon the enemy like Cumin seed till disgust arose...... gained the world of gods." Another inscription clearly states that the Changalva territory came under the sway of the Hoysalas. Another inscription credits Vishnuvardhana with the title submarine fire to the Changalvas. Probably, for some time the Changalvas acknowledged the suzerainty of the Hoysalas as evidenced by an inscription of 1139 A.D. in which year certain gifts were made by the Hoysala king to a Changalva king's officer.

Though the Changalvas vere subjugated by Vishnuvardhana, the advantageous geographical position in hilly and impregnable tract they had occupied encouraged them to asset their independence. They began harassing the Hoysala ruler Narasimha I as the latter was

61 busily engaged in the northern parts of his empire. In 1145 Narasimha I sent an expedition against the Changalvas who were again defeated. But Ballala II before becoming the emperor befriended the Changalvas. The Changalvas thought this was a good opportunity for them to fish in troubled waters and they readily supported the cause of Ballala II. This must have happened in 1172 A.D. Taking advantage of this, Changalvadeva began making preparations to become completely independent. By that time Ballala II had assumed full royal powers and felt secure to disregard the friendliness towards the Changalvas. In 1174 A.D. Ballala II sent an army against Changalva Mahadeva under the guidance of his trusted general Bettarasa. Fearing this attack Changalvadeva retired to interior portion of Kodagu and took refuge in the fort at Palpare. Bettarasa fought valiantly and occupied Palpare fort. This was a complete success for the Hoysalas and Changalva area came under the Hoysala. This is evidenced by the presence of Hoysala inscriptions, and the absence of Changalva inscriptions in their area. Hoysala inscriptions begin to anpear in Coorg from 1175 A.D. Five years later i.e., in 1180, there was a minor rebellion in the Changaivanad and Eallala II himself aarched there and brought the rebellion under control. For sometime there was no trouble in the Changalva area to the Hoysalas. Many Changalva inscriptions of this period mention Ballala II as their overlord.

But Changalvadeva's son Changalva Pamma Virappa rallied round his forces with the help of Kodagu chiefs Badagaunda Nandideva, Udayadityadeva and others. This combined army marched to Palpare and drove the Hoysalas out. This must have happened during the time of Ballala III. Finally they were overpowered by the Hoysala rulers and they retired to Coorg. By 1245 .4.D. they built a new city called Kodagu Srirangapattana. In 1252 the Changalva kings Scmadeva and Eoppadeva were the subordinates of the Hoysala king Somesvara. How long they remained as faithful

62 subordinates of the Hoysalas is not known. Though they survived the Hoysalas, we have no information regarding their relationship with the Hoysalas.

The Kongalvas The Kongalvas, another feudatory family, ruled Kongal and consisting of the modern Arakaigud taluk and parts of north Kodegu. They were the subordinates of the Cholas and with their backing harrassed the Hoysalas. The Kongalvas who were less terbulent than the Changalvas maintained a mixed relationship with Hoysalas. The Kongalva chief Rajendra Chola Prithvi Maharaja Kongalva felt so strong as to invite Hoysala Nripakama to a fight. An inscription of A.D. 1022, refers to this fight and from this we can gain the impression that Nripakama suffered a defeat. Encouraged by this, Kongalva Maharaja came a second time against

Hoysala Nripakama. According to an inscription coming from Honnur dated 1026 A.D., the battle was fought at Manni, and Kongalva was victorious in this battle. But it is difficult to believe this inscription. For a period of thirty years, we do not hear of the name of this Kongalva king in this locality. Had it been a victory for the Kongalva king as evidenced by the Honnur inscription cited above, it becomes difficult to explain the absence of Konalva record in this area (Nelamangala).

Hoysala king Vinayaditya while on his expedition against the Changalvas, either before or after defeating them, diverted his attention towards the Kongalvas, though the Kongalvas are not men- tioned by name in a record, the hill chiefs referred to here may be the Kongalvas. A large number of Vinayadityas inscriptions found in the Kongalva area during this period is significant. During the time of Vishnuvardhana, the Kongalvas made many minor incursions into the Hoysala territory. Vishnuvardhana’s general Punisa who was

63 otherwise busy turned his attention towards the Kongalvas. Punisa very ably put down the Kongalvas and because of this achievement Vishnuvardhana assumed the title "a wild fire in burning the forest, the Kongalva king". Derret to strengthen this point states that Vishnuvardhana entered into a matrimonial alliance with the Kongalvas. According to him Kongalvaraja’s daughter Chandaladevi was given in marriage to Vishuvardhana.When Hoysala Narasimha I's position was not comfortable the turbulent Kongalvas made an attempt to attack the Hoysalas; During the end of Narasimha's reign in 1171, Vira Dodda Kongalva-deva's trusted general Rudra attacked the Hoysalas at Molateyabidu. The Kongalva inscriptions claim a victory for themselves. The pleasure of this victory of the Kongalvas did not last long. Ballala II as a rebel against his father Narasimha I joined hands with the Kongalvas. The Kongalvas became a faithful feudatory family under Ballala II. Many inscriptions of the Kongalvas mention Ballala II as their overlord. Even Ballala's queen Padmadevi is seen making gifts to temples in the Kongalva erritory. From that tinie onwards in 1176 A.D. they continued to be Hoysala subordinates.

The Kadambas of Hoysala Vishnuvardhana with a view to expand his kingdom was exhausting all possible opportunities. Realising the importance of the Hangal Kadambas, he was making raids into their territory as a beginning of his plan of conquest. Though, as early as 1120 A.D. Hanuragal appears in his prashasti it was perhaps not until 1130 A.D., Vishnuvardhana isade an attack on the Kadambas. Taila II was the contemporary Kadamba ruler at Hangal. Hia general Taila Naga opposed the army of- Vishnuvardhana. The mighty Hoysala army defeated Kadamba general and proceeded to Hangal, and laid siege to the fort there. Taila II was no match to the superior Hoysala army and hence Taila II fell fighting. Vishnuvardhana lost no time in assuming high sounding titles significant of this achievement.

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After the death of Taila II, his eldest son Mayura Varman III came to the throne. In his inscriptions he is stated to be ruling Bansvase, Hangal and Santalige. It is doubtful whether this was just a prashasti or a fact, because vardhana's conquest seecs to be almost complete. Mallikarjuna succeeded Mayuravarman III and began to retrieve the situation for the Kadambas atleast temporarily. He began minor incurssions against the Hoysalas to divert Vishnuvardhana's concentration on Hangal. The Hoysala general Gangadeva put an end to all these incursions and is stated to have laid seige to Hangal. An inscription states that Vishnuvardhana was ruling the kingdom from Hangal Tnus he achieved great success against the Kadambas.

After the death or Vishnuvardhana Narasimha came to the Hoysala throne. During the period the Kadambas seem to have reoccupied most parts which they had lost during the previous period. In an inscription it is said that Kadma Tailama drove the Hoysalas out of his country. But a Hoysala inscription states that generals entered the adarsba territory, defeated the Kadamba king and returned with a large amount of booty. Kadamba Kamdeva, one of the important rulers of his dynasty, was a contemporary of the Hoysala Ballala II. The constant struggles among the Hoysalas, Kalachuris, and the Chalukyas, which marked the period, were uneventful years for the Kadambas. They suffered most in these struggles. However, Kadamba was making attempts to become independent. He even assumed the title Kadamba Chakravarthi. Ballala II who was making himself powerful in all fronts attacked Kamadeva many times. The evidence that is available from inscriptions is indeed conflicting on this point. Probably, the conflict began at the strong fort Uddhare, very near Hangal. By 1181 A.D. this fort was under the Hoysalas evidenced by an inscription. But by 1196 A.D. this fort was under Kadamba Kamadeva. According to inscription, Ballala's soldiers were completely defeated and Kamadeva

65 drove the Hoysalas out of. During the uddhare time of kavarasa, the last great ruler of the Hangal Kadambas, the fortunes of the family looked brighter, Kavarssa rendered help to Saluva Tikkama, a great general of Sevuns Ramachandra. Tikkama marched against the Hoysalas and even plundered Dorasarmdra. In this campaign Tikkama re-occupied many parts of Banavasi and Hangal. Though Tikkama was not completely successful in his attempt, he was able to restore the Kadamba territory to Kamadeva. He ever assumed the title establisher of the Kadamba king. By about 1300 A.D. Ballala III made an attempt to defeat Kadamba Kavadeva. But he does not seem to have achieved any significant success. Thus the Kadambas eluded the Hoysala rulers. But- it has to be noted that the energies of the Hoysala rulers were wasted by the successive attacks gainst the kadambas of Hangal, which after all did not bring them any permanent gains.

The santaras of The Santaras of ancient Pomburchapura played a significant role in the history of Karnataka. Santrara country being situated in the fertile valley attracted the Hoysalas. Hence there were many conflicts between the Hoysalas and the Santaras of Humcha. Vinayaditya with a view to expand his kingdom burned towards the Santaras. Though the exact details are not known, it is clear that the Hoysala army under Vinayaditya defeated the Santaras. Many viragals testify to this fact. Two inscriptions of Vira Santaradeva of 1062 A.D. and 1068 A.D. do not help us to know the details of the conflict.

But the comparative rarity of Santara inscription in the area is a clue to testify that they were defeated. This is further corroborated by the fact that Vira Santar’s son married a Hoysala princess. But however, this should not be taken to mean that the Santaras were completely subjugated by Vinayaditya. There existed between the two dynasties some sort of uneasy friendship.

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Vishnuvardhana wanted to enlist the support of the Santaras to subdue the Kadambas. Hence he first attacked them and took their fort at Humcha. By this the Santaras became subordinates. The Santaras allied themselves with the Hoysalas in many wars during this period. Sonse inscriptions credit Vishnuvrdhana with a victory over Santara king Jagadeva. However, there is every reason to believe that it was during Hoysala Narasimha’s period that Jagadeva began harassing the Hoysala with the help of the Kalachuris. During the time of Ballala II, the Santaras were faithful subordinates and assisted the Hoysala ruler in his wars. It was with the active support of the Santaras that Ballala II was able to keep control over the neighbouring minor powers. Thus the Santaras of Humcha helped in the development of the Hoysala empire as feudatories.

The Santaras of Hosagunda It is not known when exactly the Hoysagaunda Santaras branched off from the main line. But we know that one Birarasa was probably its leader. These Santaras were very weak and they were on the verge of being wiped out of existence by the Sevunas Hence, these Santaras became the feudatories of the Hoysalas, just to save themselves from the powerful Sevunas. Even the Hoysala rulers were very happy at this gesture of the Santaras. In 1239 A.D. Birarasa attacked an army of the Sevunas, with the hope of getting Hoysala support. But Birarasa's calculations proved wrong and the Sevuna generals distinguished themselves against Birarasa. But the Santaras were waiting for an opportunity to invade the Sevuna kingdom with the help of Hoysalas. The opportunity presented itself when Sevuna king Mahadeva after defeating Kadamba Kamadeva, marched against the Santara king Bommarasa. With the aid promptly sent by the Hoysalas, Bommarasa was able to repulse Mahadeva's attack. But they could not play the same game for long. Saluva Tikkama, a great Sevuna general under Ramachandra after defeating the Hoysalas and establishing Kadamba Kamadeva on his throne, marched against the

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Santaras of Hosagunda. The Santara chief Bommarasa could not get any help from the Hoysalas and hence he was defeated. Bommarasa became a Sevuna feudatory in 1267 A.D. Sometime after this, taking advantage of the critical position of the Sevunas, the Santara chief freed himself from the Sevunas and began ruling independently. At this stage Ballala III intervened, defeated the Santara ruler Bommarasa and took full possession of Hosagunda.

Vira Balla’s Conquest and Wars Vira Ballala II one of the most prominent among the Hoysala rulers and among the contemporary rulers placed the Hoysalas at the zenith of their power to which height they never again reached. By the time Vira Ballala III took the responsibility of steering the ship, the situation was so hopeless that all he could do was to protect the empire from the ever active enemies on all the side. That is why the reign of vira Ballala III was full of battles and he could pay very little attention to the welfare of his people. There was no marked development in the field of art and architecture, education or literature.

An inscription from chikkamagalure Taluk of A.D.1292 refers to the coronation of vira Ballala III. This inscription states that Vira Ballala III was ruling from Dorasamudra after his coronation when Marakala of the house of Samudra Pandya invaded the territory of Virapandya of the - line who was a feudatory of Vira Ballala III.

In fact several conflicts took place between the forces of the Hoysala vira Ballala III and the Sevunas. Even before the days of Vira Ballala III Ramachandra had made aggressions the Hoysalas. In A.D. 1276 he had sent a very large army under the leadership of saluva Tikkama which had traversed the Hoysala territories and was hardly a few miles from the imperial capital of Dorasamudra. But for the timely

68 action on the part of the Hoysalas, known through their inscriptions, what would have been a sure collapse was postponed for some more time. The Hoysala inscriptions claim victory to their side after creating lot of tremor in the sevuna army. The sevuna inscriptions on the other hand give a different picture. They claim Victory for the sevunas afte capturing the Hoysalas capital Dorasamudra and taking tribute of all manner of wealth, especially horses and elephants.

The sevuna ruler Ramachandra respected the powers of vira Ballala is evident from the fact that he ordered his men to capture that tiger cub, the sovereign of Karnataka, apparently referring to the Hoysala Ballala III.

Kampiladeva of Kummata was a sevuna feudatory to start with as known from the inscriptions and fought battles on their behalf and after the disappearance of the sevunas became independent but continued his hostilities against the Hoysalas and atleast four battles that took place between these two are known through the inscriptions. The Muhammadan chroniclers have given one sided version of the muhammadan-Hoysala conflicts.

There are inscriptions to prove that it was not an unconditional surrender but the Hoysalas really made some attempts to check the muhammadan army. Only when they failed in doing so Vira Ballala III surrendered. An inscription dated A.D.1310 from Dudda in the Hassan Taluk refers to a attempt made by Bayicheya Nayaka, son of Macheya Nayaka of Nadagove to check the muhammadan aggression. The reconstruction of the Hoysala capital as also sending Vira Ballala IV to the court of the Delhi Sultan and his return in A.D. 1313 are known only through the inscriptions.

One more important feature of Vira Ballala’s administration was that he never stayed at any particular place for longer period that

69 necessary. Inscriptions clearly show him moving from Tiruvannamalai, the southern capital to as far north as Virupaksha Pattana with immense speed and involving himself in the administration of those areas.

But for the epigraphs nothing would have been known regarding the different capitals of Vira Ballala III ofcourse except the ancestral capital of Dorasamudra. Tiruvannamalai is know from several inscriptions as one of his capitals where he stayed most of the time during the later part of his reigh. Arunasamudra was perhaps another capital different from Tiruvannamalai. Virupakasha Pattana or Virupaksha Hosadurga became one more capital of his which is identified with the present day by those who support the Kannada origin of Vijayanagar.

An inscription from the Kadur Taluk of A.D. 1368 is known to give last date of Vira Ballala III. This inscription while commemorating the death of one Kankaya mentions that Devarakude Devatokava Suregondanta Kankaya” which is taken to mean that kankaya died along with Vira Ballala III while fighting against the muhammadans in A.D. 1342 at Tiruchinapalli.

The reign of Virupaksha Ballala is known only throuhg his inscriptions numbering to hardly four. He ruled for hardly three or four years and with him the Hoysala Empire disappeared as a political power in the plains.

Again it is inscriptions that come to our help regarding the occupation of south Kanara by Vira Ballala III and that Chikkayi tayi becoming his pattada Piriyarasi. She is known to have ruled on behalf of her husband parts of south Kanara from Baraha Kanyapura which strangely enough remained to be the headquarters of another branch of the Alupa line at the same time. She ruled atleast upto A.D. 1348

70 and after the death of Vira Ballala III she came in contact with Harihara and his brothers of the sangama lineage, either as a friend or as a feudatory. After her death she was succeeded by her son Kulasekhara, who, as known from the inscriptions, ruled for some time.

The only work of historical importance in Sanskrit literature pertaining to the period of Vira Ballala III is “ Kalyana” of Vidya Chakravartin III, his court poet. This is a mahakavya written in several cantos. Only first canto i.e., the introductory canto contains a brief history of the Hoysalas from the reign of Vira Ballala II upto the reign of Vira Ballala III and the actual kavya deals with the story of Krishna and has nothing to do with the Hoysala history. It is is taken by several scholars to mean that his patron Vira Ballala III is compared with Krishna, the hero of this kavya who built the city of Dwaraka.

Sri Vidyachakravartin, author of the Mahakavya Rukmini Kalyana was the son of Vasudeva, a court poet of Narasimha III. His elder brother Mahadeva was the tutor of Narasimha III’s son Vira Ballala III. Vidyacharkravarthin learnt all the sastras under his brother. He was one of the favourites of Vira Ballala III. Many of the inscriptions were composed by this great poet.

His ancestors were also great scholars and served the Hoysalas. The first known person of importance among the ancestors of Sri Vidyachakravartin was Chakravarthin the court poet of Vira Ballala III.

Ballala III whose court poet the author of this mahakavya, was very intelligent, farsighted, valiant and an ornament to his race. He established the Hoysala ruleon a firm footing like Sri Krishna. He won

71 many battles against such enemies like the kanka (Konga) Kerala, Konkani and Kanchi).

Many of these statements are supported by the inscriptions also. Thus vidyachakravartin in the 1st canto of Rukmini Kalyana provides very valuable historical information. Many of his statements are confirmed by the inscriptions while a very few are just hyperbolical.

Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana sastri who flourished in the first quarter of the 18th century reveals several points of historical interest. It also gives reference to the conflicts that took place between and Bukka and the Hoysala monarch Vira Ballala III.

Kannada literature also provides some information relating to the history of Vira Ballala III. The stories of Kumararama, the worthy son of Kampiladeva of Kummata, make reference to his conflicts with the Hoysala Monarch. Thus this makes an indirect reference to the activities of Vira Ballala III. The Kannada literature provides us three works on the exploits of Kumara Viz. Paranariyarige Sahodaranem- bantha Kathe of Nagasangayya, Paradarasodara Ramanakathe and Kumararama sangathya of Ganga.

These three pieces of literature provide us information regarding the battles that took place between the armies of Kumararama and Vira Ballala III. They refer to one battle in detail and the result of this war, according to them, was that when the forces of Kumararama had gained the upperhand both the armies came to an understanding and the battle thus ended. Anyway it is clear from these works that Kumararama, son of Kampila, proved more than a match to the Hoysala monarch. It is also known from them that Kumararama had almost gained victory over the muhammadans whom he defeated and

72 drove back twicebut became victim in the third encounter that too as a result of moral turpitude on the part of the muhammadans.

“Arunachala Purnam” a local legend of Tiruvannamalai refers to some historical information relating to Vira Ballala III. But the evidence given there is absolutely untrustworthy as some of the points mentioned say that Vira Ballala III had no children, hence she prayed Goddess of the place for a son to rule the and he was blessed with a child and this was Virupaksha Hoysala empire after his own self Ballala IV. But it is evident from inscriptions that Ballala III came into contact with Arunasamudra somewhere around 1316-17 after rebuilding the Hoysala capital. Naturally he must have prayed the god for a son afterwards. But it is known through inscriptions and Muhammadan sources that he had a son Virupaksha Ballala IV whom he had sent to the Delhi court as a token of his submission. Hence ‘Arunachala Purana’ as a historical source is absolutely useless.

The most important among the literary sources for the reconstructon of the Hoysala-muhammadan conflicts is writings of some Persain travelers. Of course the muhammadan chronicles have also erred in that they are always partial towards the muhammadans and Ibn Batuta, the Moor traveler is some what an exception to this. Amir Khusrau, Isami, Barani etc were almost contemporaries and they had very intimate contacts with the kings and their courts and naturally they were in a better position than the writers who came at a latter date, in understanding the wars and intrigues. But as a human instinct it is, not at all expected of true historian, they present a picture of the Muhammadan upper hand and a sorrowful picture of the indigenous rulers.

Among foreign writers Amir Khusrau Dihlavi stands very prominent. His account of the sack of the sevuna capital of Devagiri and the Hoysala Capital of Dorasamudra are of great historical value.

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Infact he draws our attention to each and every detail of these expeditions. It is known from his work Taikh-i-Alai or Khazain-ul- Futuh. About the first sixteen years of Ala-ud-din’s rule, Amir Khusrau states that Ala-ud-din personally led the Muhammadan army into Devagiri and defeated the Sevuna ruler Ramachandra, when his son Singhana tried to attack the returning muhammadan army, he was also seriously punished and he had to escape the horrors by paying a heavy purse. Within a few years after thae first expedition to the south, Ala-ud-din sent a very large army under his able general Mallik Kafur and this time the target was Dorasamudra, the Hoysala capital. The Muhammadan army was supplied with arms and ammunitions at Devagiri and he marched to Dorasamudra speedily and within twenty two days he was at the doors of Dorasamudra. Vira Ballala III who was busy in the Pandya country at that particular time made a hurried march back to the capital. Amir Khusrau opines that he surrendered without offering any resistence. He has pictured the Hoysala monarch begging the general of the imperial army to pardon him for having thrown a few stones from the walls of his fort which apparently means that Vira Ballala III did try to offer some resistence in the beginning but when it was found out that they were far superior to his own army, Vira Ballala made peace at the cost of a very rich purse. Amir Khusrau goes to the extent of stating that the Hoysala moarch submitted to Mallik Kafur all his possessings including the golden ornaments worn around his body except his sacred thread (Junnar) which looks very hyperbolical. As a result of his submission he had to send his son Virupaksha Ballala IV as hostage to the court of Delhi Sultan. This statement is confirmed by an inscription from Kudali in already referred to.

After sending the treasure to Delhi court Mallik kafur marched to Mabar the country ruled by the Pandya brothers, Vira Pandya and Sundara Pandya. It will not be out of place to mention that the pandyans adopted the guerilla tactics and created lot of inconvenience

74 to the muhammadans. But that did not prevent the muhamadans from sacking lot of wealth and passing on the same to Delhi.

Zia-ud-din Barani appeared on the picture after Ala-ud-Din had made his first victory against the sevunas. In his Tarik-i-Firoz shahi he has given really valuable information regarding the conquests of Ala-ud-din on the sevunas and the Hoysalas. He is of the opinion that the Muhammadan army was led by two general khwaja Haji and Malik Kafur and Vira Ballala III fell a victim at the very first onslaught and 36 elephants were captured along with the treasures beyond what imagination could conceive. He also says that a dispatch was sent to Delhi and Malik Kafur further marched to Mabar.

Isami who was a contemporary of Zia-ud-din Barani wrote Futuh-us-Salatin in A.D.1358 refers to events that took place at an earlier date. He gives details of Alauddin’s campaigns. Regarding the first campaign of Malik Kafur on the Hoysala empire he is of the opinion that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to Malik Kafur as a result of the conference between the two. Isami collected the material for his work from the hearsays, legends and some faithful reports made by the earlier historians like Amir Khusrau.

Ibn Batuta is perhaps very useful for the last part of Vira Ballala’s reign. When he entered the city of Madura, Ballala III was dead and gone and his body was hung on the walls of Madura. But he was the eye witnesses to all the cruel deeds of his patron Ghias-ud- din Damgani. His description of Damgahni’s out look towards the Hindus is really touching and he declares that he himself was horrified and disgusted at the acts of Ghias-ud-din Damghani. He also says that the cruel Sultan of Madura had to pay penalty for this by losing his son and wife shortly after his cruel deed and he himself became a victim to overdosage of some medicine prescribed by a doctor.

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Abd Alla Shirazi wasaf wrote his Tazjiyatu-I-Amsar-Wa Tajriyatu-I-Asar in Persian language in Persia. He relied upon the informant residing in the southern peninsula and has provided with very useful information. According to wasaf Vira Ballala III did not surrender to the Muhammadan army. On the other hand he asked Vira pandya, the Pandya ruler to send an army for his aid. But realizing that he could not withstand the powerful Muhammadans, submitted to them. As a result of this submission the country of Arakanna was delivered as a token of his loyalty together with treasure what imagination could conceive.

Thus the sources for the history of Vira Ballala III are provided largely by the Epigraphs and literary sources and a combination of these two in a proper fashion with certain necessary changes a complete political career of Vira Ballala III could be brought to light.

With the above discussed source material an attempt is made in the following pages to reconstruct the history of the Hoysalas in all its aspects during the days of Vira Ballala III, the last ruler for all practical purposes.

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CHAPTER-III BALLALA’S CONQUESTS AND WARS

Ballala III, the last flicker of the Hoysala Dynasty, and the son of Narasimha III born to his queen pattamahadevi, ascended the Hoysala throne in A.D. 1291 and the coronation must have taken place a little later. An inscription from the village Induvara of January A.D.1292 mentions Vira Ballala III as ruling from Dorasamudra after his coronation.

Ballala III was very active even before becoming the emperor. Several inscriptions show that he was active as governer under his father. Dr.B.A.Saletore and Dr.Derrett have included an inscription from Mudubidre as belonging to this period. In this connection one Mallideva Dannayaka has been identified with Ballala III and thus an attempt has been made by scholars like Dr.Sewell that Vira Ballala III took active part in driving the Yadava army which had shaken the Hoysala power. It appears that this Hoysala monarch had another name called Mallikarjuna as can be seen from an inscription of A.D. 1290. This is a mere hypothesis.

Vira Ballala III was perhaps 30 years of age at the time of accession. It is known from the writing of Ibn Batuta that he was an old man of 80 years whose dead body, the latter saw hanging from the walls of the fort of Madhura.

The condition of south India as well as of the Hoysala Empire was not at all favourable to Vira Ballala III. It was a period when the Hoysalas were struggling hard for their mere existence. Enfeebled by continuous wars against the neighbouring powers like the Yadavas, the Kakatiyas, the Pandyas and a host of other minor powers, its, economic condition was not encouraging, to be precise it was at its lowest ebb. The empire had been exposed to danger from outside as

77 well as inside in the form of his uncle Hoysala Ramanatha. His rule for over fifty long years epitomize his youth, middle age, senility and death is a very remarkable way and the last efforts made to remove from the root, the sultanate of Madura.

Ramantha, a step brother of Narasimha III was trying hard to cut short Ballala’s III attempt to unite the empire also trying his best to come in his way of expanding the empire. It is seen from the inscriptions that Vira Ballala III could not give much attention to his enemies outside the Hoysals Empire till the death of Ramantha.

Ramanatha continued his hostile activites during the early days of his brother’s sons perhaps undermining the powers of Vira Ballala III. He was under the impression that he could make some territorial gains with the change of power in the Plateau. He claims to have been ruling as an emperor in his own right.

It is known from an inscription at sahapura that a battle had taken place between the two Hoysala armies in which two of Ramanatha’s officers had taken part. This clearly shows that Ramantha did not hesitate to attack Vira Ballala III immediately after the latter’s accession at Dorasamudra. But is is evident from several inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was more than a match for Ramanatha who realized this quite well. Thus Ramantha’s threats were faced bravely and his ambitions of making any territorial agins were spolied by Vira Ballala III.

There were several changes in the political sphere of south India with the accession of Vira Ballala III to the Hoysala throne. The external enemies of the Hoysalas were quite several in numbers and were a source of constant anxiety and danger. Among these enemies the sevunas were the most powerful and it was necessary to have a watch on their activities. Only about a decade back the sevunas were

78 on the verge of giving a lethal blow to the Hoysala Empire when saluva Tikkama had marched the sevuna army almost to the Hoysala capital of Dorasamudra.

The kakatiyas were still an enemy force for the Hoysala. Ambadeva, the kayastha chief had made attempt to capture the Hoysala territories. Some of the Hoysala feudatories had changed their allegiance by the time the accession of Vira Ballal III. Santaras of Hosagunda who were the feudatories of the Hoysalas only a generation back were against the Hoysalas and carried on activities against them. They had reached the peak of their power with the accession of Koti Nayaka, under whose reign they had even stopped paying tribute to the Hoysalas.

The rulers of Kapli were definitely not in good terms with the Hoysalas at the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession and shaped to be a very formidable enemy whom Ballala III could not at all subdue though several encounters took place among them, till this death of Kampila in A.D.1327.

Scholars agree regarding the date of accession of Vira Ballala III to the Hoysala throne scholars like Coelho opine that he was crowned on the 31st of January A.D.1292. But it is known from several inscriptions that he was ruling the empire even as early as A.D. 1290 itself.

Ambadeva the Kayastha chief was ruling from Gandikota. He had defeated Kakatiya Prataparudra with the aid of Sevunas and the Hoysalas. But for some reason Ambadeva raised his sword against the Hoysalas for an inscription of A.D.1290 claims that this Kayastha Chieftain defeated several kings including Mallikarjuna. This is in all probabilities none other than Vira Ballala III who after his accession.

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The realm that Vira Ballala III inherited was very weak and in this respect he was the most unfortunate among all the Hoysala rulers. During the first ten years of his rule which was comparatively uneventful he was mainly engaged in the task of reuniting the Hoysala Empire. He had the strongest opponent in Ramanatha who stood between Vira Ballala III and the reunion of the empire. When Vira Ballala III ascended the Hoysala throne he made serval attempts to thwart his power but in vain for the latter proved more than a match for him. The attempts made by Ramanatha between the years A.D.1292-95 were not very successful ones.

It was in these ten years that Khandeya Raya, son of Mummadi Singaya Nayaka of Dorewadi had shifted allegiance to the sevunas. Koti Nayaka, the Santara ruler who was ruling from Hosagunda on behalf of Bommadevarasa, was an enemy of both the Hoysalas and the Sevunas. Vira Ballala III could subdue him only in the early years of the first decade of the 14th century.

It was only after A.D.1300-01 completing the task of reuniting empire that he could turn his attention to the outside powers.

The Royal family of Kalasa were again subordinates of the Hoysalas. But Coelho says that on the very day of Vira Ballala III’s accession to the Hoysala throne, this family got inspired by the change of royal head at the head quarters and made an attack on the Hoysalas.

The most important duty of the Hoysala king after the accession was to unite the divided empire. The purpose of the division of empire by somesvara had evidently failed though it had been done with a view to safeguard the interest of the empire. Ballala III understood very well as to where this would lead the Hoysalas. The only way to stop the downfall of the empire was to unite the divisions. This was almost a

80 marathon task as long as Ramanatha was there as an obstacle to his way. But once Ramanatha disappeared it progressed very rapidly and by the beginning of A.D.1300-01, this had been almost complete. Parts of and Bangalore District including II avanjinad, Kaivaranad etc., which formed parts of Ramanatha’s territories. Infact Ramanatha made efforts to throw the power of his nephew in the years 1292, 1293 and 1295, but with very little success.

Derrett rightly states that there is no evidence to show that Vira Ballala III invaded the territories of Ramanatha after the latter’s death for there is no reference to prove that wars took place between the forces of Viswanatha and Ballala III.

Anyhow by A.D.1301-02 Ballala III had become the sole monarch of the united Hoysala Empire and on this happy event that he granted remission of taxes on and temple priests in the Tamil districts and confirmed the old ones. Thus at this time the hoysala empire was considerably vast consisting of a part of Mysore. Except the southern portions of Trichnopoly and Tanjore Districts Hoysala had not suffered much in territories.

Santaras under Koti Nayaka had reached the climax of their political career. Though the santaras had ceased to be in friendly terms with the Hoysalas. They were definitely not in good terms with the sevunas for in A.D.1296 yabarapa, the sevuna general had attacked him. Ballala III, ever agile and opportunistic that he was, did not lose time. He made several attempts to thwart the power of Koti Nayaka. But he could not put down the prowess of this santara chief.

Ballala III next turned his attention to the powerful kadamba ruler Kavadeva. He marched with a large army in A.D.1300 and encamped at Sirsi, in North Kanara District and from there attacked a place called Kadabalahu i.e. modern Kadabal in sirsi Taluk,

81 demanding tribute from Gangeya Sahani, the mahapradhani of Kavadeva. On the refusal to pay the tribute he over on the Banavasi 12000. Kavadeva did not keep quiet. He joined hands with the then Chalukya ruler and put up a strong resistence. The chalukya king who supported seems to be Vetugideva or more probably his son Somadeva. No inscriptions throw any light on the result of this encounter. Another inscription from sagar taluk of A.D.1303 perhaps refer to the same encounter.

Vira ballaa III seems to have failed in his attempt to subdue the Kadambas as the latter under Kavadeva still continued to rule with all the imperial titles with Banavasi as his capital.

But Kavadeva did not rule for long for he disappeared from the scene by the end of the first decade of the 14th century. It is known from the accounts of Ferishtah that Mallik Kafur who marched from Deogir towards sea coast was opposed by the Hindus whose countries he had to traverse. Perhaps Kavadeva became a victim of the Muhammadan army at this time.

The Muhammadan attack on the sevunas marks an important milestone in the history of south Indian Politics. For nearly a century and a half they dominated the political arena of the southern peninisuala. No power could stand their tide. Such great powers like the Sevunas, the Kakatiyas, and the Hoysalas were swept away in this tide. None of them proved a match to their power. It was only the Hoysala Vira Ballala III who stood between the Muhammadans and the capture of the Hoysala territory till his death. But he became a victim to their treachery and his death marked the end of the Hoysala empire for all practical purposes. Internal dissention and mutual jealousy added to the distruction of all the south Indian powers. Some of the minor powers like the kadambas, the ruler of Kampili etc., were no exception to this.

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Ala-ud-din Khilji, the ruler of Khara District as a representative of his uncle Jalal ud din Khilji, marched to the south with the intention of sacking the abundant wealth for which the southern kingdoms were well known. He launched an attack on Ramachandra in A.D. 1294, which is, known from all sources, the first instance of their landing in the south. Infact he showed enough to select the correct time to attack the sevunas ruler. When the main army had gone on war against some enemy, whose name is not mentioned by Amir Khusrau, under the generalship of this son singhana, Alla-ud- din made the attack. He was also tactful enough and spread a rumour that his army was only a part of the big army coming from behind. Ramachandra was shocked at this and hurried for a treaty and made it at the cost of heavy riches. Unfortunately for the sevunas singhana who returned from his southern campaign was enraged at the shameful treaty made by his father and in a fit of rage marched against the Muhammadan army. But he was not a match to a displined and well trained Muhammadan soldiers. The result of this encounter was that he was defeated and the sevunas had to sue for peace at even a higher price. Ala-ud-din returned to his place with a heavy booty. Instead of quenching his thirst, it made him more greedy and once he became the sultan on the Delhi throne, made a few more campaigns to the south and amassed unimaginable amount of treasure.

Ramachandra was unable to realize anything from the campaign of Ala-ud-din on his empire. Instead of safeguarding his own territories against the greedy Muhammadan invaders he again involved in fighting with his enemies in the peninsula and aimed at the expansion of his empire, Hoysalas being his important target. Hardly two years after the first Muhammadan attack he turned his army against the santaras of Hosagunda. An inscription of A.D. 1296 his general yabbara nayaka attacked the santara chief koti Nayaka.

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Ramachandra did not, or more likely could not turn his attention to the Hoysalas for some time more. But at any rate he did not keep himself aloof. By A.D.1302 he renewed his attacks on the Hoysalas when Yabbara Nayaka, who had attacked the Santara chief a few years back, was making attempts to encroach into the Hoysala territories and had encamped at the Village Rattihalli. At the bidding of the Hoysala monarch, sodala devarasa, the Santana chief and apparently a feudatory of the former marched against the four fold army of Yabbara Nayaka and a fierce battle ensed at salur. Many heores died as attested by a large number of hero stones issued by them. Rattihalli, where the Sevuna general had encamped was hardly 15 miles from the battle field of salur. The result of this was cannot be made out. Perhaps Vira Ballala III tasted defeat in the encounter. He on the other hand made preparations for launching on expedition over the sevunas. Perhaps the time came somewhere in A.D. 1303 when it is seen from an inscription that Ballala III was ruling the empire after lodging a successful campaign over the sevunas and destroying the fort of Nakkigundi.

Ramachandra at any rate did not keep quiet. He had very well understood that Vira Ballala III was very busily engaged in facing enemies and thought he could expand his empire southwards at the cost of the Hoysalas. Ramachandra therefore tried to make the maximum benefit out of this situation. In A.D.1303 he sent a very large army under the generalship of his subordinate Kampila Deva the ruler of Kampili. On hearing this news of the march of the sevunas army to the Hoysala country, Dannayaka, the trusted mahapradhana of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over a part of the present day chitradurga and surrounding parts, marched with an army and met the enemy near Holalkere, about 20 miles from his head quarters. In the battle that ensued somaya Dannayaka lost his life. It is evident from several inscriptions that this battle was a very fierce one for several heroes died on the Hoysala side. Hoysala army consisted not

84 only of the imperial soldiers, but their feudatories had also taken part in the encounter. This inscription from Jenukallu mentions that Basavappa, brother-in law of Kandari Devarasa, who was a sub- ordinate under Vira Ballala III died in this fight against the forces of Kampila Deva.

Somaya Dannayaka who died in this encounter at Holalkere was none other than the officer of that name who was a mahapradhana under Narasimha III. Even during the days of Narasimha III he was a prominent figure and got constructed the Kesava temple at Somanathapura and an agrahara there.

The enmity that existed between the Hoysalas and the ruler of Kampili is known from literary sources also. It is known from the heroic stories of Kumara that there were frequent conflicts between the forces of kampila and Vira Ballala III. There comes a reference to a fierce battle between the two forces. Knowing that there were a large number of dogs of very good breed at Huliyar, Kumara Rama sent his men to catch hold of them. But the officer of Huliyar, who was a sub-ordinate of the Hoysalas denied this and as a result of this Huliyar was attacked by a very well disciplined army of Kampila and that officer of Huliyar was taken a prisoner.

When the news of the defeat of the Huliyar chief fell on the ears of the Hoysala monarch, he got wild and collected a very huge army which was reinforced by forces from Kongu, Kodagu, Malayala and Tigula. This united army marched against the territories of Kampila. Kampila did not keep quiet. Preparations were made by his men also. His army included Caveliers from Lalas, Ariyas, Gaulas, Gurjaras, Kannojis etc. even a strong elephant force was made ready for the battle, with the Tuluvas and parukas for their aid. Many heroes like Kalanji Kampa, goldsmith chikka, Naga, the fire carrier, Hadapada Ballluga, gindiya Lakka, Naganna, Bhandari Sovanna,

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Mayideva, soyideva and a band of others came and occupied their positions and kampila himself led the army along with Kumara Rama the battle lasted for a whole day and large number of soldiers and horses and elephants died on both the sides. But certainly Kampila had gained an upper hand because of the bravery exhibited by his son Kumara Rama. Then somaya Dandadhipa, general of Vira Ballala III and Baicha Dannayka, officer of Kampila succeeded in bringing the war to an end.

It can be taken for granted that soma Dandhadipa is non other than Somaya Dannayaka. Naturally this was an encounter that must have taken place a little earlier to the one in A.D. 1303 when Somaya Dannayaka lost his life in the battle field against the army of Kampila. If this piece of literature can be relied upon, the kongu, Kodugu, Tamil country and Mabar were favourable to the Hoysalas, while the Tuluvas fought for kampila Inscriptional sources also support this.

Ballala III captured the fort of Nakkigundi after the battle with Kampila. This was with the Sevunas continued upto A.D. 1305 also, when an inscription mentions the march of the Hoysala army personally led by their monarch against Sevunas. This clearly indicates that the Hoysala emperor did not keep quiet after capturing the fort of Nakkigundi in A.D. 1304. Ramachandra sent an army under able leaders to capture Vira Ballala III. The inscription says that the sevunas emperor asked his men to capture vira Ballala and “to bring that tiger’s cub to his front”. This evidently shows the respect Ramachandra had for the prowess of his foe. He failed not only in capturing the Hoysala monarch but also in defeating him.

Not content with his activities in the Northern part of the southern Peninusula Vira Ballala III turned his attention to the southern part. Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial power from the political area of Southern peninsula, the pandyas and

86 the Hoysalas were the only two powerful rulers left in the lower half of the southern Peninsula. Unfortunately for themselves and other subsidiary forces they were never in good terms during the days of Vira Ballala III and remained in the same state when the muhamadans made a very surprising attack on them. Thus these two dynasties also had their own shares for the total destruction of the whole of the southern peninsula from the hands of the turbulent muhamadans and for the disappearance of all the four major dynasties, the Kakatiyas, Sevunas the Pandyas and the Hoysalas.

The pandyas under Maravarman Kulasekhara were still very powerful and were a source of trouble to the Hoysalas. Infact this pandya soverign wrested Kannanur from Hoysala Ramanatha and it was one of Vira Ballala III’s great ambition ever sine his accession to recapture this fertile region and a strategically important position. He was only waiting for a chance to pounce on his pandya opponent. This came with the disturbance that arouse with the rivalry between the two sons of Maravarman Kulasekhara, Vira Pandya and sundara Pandya for the Pandya throne.

By A.D. 1295 Mahavarman Kulasekhara had associated his illegitimate son Vira Pandya in the administration of the country completely overlooking the claims of his legitimate son Pandya. This led to a bitter hatred between the two brothers and they fought several battles among themselves to secure the throne and in all probabilities these were continued atleast up to A.D.1310-11. It was at this time that the Pandyan army atleast if Vira Pandya was very unexpectedly attacked by the Muhammadan army Pandya but this attack had only a passing effect on the two/brother Vira Pandya and Sundara pandya for the feud between these two brothers continued for some more years. Some time before the year 1310 sundara Pandya got so wild against his father, who had established his illegitimate son Vira Pandya

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Over looking the claims of sundara Pandya, that in a moment of fury he did not hesitate to murder his own father. But this did not resulted in creating any advantage to sundara Pandya to occupy the pandya throne for Vira Pandya ha to taste defeats in the beginning was succeded in stopping Sundara Pandya and ultimately gained on upperhand. When sundara Pandya was thus hard pressed by his step brother went to the aid of the muhammadnas.

It is quite possible that sundara pandya contacted the Muhammadan general mallik Kafur who had then camped at Devagiri and was making very large preparations to launch expedition against the Hoysalas. Sundara pandya perhaps invited him to the Pandya country to help him in bringing the situation under his control. Marcopolo says that sundara Pandi (Sundara Pandya) met Ala-un-din at Delhi. This is rather difficult a statement to accept.

Vira Ballala III did not waste time when there started a civil war in the Pandya country between the two brothers. He was very alertly watching the happenings in his surroundings and once he found it, suitable to interfere in their affairs he entered the Tamil Country with a very large army. His intention was, more than anything else, to make some territorial gains at the cost of the two brothers. By this act he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur. He was unfortunate enough in not achieving his goal as the alarming news of the attack on his capital by the Muhammadan army made him hurry back to his own head quarters.

Amir Khusran says in his Khaain-ul-Futuh that Ballala Deo, the Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya country, had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering their two empty cities and their merchants. This is a statement of not any great value because it was a quite common factor during those days to plunder the enemy cities whenever one army marched against the

88 other. There was certainly a better motivation behind this march of Vira Balala III with a large army to the Pandya country. His main intention was definitely to capture of Kannanur and by involving himself on one side he could achieve this without much struggle and hardship.

Thus until the muhammadan attack on the Hoysala Capital, Vira Ballal III, with the able assistance of his ministers and generals scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several towns and cities, erected and removated a few temples, and had planned to regain some of the lost territories. One of the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III at Perur in Coimbatore District gives full details of the epithets and achievements of this king and his officer Ketayya Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava Dannayaka boldly calls himself as the destroyer of the kongus and the Pandyas”.

The imperial army left Delhi at the end of A.D.1310 and marched via the right bank of Yamuna to Tanku, Kanhum, gurgaon to Deogiri and from where it reached Dorasamudra capital of the Hoysalas. Mallik Kafur on his way camped at the Sevuna headquarters on Thursday the 13th Ramzan. Amir Khusrau gives a graphic description of the Hoysala capital. He says that theTurkish army collected shooting stars i.e., spears and four feathered arrows provided by Rayarayan (Ramachandra) for overthrowing the Hoysala monarch and the other south Indian powers. After providing them with necessary weapons he directed them to conquere Bir and Dorasamudra. Accoring to Amir Khusrad, this direction by the sevuna sovereign was to slay the huge demon of Dorasamudra, again admitting that the Hoysala monarch was a very strong opponent. The words of this Persian chronicler is really trust worthy as Ramachandra who had failed to subdue and put an end to the Hoysala dynasty made use of the turbulent muhammadan army as a means to get his desire fulfilled.

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Ramachandra just did not keep quiet after bringing the attention of the eyes of the Muhammadan general on the Hoysala empire. He personally ordered his commander-in-chief, Dalvoy parasuram Deo to direct the Muhammadan army into the Hoysala Head quarters. Amir Khusrau gives the route of the Muhammadan army under Mallik Kafur reached the head quarters of Paras deo Dalvoy in five stages and in this long tedious journey they had to cross five big rivers. Then afterwards the Muhammadan army took five complete days to reach Bandri which was in the territories of Paras Deo Dalvoy who rendered all possible help to the Muhammadan general and his army. It was from this place that Mallik Kafur sent forward some cavaliers in succession to find out the condition of the Hoysala capital and made deligent inquiries on all sides. They were also ordered to find out the situation in the Mabar country. Amir Khusrau says that the muhammadan general was informed that, there were two rulers in Mabar country, who till then were in friendly terms, but had changed their outlook regarding each other and were fighting for the Pandya throne, and that the Hoysala monarch had marched for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities.

After getting the information required, Mallik Kafur held a council of war and it was decided that the fast moving cavalry should be sent first as they could make sudden attack on the Hoysala capital withour giving them much time to make preparations. Accordingly mallik Kafur marched with one “Tuman” (a division of 10,000 soldiers) to wards Dorasamudra. The probable route taken by mallik Kafur is suggested by Dr.s.Krishnaswamy Aiyangar in his south India and here Muhammadan in vaders. He says that Mallik Kafur left Bandri, i.e. Pandarpur and reached Bijapur from where the arm marched to harihara and Hiriyur and then crossing the main road from to Banavar and attacked the Hoysala capital. Amir Khusrau says that army covered the distance with most of its soldiers, apparently meaning that some of the soldiers died while covering the distance.

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Mallik Kafur reached Dorasamudra with a part of the army and that is why stayed there for sometime more even after subduing the Hoysalas, so that the slowere moving units of the army could join him.

This very clearly indicates that Mallik Kafur marched with swift moving units for two reasons. One was that he wanted to make a surprising attack on the Hoysala capital and the second and the more important reason was to capture and if possible to occupy the fort before the Hoysala monarch could hurry back with his army from Mabar.

Vira Ballala III was already in the Kongu country on the Pandyan border when the alarming news of the attack of the Muhammadan forces on his capital was conveyed to him. Once Mallik Kafur had entered into the territories of the Hoysalas he had devastated many villaged an towns and spread panic wherever he marched. Ballala wasted no time. He hurried back to his capital with all speed he could gather leaving behind the slowere moving units like the elephant carps and foot soliers. But even with all his speed Vira Ballala III could not protect his fort for the enemy was already there and had covered the fort on all the four sides.

Infact Mallik Kafur’s speedy march to wards the Hoysala capital really paid its dividend. The Hoysala sovereign, it appears from the statements of Wasaaf that he first intended to offer resistence. Wasaf is the only Muhammadan chronicler who says that Vira Ballala III sent words to Vira Pandya to send an army to his aid. Surprisingly enough it is seen that Vira Pandya really dispatched an army consisting of cavalry and infantry, though Hoysala monarch had exhibited his enmity towards the Pandyan brothers just earlier. It is known from Amir Khusrau that Virs Ballala Deva sent Balak Deo Nayak as his representative to forbid him for having raised his arms. It is possible that if Vira Ballala III had found the enemy power to be a

91 feeble one he would have attacked them. He infact tried his might by throwing huge stones from the fort walls but to no effect. That is why he requested the Muhammadan commander later to forbid him for having thrown a few stones from the fort wall. He soon realized that fighting with an enemy like Mallik Kafur, who had brought with him a very disciplined and a large army, meant the total destruction of himself and his empire.

At any rate the Hoysala sovereign did not concede immediately. One the other hand he sent one of his favourites, Kisumal to find out the, strength and the circumstances of the Muhammadan forces. When this person entered the Muhammadan camp, he was stunned on seeing rows after rows of horsemen surrounding the fort and keeping a close watch. He was also astonished to know that they would commence the struggle from the very next morning and enter the home of the demons in full force to establish the Khutban and prayer, where idols had been worshipped till them.

After hearing this alarming news Vira Ballala III realized that if the war prolonged any further, the whole country would be destroyed along with his own self and his people, the temples of the Gods would have been devastated. He also realized that submission to the enemy meant only loss of wealth which could be made over if he could save himself from the hands of his foreign enemy and keep him at a respectable distance. He could also save him from girefs and sarrows.

Many meetings were held to decide as to what step should be taken and what reply to be given to the Muhammadan general. Many of the officers and nobles under Vira Ballala III opposed him for having taken a sanely and cowardly decision. They argued that it was better to die a heroic death in the battle field than to live with a shameful face. They also suggested that this submission would lower the prestige of the royal family, adding to it, that one has to die earlier

92 or later and death was enevitable to each and every one by avoiding death now, no one could live for ever. But their master was unmoved, he retorted at this suggestion and shouted at them pointing to the ends met by such great powers like the Kakatiya pratapa Rudra and Sevuna Ramachandra and the same could be the result of the Hoysalas too had they raised their arms against the Muhammadans. He made them realize that the welfare of his subjects should be looked first and the remaining things stood afterwards. By submission, though it was a shameful one, it could leave him in the undisturbed possession of his kingdom and his subjects could escape the slashes of the Muhammadan swords their heads. This argument convinced all his nobles and they agreed to make peace at the cost of even all the wealth.

It was only after coming to this agreement that Balak Deo Nayak, who was reputed to be a clever diplomat, was sent to convey the message to the camp of the imperial army that Vira Ballala is also ready like Rudradeva and Ramachandra and what ever the muhammadan general demands it will be fulfilled including horses, elephants etc. Amir Khusrau says that he Hoysala king brought his own personality as well as the prestige of the dynasty to a low level humbly accepting all the desires of the Muhammadan general. When Mallik Kafur sent the reply with Balak Deo Nayak that the condition under which he was ordered by the sultan to offer protection to the Hindu sovereign. The imperial sultan of Delhi, Ala-ud-din had asked Mallik kafur to place before the subdued Hindu rulers two negatives of oath of affirmation i.e., allusion to Wisdom and judgment. If they failed to realize this and raise their arms, the alternative then was to place over their necks the yoke of tribute i.e., zimmi. If this was also not accepted, then it had been ordered to separate their necks from they body.

This news was conveyed to the Hoysala king and as a result of the discussions he had already made, he agreed to become a zimmi

93 and surrendered his horses, elephants, gold and everything kept nothing for himself except his Hindu Faith and sacred thread (zannar Janivara) which he were around his body.

On the 6th Shawwal, a Friday Vira Ballala III sent a few of his servants including Balak Deo Nayak, Jitmal etc., to the muhammadan camp accompanied by some elephants and sent words to Mallik Kafur that he would not defend his fort against the attacks of the Muhammadan army. On the next day of Mars i.e., Tuesday he sent his horses in rows after rows to the imperial stables. On the next Sunday he personal visited the Muhammadan camp and submitted before the commander of the imperial army. After returning from there he spent most of the time in the night in taking out all the valuables he had and handed them over to the imperial treasury the very next morning.

Mallik Kafur stayed there at Dorasamudra for twelve days till the main army reached him. On Wednesday the 18th Shawwal the Muhammadan army left Dorasamudra for Mabar after sending all the treasures captured on the Hoysala capital to Delhi.

Feristah who also describes the sack of Dorasamudra differ slightly from Amir Khusrau. According to him Mallik Kafur and Khwaja Haji left with great army at the orders of Ala-ud-din to sack Dorasamudra and Mabar, where, he had heard that there were temples rich on gold and jewels.

Accorind to Feristah, Ramachandra had died by the time muhammadans marched against his capital where as from the statements of Amir Khurau he is known not only to have been living but also taking active part in helping the muhammadans. Feristah mentions that shankul Deo (Shankara Deva) had succeeded Ramachandra to the sevuna throne. This ruler had not at all bothered

94 the Muhammadans. So leaving some officers at paiton on the Godavari, Mallik Kafur crossed, with the remaining army the territories of the Sevuans and began to lay waste the country, eventually reached the sea coast after three months’ interval, during a great part which they were opposed by several Hindu rulers whose countries they traversed. Ballala Deva, the Hoysala soverign was on among them whom they defeated and took as prisoner and ravaged his territory. Large quantities of prodigious spoils such as idol of gold adored with precious stones and other rich effects, consecrated to Hindu worship.

Isami, one more historian of this period says that Vira Ballala surrender to the Muhammadan general as a result of the conference with him. In the course of this conference Mallik Naib, as h is called by Isami, convinced the Hoysala sovereign that he would be profited in several ways by helping muhammadan army to reach the pandyan country by unfrequented route so that both the Pandya brothers must be surprised. He also asked Vira Ballala to provide him with interpreters and guides in the Tamil Country.

If the words of Isami are taken at their face value, then if must be accepted that Vira Ballala must have quite willingly taken part with the Muhammadan army in this Mabar expedition. By this he could get back his cherished desire of securing Kannanur again. Added to this, by helping the muhammadans in this enterprise he could save his own country in this enterprise he could save his own country in case any further incursions were made by the muhammadans in the southern Peninsions he could achieve nothing except bringing his own end faster.

Zia-ud-din Barani in his Tarik-E-Firoz Shahi very much resembles feristah in his description of events connected with the period we are very much interested. He says that Mallik Kafur with

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Khwaja Haji marched to the south and finding the Sevuna Ramachandra dead he marched further south. At the very first onslaught Vira Ballala was defeated and victimized. His capital was captured and 36 elephants with lots of treasures fell in to the Muhammadan custody.

Abdulla wasaaf, one more historian of importance of the period says that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to the Muhammadan general though he tried for a contest in the earlier stages by asking aid from the pandya ruler Vira Pandya. As a token of acknowledging the supremacy of the Muhammadan army the country of Arakanna (Yet to be identified) was delivered to Mallik Kafur and thus saved his men and materials from the havoes of shall blouring, pysolatry and idol worship.

Indeed there are a few inscriptions which support the statements of some of the Muhammadan chroniclers atleast that there took place a sort of clash between the army of Vira Ballala and that of the Muhammadans to stop the aggressions of the Turkish on Slaughers as against the statements of Feristah. An inscription from Dudda in the Hassan District, of the cyclic yea saumy refers to a clash between the Turukas and the Hoysalas and registeres the death of one Baichaya Nayaka, son of Machaya Nayaka of Nadagove.

Derrett points out one inscription from about 70 miles north of Dorasamudra and very near Malik Kafur’s line of approach. This inscription according to him is dated in February A.D.1311. it records the death of Bommaya Nayaka against the Turukas. As the description given by Dr.Derrett is a very vague are it cannot be made out as to which particular inscription he is referring to.

He refers to yet another inscription from belur itself dated approximately to the 4th March of Vira Ballala a certain wittier fought and died when the turks were there.

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One of the officers of Ballala III, Katheri saluva Racheya Nayaka known from a few inscriptions had the Turukayan vibhala i.e., the destroyer of the Turukas.

All these evidences go to prove tat some attempts were really made by the Hoysalas, though very tame ones and in vain, to stop the Muhammadan army before actually submitting to them.

It is evident from the statements of the Muhammadan writers that vira Ballala III had to buy peace the cost his family prestige and unimaginable Treasure.

Mabar, the next launching spot of Mallik Kafer, consists of the entire coastal region extending from Quilon to cape camorin. It is known through the accounts of Isami that Ballala III marched to the Pandya country as a guide to the mahammadan army.

As the path to Mabar is through continuous mountain ranges, mallik Kafur had to rely on the Hoysala ruler who knew the country very well. Ballala III’s idea was that as long as muhammadans remained to be his allies there was no fear of attack from their side.

Very little or almost nothing is known about Vira Ballala III’s activities in the Pandya country. Nothing can be made out from the statements of Isami inscriptions are also of no use. Muhammadan chroniclers only refer to the activities of Mallik Kafur.

Mallik Kafur did not spare anything at Mabar though he could not come across the Pandyan arms face to face as they had adopted the guerrilla tactics well suited to the hilly regions. But he was able to capture large amount of booty there.

After being defeated by the muhammadans Ballala III seems to have shifted the Capital to Belur while he himself shifted to Tondanur (tonnur) near according to traditions.

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Feristah says that a second campaign was undertaken by Mallik Kafur over southern Peninsula in A.D. 1312, Killed Sankarakdeva and realized tribute from the rulers of Telingana and Karnataka. Coelho rightly points out that the Hoysala ruler showed no reluctance in paying the tribute as he was very to get rid of the muhammadans from his territories. He accepted the suzereignty of the Delhi sultan as he styles himself as a mahammada lesvara in one of his inscriptions which states that several of his officers had gathered together perhaps to discuss an important problem. Thus he had very well realized what the Muhammadan attacks meant and naturally decided to keep the sultan in good terms as long as it was necessary.

The Muhammadan attack on Dorasamudra had definitely undermined the presige of the Hoysalas. In fact the period between A.D.1311 to 1313 did not produce many inscriptions of that ruler. None of the available inscriptions refer to him with the imperial titles. An inscription from Hiriyur Taluk refers to him as mahamandalesvara. Another viragal inscription from Motta in Nanjangud Taluk refers to Vira Ballala III by the same title.

The most important task of Vira Ballala III after the first attack of the muhammadans on his capital was to enchance the lost prestige of the family. The enmity and quarrel between virapandya and sundara pandya still continued and the Hoysalas monarch really made some profit out of it. His able commander and Mahapradhana Mdhava Dannayaka boasts with titles like “ruler of the pandya country,” an elephant to the lotus pond, the Pandya,” clearly indicating that the Pandyas had really suffered some defeat at the hands of the Hoysalas.

Thus Vira Ballala III was able to put an end to the confusion that existed in the Kongu country by subduing the and became stronger than at any other time in the history of the dynasty itself. His

98 inscriptions extended all over the Kongu country including the district of Coimbatore, Nilagiri and Palani Taluks.

In the mean time things had worsened at the imperial head quarters of Delhi. Mallik Kafur had become very powerful and treacherously he got Ala-ud-din murdered. There was confusion every where. Gujarat rebelled, Harapala deva, who had built up a principality over the ruins of Devagiri, expelled many Muhammadan garrisons. Chittoor be came independent and the Kakatiya prataparudra had stopped paying the annual tribute. Things remained to be worse until Mubarak Shaw ascended the throne in A.B. 1318 and took the reign to his hands.

Vira Ballala III’s foremost duty was to rebuild the capital city which had been destroyed during the first Muhammadan invasion in A.D.1311. An inscription dated A.D.1316 states that the Hoysala was ruling the empire in happiness from Dorasamudra after rebuilding it.

The rebuilding of Dorasamudra is, according to S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar, a certain indication of the reviving Hoysala security and of facing boldly enough any further possible even tualities from the muhammadans.

It was only after the rebuilding of the capital that Vira Ballala turned his attention to the consolidation and expansion of the Hoysala Empire. As already stated, he had been rewarded parts in and around Arunasamudra, perhaps identical with Tiruvannamalai. It remained to be one of his capitals from this time onwards.

The Muhammadan invasion had posed many problems to Vira Ballala III. He had understood that Dorasamudra could no longer be a safer place and he had to go further south as Mubarak Khilji and

99 established at Devagiri again and was a source of danger to the very existence of the Hoysalas.

The Situation in the Tamil country was favourable to the Hoysalas and the capital could be shifted there. The Pandyas were attacked by the Kerala ruler Kulasekhara and Vira Ballala did not hesitate to make use of the situation. In fact it was now that he came across the region of Tirupati which was under the Yadavarayas, who became feudatories of the Hoysalas now.

While Vira Ballala III was thus very busy with the re- establishment of the glory of the hoysalas, things were taking a different shape at Delhi. Mubarak Shaw, son of Ala-ud-din had brought the situation under his control. He was very liberal with his subject and thus won their hearts.

Mubarak’s first launch was on prataparudra, the Kakatiya ruler. He sent one of his trusted generals Khusrau to punish Prataparudra who had stopped paying the annual tribute. Then Mubaraks army marched against the Sevunas, killed Harapaladeva. From here he sent Mallik Khusrau to raise tribute from the rulers of Maber. It was at this time that coorg was captured b his men from the hands of the Hoysala ruler this series of victories perhaps made Mallik Khusrau tery ambitions and he got Mubarak shaw treacherously killed and ascended the throne in A.D. 1320-21assuimng the titile Nasir-ud-din. But he was thrown out within a short time by Ghias- ud-din Tughlak. The accession of Ghias-ud-din Tughalk to the Delhi throne marks the beginning of period of an orderly administration and a reassertion of the Muhammadan hold upon the south Indian power. He was clever and his civil measures have been praised in laudable terms by Amir Khusrau.

Troubles in the Kakatiya headquarters attracted the attention of Ghias-ud-din first. He sent a disciplined army under his son Ulugh

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Khan to put down the situation. But evidently failed in his attempt and the Muhammadan army re treated to Devagiri, where he received communication and reinforcement from Delhi. A very big army was marched against the fort of . Prataparudra had not expected such an early attack from the muhammadans. Naturally he could not withstand the Muhammadan attack. But iwt was not a easy job for Ulugh Khan to break the fort. It took him nearly five months to break the fort. Prataparudra and his people ran short of food and water and they were forced to submit to Ulugh Khan. Prataparudra was taken prisoner and sent to the imperial court. Warrangal was named as sultanpur from this time onwards. A governor was appointed at Telinagana.

Somewhere around A.D 1325 Ghias-ud-din died as a result of the treachery planned by Ulugh Kan Ulugh Khan ascended the throne under the name of Muhammad-Bin-Tughlak.

The disgrace, Vira Ballala III had sustaind at the hands of the muhammadans had encouraged even petty chieftains to raise their hands against him. Though Hosagunda was under his control and Kotinayaka was loya to him he had to face insults from Alvakheda below the ghats. Basavadeva of Chandavur had grown so powerful that he had rebelled against the Hoysalas. Vira Ballala III despated a tropp under saniya sahani, brother-in-law of Baichaya Dannayaka to Chandavur. It was destroyed and the Tuluvas were utterly defeated. This is the first known encounter between the Hoysalas and the Alupas.

It appears tht Vira Ballala did not achieve any material benefit from this encounter, for, the alupas did not any territory nor they acknowledged the suzeraignty of the Hoysala ruler. It was only in the early thirties of the 14th century that he gained complete over the alupas.

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This did not complete the task of Vira Ballala III on the other hand it was only a beginning in that direction restoring the Hoysala control in the regions south of Tungabhadra was very essential. There was Kampiladeva who had successfully fought against the Hoysala army in the first decade of the 14th century. After the disappearance of the sevunas he had become independent and was difficult to tackle with. He was ruling over the regions of Kummata, Kampila and Dorewadi.

An attack on Kampili from the North was almost impossible as the river was very wide one and could not be easily crossed. It was covered in the southwest and North eastern regions by huge hill ranges. Kummata was also on the peak of a very huge hill. Thus kampili had an almost impregnable fort. By capturing and occupying this region the Hoysala could have good protection against, any further Muhammadan aggression.

Perhaps with the intention putting an end to the Kingdom of kampili that Ballala III marched with a large army. His army was reinforced by the armies of his feudatories like kotinayaka. The Hoysala army first compad at Balalla then started to Dorawadi and a fierce battle took place between the two armies in which an officer of Koli Nayaka Kuruka Nayaka fought bravely and died. According to Derrett the Hoysala won this battle and as a result received and that Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka to rule there in the month of September of the same year. He continued to rule this region till his death and late was succeded by Gangadeva Dannayaka.

Penukonda remained to be an important strategical poin till the end of the Hoysalas and later occupied by the Vijayanagar Rulers. It is known from an inscription that Bukkaraya was ruling from

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Penukonda and Dorasamudra simultaneously. From here a close watch could be made over the Northern and North Eastern regions.

The Kadambas had regained their power gradually but were not powerful enough to raise their arms against the Hoysalas. It is seen in an inscription of A.D. 1320 that sagar had been again aptured by the Hoysala Vira Ballala III. He must also have had occupied Gutti by A.D.1324. But his activities in this direction were stopped because of the fresh attacks from Delhi.

Ballala III appears to have defeated the rulers of Nidugal also who were enemies of the Hoysalas from a long time. One of his officers Holakal Ganga Nayaka was ruling from Nidugal. Another inscription from Serejammanahali mentions that a gift of land was made at some place in the Nidugal Rajya. When Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka was watching the northern frontier, Vira Ballala himself was very busy reinforcing his southern border from the attacks of the Pandya brothers. Vira Pandya had asked for the support of Vira Ballala III on one hand and on the other supported a rival claimant Udaya Marthanda Varman to occupy the Kerala throne against Ravi Varman Kalasekhara, the then existing ruler of Kerala who was supporting sundara Pandya. The two armies met near srirangam in about A.D.1318.

By the end of A.D.1322 Vira Ballala III was ruling from Tiruvannamalai and remained there for some more time. By residing at this place he could watch the activities in the Pandya country with much ease and could act accordingly. From here Ballala could safely place himself for the attack of Kannanur.

When Ballala III was thus busy in the south Kampila had launched an attack on the Hoysalas. A Hoysala army was dispatched immediately to the place and in the encounter Baichaya Dannayaka,

103 who commanded the cavalry force of Kampila died. The Viragal inscription which makes a reference to this encounter syas that the Hoysala army was led by Vira Ballala III himself. The Hoysalas did not achieve anything as a result of this encounter.

Kampila nevr the less did not keep quiet. He was definitely making preparations to face the Hoysala attacks. An undated inscription from kudali in simoga district states that Vira Ballala III, who marched with all his forces to destry the pride of Kampila, encamped at Siruguppe in the Kernel of the Kingdom of Kampili. Kampila met the enemy and fought as to win the praise of the whole world. Ballala III in all probabilities tasted defeat in this as it is seen that he is making yet another attempt to destroy the fordes of Kampila in A.D. 1325. In this, the last encounter between the two forces, Baichaya Dannayaka and Singaya Dannayaka, officers of Vira Ballala III took part.

While the Hoysala was thus engaged in the expansion of his empire, the muhammadans casted their shadows on the Hoysalas once again. This was again much unexpected to the Hoysala and came in the form of the episode of Bhauddin Gurshasp.

Baha-ud-din, a nephew of king Ghias –ud-din Tughalak was ruling over sagar province in the neighbourhood of Gulbarga in Deccan. He did not accept the friendly hand offered by his cousin and this resulted in a war between the two. Baha-ud-din was defeated and ran to Kampila Deva. When Kampila deva could not protect him, sent him to Vira Ballala III, who for some reason handed him over to the Muhammadan general.

Rice says that Vira Ballala III did not surrender immediately as a result of which the Hoysala capital was demolished during the

104 muhammadan attack of A.D. 1326-27 inscriptions clearly show that Vira Ballala was ruling from Dorasmudra as late as A.D.1338.

Only a few inscriptions refer to Ballala III as ruling from Dorasamudra from this time onwards. The reason for this was that Dorasamudra had lost it importance as head quarters and became a halting station during Ballala’s movements. He had to be more alert on his frontiers in the South as well as north. Thus Virupaksha pattana, Tiruvannamalai etc. became strategic points.

Though Ballala III stayed at Tiruvannamalai most of his time, his political activities to the south of this town are not Apart from the region of Tiruvannamalai, no inscriptions of Ballala III have been found to the east or south of Tiruvannamalai.

Vira Ballala III, Very unlike to his character, never turned his attention to the reign below the ghats the Alupa territories, unless, he was provoked.

The Muhammadan attack under Muhammad-bin-Tughlak, troubles from the ruler of Kampili, his ambition to capture Kannanur and several other problems kept Vira Ballala III tightly engaged and kept him away from entering into the politics of the Tuluva country. Once he got rid of Kampila Deva and the muhammadans dis appeared from the scene, he turned his attention to the Tuluva country and placed himself firmly there which resulted in the end of the Alupa independence. They remained to be the feudatories of the Hoysalas till their end.

Anyhow by A.D. 1333 it is seen that the inscription of Vira Ballal III in Tuluva prove that he was recognized as a king, atleast in some parts of Tuluva. He assumed the royal titles of the tuluvas like, “pandya Chakravarti, Ariraya Sankara etc., and placed his

105 chief queen chikkayi Tayi, who is called by other names like Kikkayi, Bikkayi, Krsnayi Tayi, etc as his representative in Tuluva.

Derrett and Salatore are of the opinion that the Mudubidre inscription is the earliest inscription of Vira Ballala III. But Dr.K.V.Ramesh has conclusively proved that they have erred in this identification and that the earliest inscription is the one from Nilavana in Taluk of A.D.1333. This inscription refers to his chief queen Kikkayi Tayi along with Vayijappa Dannayaka and other officers in whose presence certain gifts of lands were made to the temple of Bhagavati by the 14 members of the Niruvana Assembly.

The Alupas realized that hostility with the powerful Hoysalas meant their own destruction. Therefore it appears that they compromised with the Hoysalas as proved by the alupas and chikkayi tays in the same village at times.

Alupa soyideva’s reign ended somewhere in A.D.1335 and was succeeded by Kulasekhara who ruled from Barahakanyapura. Chikkayi Tayi was also ruling from the same place. Hence it may be assumed that there developed a sort of understanding between the Alupas and Chikkayi Tayi.

Kanchi had become a part of the Hoysala empire in the thirties of the 14th century. Vidya chakravarin in his rukmini Kalyana descripbes Vira Ballala’s success over the Panyas and the rulers of Kongu (Kanka), Kerala, Konakana and kanchi.

Kanchi had become an easy target to invaders because of its position and therefore constantly changed hands. Though it is known from inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was in Kanchi atleast once in A.D. 1295 and then in A.D. 1335 it was not under his rule throughout. The Kerala ruler Ravi varman Kulasekhara was occupying

106 it upto A.D. 1315. He withdrew from Kanchi because of the constant troubles from Virapandya who occupied it then. But the authority of Vira Ballala III was certainly recognized in and around Kanchi and the local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.

Since the establishment of the Sultanate of Madura, Vira Ballala III was residingly mostly at Tiruvannamalai which was the base of his operations against the muhammadans. Probably it was ast this time that b he became more acquitted with Kanchi. Perhaps trouble in the east induced him to march to kanchi. An inscription dated to A.D.1335 in the Arulala perumal temple says that the Hoysala monarch was camping at Kanchi, and made liberal grants to scholars and poets.

There are a few more inscriptions of his Hoysala ruler at Chikka Conjivaram. All these inscriptions reveal his devoltion to the Vaishavism. Like his predecessors, Vira Ballala III also had great devotion for this religion.

On the left wall of the Rashigopura in the Kamakshi temple at , Chinglapet district there is an inscription which to classified under prasastis and is famously known as Vira Ballala prasasti. It was composed by vadya chakravartin, the court poet of Vira Ballala. He calls his composition as Vallala gunasthhava. This gives an account of the relation that existed betws betseen Vira Ballala II and the other contemporary rulers of Southern Peninsula.

In an inscription of a.D. 1334 from the Malavalli Taluk Viraballala is described as Kanchi Kanchana is a blinding mirror to Kandhi and clari ms that he was to the Kadava family. Parts of Kongu mandalam were also the actual god of death annexed to his territories. Some of his inscriptions are seen in few places of Dharapuram Taluk of Coimbatore district also. He authority and control over these areas

107 had realy a role to play in his future plans of driving away the muhammadans from the south.

While Vira Ballala III was busy in the south, there arose confusion in the santara country and he promptly dispatched an army under the generalship of Kamey Nayaka. This army marched to Kuppe and attacked the Santaras. A fight ensued on at Jiduvaligenad in which some were dead.

Thus aetch safeguarding his southern borders and suppressing internal dissentions, Vira Ballala had the much more difficult task of protecting the northern frontiers of his kingdom, particularly from the destructive nature of the Muhammadan on slaughts. He certainly matched himself to the situation and did his best in this direction.

The muhammadans under Mubarak Khilji established garrisons in different parts of south India Viz., Devagiri, Madhvna, Kannanur etc. the pandyas were more incapable of stopping the Muhammadan army and had thus brought their own downfall.

Muhammad Tughlak who ascended the throne after the death of Ghias-ud-din Tughlak could not give sufficient attention to this far away country because of the constant trouble in his own surroundings. The rebellion of baha ud din gurshasp had inspired many. Added to this the moghals were a constant threat to him on the other hand Vira Ballala III by his occupation of Tiruvannamalai and the surrounding territories acted as a screen between Madura and the representatives of Delhi sultan at Devagiri.

The sultanate of Madura was established in A.D.1335 as a result of the rebellion of Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw. The establishment of the Muhammadan power in southern India was definitely going to be a death blow to the Hoysala if he did not keep himself on the alert.

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He was making his own preparations against the sultanate of Madura. He joined hands with kapaya Nayaka of the Telugu kngdom of Prataparudra and attacked the fort of Devagiri where, as already pointed out the muhammadans had established a garrison malik maqbul who had been stationed there was driven away by the combined forces of the Hoysala and Kapaya Nayaka. After this they marched together to Tondaimandal vanquished the Muhammadan army stationed there and drove them away. It was placed under the .

It is perhaps possible as known from an inscription at Tiruvamutthe that vira ballala and kapaya Dannayaka went to the aid of sakala loka chakravartin venru man Konda sambuvarayar when the latter had been attacked by the muhammadans. It appears that the samburaraya had lost some of the territories and they were regained with the help of the hoysala. Any how ballala’s part in the establishment of the power involved him in a series of troubles from the muhammadans of Madura.

Hammed between two powerful enemies Vira Ballala III had to bring all the southern powers to gather and had to pose a common front if his own destruction had to be avoided.

The establishment of the Vijayanagara empire marks a very important phase of the south Indian History. This empire was destined to play a very prominent role in freeing south India from the clutches of the muhammadans. It was the rulers of this kingdom that completed the task which Vira Ballala had started. The subject of the origin of Vijayanagara Empire has stood a challenge to the scholars, who were responsible for the establishment of this empire is not clearly known.

Anyhow it is true that the empire of Vijayanagar was closely associated with the Hoysalas on the hand and the muhammadans on

109 the other. It is very difficult to pinpoint the exact time of Harihara’s appearance in the political arena of south Indian history.

An inscription from chitrad urga dated A.D.1328 refers to a list of officers in which appear the name of a kuthora hera who is identified by some with Harihara of Vijayanagara empire. Other officers mentioned in this inscription are Bhimaraya, simha Raghunatha, Kalamegha, Ballappa and Singaya Dannayaka.

Feristan syas that Krishna Naig and Ballala deve decided to face the enemy unitedly and as a result of this Ballala got constructed Beejanuggur in the north in the name of his son Beeja. This is generally identified with Hampi . The earliest inscription of the Vijayanagara rulers comes from Bowringpet Taluk dated A.D.1336. Harihara seems to have made several grants immediately after his coronation. As a result of the attempts made to strengthen the northern territories of the Hoysala empire the birth of Vijayanagar took place.

After the establishment of a city in the north Ballala could safely turn to the activities in the south. He had already occupied places esst of Tiruvannamalai. It is known from an inscription that he made a successful campaign to the north somewhere in the early part of January A.D.1337 along with a few of his Dannayakas. It was perhaps after this that he retuned to Tiruvannamalai.

Parts of Dharapuram Taluk of Coimbatore district remained to be under the control of Vira Ballala is proved by three of his inscriptions parts of Taluk in the same district was also under suzeraignty of Vira Ballala III is proved by an inscription of A.D. 1338.

Vira Ballala III payed a visit to Barakur in A.D.1338 where he had stationed a grarrison. This was to inspect his army and when

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Ankaya Nayaka obayed to stay there he was pleased and made a grant to Ankaya Nayaka. He remained at Barakur for some more time. It is known from an inscription of a stilightly later date refers to some grant made by Ballala III for the God Kotesvara.

Ballala III next marched towards Sri Vijaya Virupakshapura Via Dorasanmudra. He was perhaps going there with the intention of performing the coronation cermany of his son Virupaksha Ballala IV which he had in the next year. Another inscription of the same year i.e., A.D. 1339 says that he was ruling the empire from Hosanadu apparently referring to the newly established capital in the North. By A.D.1340 he is seen again staying at Dorasamudra. It is very strange to know that Vira Ballala III never stayed at any one place for long interval of time particularly after the first Muhammadan attack on his capital city. In an inscription of A.D. 1340 from Taluk, hardly after few months interval he is seen to be residing at a place called Malapattana. Rice had identified this with Unnamale pattana.

The coronation ceremony must have taken place after the activities of Ballala III mentioned above. In the latter part of the year that the anointing ceremony was performed. The inscription reads Rajyam gayyuttavyire Rajyabhisekavam Madi. Sri.M.V.Krishna Rao feels that there is no evidence to state that the anointing ceremony took place at Hampi as a few scholars state. Derrett on the other hand behieves that this ceremony took place at Tiruvannamalai.

When things were slowly coming under Vira Ballala’s hold there arouse trouble at Madura for the throne. Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw, the king of Madura was murdered by some officer of his own in A.D.1340 and was succeeded by Alla-ud-din Udaiji who assumed the royal titles. In A.D 1341 he fought a successive battle against the infidels and when he was hit by an arrow from an unknown hand.

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According to Dr.K.A.Neelakanta Sastri the subjects of Madura sultanate never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to pull down the Muhammadan power. In fact there were onstant clashes between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas clashes between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the Kaveri- Coleroon border where there had taken place wars previously between the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the pandyas had ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of Madura, Kannanur and other places by the muhammadans, they were definitely carrying on the resistence against the Sultanate of Madura while the Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting all his power to capture back the Fort of Kannanur which commanded the road to Madura.

The years 1340-43 mark a very important phase in the History of south India. It was now that several changes were destined to take place. Ballala III was busily engaged as a hornet and was making preparations to give the ultimate blow to the sultanate of Madura. He remained at Tiruvannamalai. Knowing that failure in the mission against the Sultanate of Madura meant the end of the Hoysala Empire, he never wished to take risks. He was perhaps making preparations all the while.

An inscription of A.D.1341 from Malur Taluk mentions a new title of Vira Ballala III called setumulajayasthambha denoting that the Hoysala Monarch planted a pillar of victory at setu, which has been differently identified by scholars with some place near Goa, Ramesvara etc.

With the death of Ala-ud-din udaiji, his son-in-law Qutb-us-din ascended the throne. But he was an inefficient ruler and ruled for only four days. After killing him Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani succeeded to the Madura throne. He was a son-in-law of Jalal-ud-din Ahasan shaw. It

112 was during the reign of this ruler that the Hoysala monarch attacked kannanur. Ibn Batuta, the moor traveler stayed in the court of the sultan Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani and has left a graphic description of the events that took place during his stay there. He has given importance to even the minute points and by given importance to even the minute points and by the time he entered the city of Madura the battle between Dhamghani and Ballala III had just been over as he says that he saw the caricature of the last great Hoysalaruler hung on the walls of Madura.

It can be understood from the statements of Ibn Batuta that Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani was a very and ruler and mercilessly put to death a large number of innocent Hidus, men and women alike Ibn Batuta himself was horrified by this and says that for all these cruel acts Ghias-ud-din Damghani paid penalty in the very future. He lost his only son and then his wife affected by some unknown digease. His own death took place a little later.

Vira Ballala III, beigg a Hindu ruler, that too one of the strongest Hindu monarch of the days, could not tolerate the cruelties perpetrated on the Hindus. This perhaps added to the general desire that was in him to free the southern peninsulas from the havoes of the sultan of Madura.

The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura during the last decade and was wathcin the constant predatory activities of the muhammadans. It was very essential for him to guard the frontier here Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-ud- din Dhamghani was that of an infidel monarch named Ballala deo who one of the principal kings of south India at that time. He also points our that this Hindu sovereign marched with a very huge army consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 2000 mussalman soldiers whose service he received the muhammadan army the other hand consisted of hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth

113 nothing. The two armies met at Kobban identified with Kannanur Koppam near Srirangam.

In the conflict that ensued, the muhammadan army was easily routed when Ballala ordered them to vacate the fort of Kannanur they asked 15 days true with in in which period they suddenly attacked the unprepared Hoysala army and captured Ballala. After extracting all wealth from him on the pretext that they would leave him and then put him to death. Ibn Batuta saw the body hanging when he entered Madura. This is how Vira Ballala III, one of the most prominent rulers of the Hoysala dynasty and of the contemporary times met his end. He had almost succeeded in his mission of driving away the muhammadans from south India but for his treacherous murder. His task was continued by the Vijayanagar rulers and hardly three decades later was this completed by Vira Kampana Raya of Vijayanagar.

Inscriptions also refer to the clashes between the Hoysalas and the muhammadans. An inscription from Kudur Taluk dated A.D.1342 refers to a battle took place at Chirichi… Palli in which it stated that Vira Ballalaraya lost his life along with one Kankaya for whom this Viragal inscription was erected.

The Hoysala Empire practically came to an ent after the death of Vira Ballala III though he was succeeded by his son virupaksha Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years.

The death of Vira Ballala III was an irreparable damages and irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at all.

Virupaksha Ballala IV who ascended the throne with the death of his father was already man of atleast 45 or 50 years. His last

114 inscription is dated to A.D.1346. His reign was not an eventful one. The Hoysalas had already lost as an imperial power and was giving way to Vijayanagar which later became the very powerful empire.

Soon after the death of Vira Ballala III many of his officers became independent and some joined Vijayanagara rulers, like Ketayya Dannayaka, Singaya Dannayaka etc.,

Ballappa Dannayaka, who was one of the most powerful and very influential officers during the days of Vira Ballala III was now perhaps in a position of full fledged King maker and naturally attracted the attention of Harihara I, the First ruler of Vijayanagara empire. An inscription of Harihara I dated to A.D. 1349 from Sringeri refers to Ballappa Dannayaka as Aliya Ballappa Dannayaka giving us an idea tht he must have married a daughter of Harihara I another inscription of the time of Harihara II dated A.D.1380 refere to the same incidence. He is mentioned along with Harihara and his brothers in that inscription officially. Ballappa Dannayaka must have joined with the Sangama brothers probably after the death of Virupaksha Ballala. Another inscription from Trinisi issued only six months after the sringeri inscription mentions Aliya Ballappa Dannayaka as making some grant. By the time of this inscription he had been promoted to the rank of mahamandalesvara.

The Hoysala Empire slowly merged into the Vijayanagara kingdom with in a very short span of time. The shifting of powrs was bloodless one and a conclusion proof that the Vijayanagara rulers were in friendly terms with the Hoysalas and their subjects. An inscription from the Bangalore District refers itself to the reign of Harihara I of Vijayanagar. It was a part of the Hoysala empire hardly a year prior to the date of this inscription as suggested by Bn.120. Another inscription in Tamil of the same year from Malur Taluk recods the remission of taxes by Harihara issued uner the royal seal.

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This further confirms that the Hoysala Empire merged with the Vijayanagar Kingdom very speedy.

Though the death of Ballala III brought the Hoysala rule to an and in the plains, in the Tuluva country it continued under his chief queen chikkayi Tayi. She assumed all the imperial titles although her reign was also not eventful. She was succeeded by her son Kuiasekhara in A.D.1348 who is known from three inscriptions issued by him. It is known from these inscriptions that Barakur remained to be the capital of the Alupa Hoysalas.

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CHAPTER-IV ADMINISTRATION DURING BALLALA III

The object of the present Chapter is to analyse briefly the ideal of Vira Ballala III’s state organisation, the characteristics of the Government, its aims and policies and to sketch some of the important features of administration and the administrative systems and to fill in detail in the light of the available Inscriptions.

Inscriptions of the Vira Ballala III by themselves may not give a clear picture of the Hoysala administration of the times, but taking Hoysala administration in general as the background during the reign of this ruler.

It is already stated in the earlier chapter that the reign of the Vira Ballala III extended to over fifty years from A.D.1292. It was period of continuous struggle. In fact the latter part of his reign completely engaged him in safeguarding his empire against the hostile Muhammadan attacks. Inscriptions reveal that he had appointed his trusted officers at different strategic points to stop the Muhammadan forces from entering into the Kernel of the Hoysala Empire. It is known from the inscription at Chitradurga1 of A.D.1340 that Kamaya Dannayaka, a mahapradhana of his, was ruling over Virupaksha Hosadurga.

The Hoysala administration in general had been based on the ancient Hindu ideals and it was not much different from that of other contemporary South Indian empires. They owe much to the Gangas and the Chalukyas for the basic pattern of administration. Some of the officers like that of Nadagauda, Nad Prabhu, Senabova and the formation of the nad assemblies are largely due to the Gangas and the appointing of the crowned prince and other princes reign on behalf of the rulers and the division of the empire rule over different into

117 different provinces were largely due to the influence of the Chalukya administration.

Vira Ballala III definitely introduced many innovations to the administrative machinery which will be discussed in detail later. These changes were largely because; the Hoysala Empire had reached the climax in extent. Though the Tamil districts practically came under the Hoysalas during the reign of Somesvara himself it had been divided between his two sons Ramanatha and Vira Narasimha III, thus the newly acquired portion i.e., the Tamil regions which had formed a part of the Cola and Pandya Kindoms went into the share of Ramanatha, while the ancestral part was presented to Narasimha III. Ramanatha and Narasimha III were not in good terms form the very beginning of their career. Thus they became two different powers. It was only during the regin of Vira Ballalla III the Hoysala Empire was united once again and it added to Vira Ballala’s responsibilities, by demanding the close attention for the far off parts of the empire. Added to this for the first time in the history of South India, muhammadans landed on the soil here and proved a menace to all the royal families here. Hitherto the enemies, who were natives of the Southern Peninsula, would have been satisfied with mere territorial gain. But the muhammadans showed more inclination to ransack the cities and to loot the treasure here and it was only after that they thought of staying here and held the local powers under their control. In these circumstances the only way left to postpone the doom of the Hoysala dynasty was by introducing new system in the administrative mechanism.

King Hereditary succession was the usual system of the day. The King was the supreme authority in all matters, whether political or religious or social or economic though he had to consult the various department heads on all important matters, His exercise of authority

118 and involvement in the administrative mechanism never stood an impediment in carrying an a harmonious working of the system.

The duty of the king was two folded as constantly mentioned in the inscription “Dushtha Sikshana” and “Sistha Pratipalana”. When the man on the throne proved to be inefficient, the a number of internal troubles in the form of cattle raids, decoity outbreaks increased and the subject could never be happy at all during the reign of such rulers.

One of the most important duties of the King was to attend to his military forces. At times of crisis he personally attended battles and made grants to those who fought bravely on his side.

He was the supreme authority in matters of religion, society, law, justice etc. The King was the protector of all religious and looked at all the religions with impartiality. He very well knew that predilection to any particular religion would spoil his sense of catholicity.

The King took active interest in matters of law and justices. In matters of disputes he used to consult his officers before giving judgement. The Panchapradhana Council joined hands with the King in deciding very complicated disputes. In treating cases where there would have been no proof to show that the suspected was the real culprit, he was made to undergo a sort of severe ordeal. It was beloved that if the accused was blemish free he would win the ordeal. Such an ordeal is recorded in an inscription of A.D.1309.2 Governors ruling over different regions with the aid of the assemblies were deciding many disputes involving men belonging to their own regions. Courts were accessible to even a common man.3

The King used to make extensive trips throughout his empire with the main intention of securing the integrity of his power.

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Yuvaraja The position of Yuvaraja was a very prominent one. It was customary to appoint the eldest son as the Yuvaraja. He was invariably associated with the King in carrying out the administration.

The crown prince was usually placed to rule as Governor of a particular region during the life time of his father. Vira Ballala III was not an exception to this. He was ruling over the coastal region as early as A.D. 1278.

The Yuvaraja was taking part in campaigns also on behalf of the King through there is no reference to such campaigns under taken by Vira Ballala III as a crown prince.

It is known from the Muhammadan chroniclers that Vir Ballala III had sent his son, crown prince Virupaksha Ballala IV to the custody of the muhammadans as a token of his loyalty to the victor. It is believed that he had been sent on a very responsible diplomatic mission.

Queens The Hoysala rule witnessed the involvement of the Queens along with Kings in the administration. Umadevi one of the Queens of Vira Ballala II was an able administrator and stood hand in hand with her husband in Administration. She participated in many battles and it is known that she was ruling over the empire from the Hoysala headquarters of Dorasamudra during the absence of her husband. Another Queen of Vira Ballala II, Abhinava Ketala also participated in the administration. It is certain that Vira Ballala II was the only ruler who made best use of his wives in matters of administration.

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The words of Derrett are to be accepted4 that Vira Ballala III did not make much use of his wives in the administration of the Country. But it is known from the inscriptions that Chikkayi Tayi who ruled over the region of South Kanara, provides us a solitary example to prove that he made use of at least one of his Queens in administration.

Ministry Administration of the empire was not a simple affair. It required a large number of portions each held by a respective officer. The member of such offices depended upon the necessities of the time. At times a single officer was holding different offices at the same time and it is also seen that an officer was holding different offices at a different times. The peace and prosperity of the empire largely depend upon the ability of its ministry.

The most important and the frequently mentioned officer was the mahapradhana. He was generally in charge of a province. It is known from several inscriptions that Madhava Dannayaka, Son of Ferumale Dannayaka was ruling over the Padinakunad from Terakanambi.5 Machaya Dannayaka, another mahapradhani and later his son Gangideva Dannayaka were ruling over the region of Penukonda.6 Mahapradhana Somaya Dannayaka was ruling over the region of present day Chitradurga7 and Kameya Dannayaka over the region of Virupakshapattana.

In addition to their duties as Pradhanas, many a time they were given different portfolios and it is seen that an officer holding more than one office at the same time. Malliyanna Dannayaka, a mahapradhani under Vira Ballala III was also a senapati.8 Kameya Dannayaka a mahapradhani is known form an inscription of A.D. 1341 from Channapatna Taluk, to be a royal Dandanatha.9

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Lakumaya, an officer of Vira Ballala III was holding the officers of Mahapradhana, Sarvadhikari, Senadhipati and Hiriya Dandanatha.10

By the time of Vira Ballala III, mahapradhanas were very large in number and all of them could not be use at a time. Derrett is convincing in stating that the mahapradhanas must have formed a sort of Privy Council from which a group of select members carried on the general affairs.11 Altekar translates the “mahapradhana” as Prime Minister, but Derrett says that mahapradhana was an official of a very high rank. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy is of the opinion that the mahapradhanas were usually officers in the capital of the subordinate rulers and were thus bringing a sort of connection between the Head Quarterrs anf that of the Feudatories.12 This statement is supported by an inscription of Vira Ballala III where it is nentioned that Singaya Dannayaka, son of Madhava Dannayaka was a mahapradhana, stayed in the court of Tiruvenkatanatha Yadavaraya who was ruling over the regions around Tirupati as well as in the court of his son Sriranganatha Yadavaraya. Mahapradhana Singaya Dannayaka, son of Somaya Dannayaka was in the court of Virapandya and died in a battle while fighting for that ruler against Samudra Pandya.13

Appointment to the post of mahapradhana was hereditary. Thus it is seen that perumala Dannayaka was succeeded by his son Madhava Dannayaka as mahapradhana who in turn was succeeded by his two sons Singaya Dannayaka and then Ketayya Dannayaka. Somaya Dannayaka, who was a mahapradhana even under Narasimha III was succeeded by hi son Singaya Dannayaka and Ballappa Dannayaka. Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka was succeeded by his son Gangideva Dannayaka.

The mahapradhana was assisted by a large number of officers and thus a mahapradhana was in no way different from the mahamandalesvaras. Kengu Irame Nayakka was a subordinate officer

122 of Singaya Dannayaka.14 Kaluva Chikka Vittappa mentioned in an inscription from the Kolar Taluk was pradhana under the mahapradhana Ballappa Dannayaka.15

It is ponted out by A.V.Narasimha Murthy that the mahapradhana was invariably present on the occasion of grants made by the mahamandalesvara or savantas.16

Sarvadhikari was another portfolio of great importance. The nature of work assigned to this officer is not known. He must have been a very important officer, sort of a spokesman in a Council, others being merely his colleagues. According to Dinker Desai, Sarvadhikari was an officer of the Finance Branch.17

Derrett is of the opinion that the Sarvadhikari had role to play in all the Departments.18 An inscription form the Mysore Taluk of A.D.130319 that Lakumayya was Mahapradhana as well as a Sarvadhikari. It is definitely known that an officer holding one portfolio was given later another portfolio, perhaps a sort of promotion. Thus Lakkanna a sandhivigrahi in the house of Vira Ballala III was placed on Sarvadhikari of Hadavalikenad.20 Sarvadhikari was frequently mentioned in connection with grants of land and money to temples.

Senapati was another office connected with the military duties. A large number of Senapathis are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. These senapatis were also called by other names like Senadhipati, Senadhipa, Samastha Senadhipa, Mahanayakacharya etc. It is suggested by a few that the Senadhipatis were also taking part in other aspects of administration as well. Lakumayya, to whom a reference has already been made to, was senapati as well as a mahapradhana. Feudatory rulers were also given opportunity to serve as military officers by the sovereign. Kariyabbarana Nayaka’s son

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Chikkanna Nayaka had the title Manayaka Charya. Feudatories also encouraged by giving them opportunities to serve in the imperial army as officers. Bilachokkayya Nayaka Bogayya Dannayaka and another officer whose name is effaced were feudatory rulers as well as military officers.21 The term Dannayaka, was perhaps very loosely used. Actually the term Dannayaka or Dandanayaka means the head of an unit of the army. But there are references to the Dannayakas engaged in the civil administration also. Thus Somaya Dannayaka a mahapradhana of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over Bemmattur Kallu as a governer, went and fought against the army of Kampiladeva and died. Several such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. Infact Dr.T.V.Mahalingam mentions that there was not much difference between the officers of administration and Military officers.22 That is why it is seen in a large number of instances a single officer holding more than one post at the same time including both military and the civil administrative posts. Lakanna was a senapati Hiriya Dandanatha, a mahapradhana and a Sarvadhikari.

It can be said with certainty that the Dannayaka was the most important and highest official in a district.

Mahasavantadhipati is another officer often mentioned in the inscriptions. The term Samantha means a feudatory and naturally the term Samanthadhipati means, an officer appointed by the King to rule over the Samanthas. These officers were entrusted with the collection of imperial dues like Perjunka, Vaddaravula and bikoda.23

The officers of the Sandhivigrahika and the mahasavantadhipati are connected to Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, in that the mahasavantadhipati took the role of the Sandhivigrahikas of the earlier times as no reference is seen in the inscriptions of the rulers of the Vijayanagar Empire, to the term Sandhivigrahika.

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There were several feudatories under each mahasavantadhipati and one such feudatory of Bommaya Nayaka of Holakal was Bhairarsa Chola Maharaha.24 Apart from this there were subordinate officers under the mahasavantadhipati like Honnagauda who was the mahanadprabhu of Kukkalnad during the rule of Bommaya Nayaka.25

The mahasavantadhipatis were also very proficient in the art of military activities. In fact it can be easily made that officer of all most all the portfolios whether civil or military had to be through in the art of warfare.

“Sandhivigrahi” was an officer in charge of the foreign affairs i.e, a minister of war and peace. He was perhaps carrying a diplomatic neogotiations with the neighbouring countries. Derrett syas26 that it was the duty of these Offices to contract alliances, watch the relation that existed with the foreign powers, to treat the foreign visitors and to decide as to when to break and on what grounds, treaty and to change alliance. Dr.A.S.Altekar points out in his” The Rashtrakutas and their Times”27 that the Sandhi Vigrahika was usually entrusted with the drafting of the copper plate charcters creating alienated holidays. Altekar also says that there were mahasandhivigrahikas under whom there were ordinary sandhivigrahikas.

Srikaranadhikari was the principal accountant. The treasury consisted of a number of officials who superintendent the activities in the treasury. Each governor ruling over a particular region had a treasury under his control from where he could send the revenue of the region under his control to the imperial treasury.

References are available to the office of “Bahattara Niyogi” during the days of Vira Ballala III. Several inscriptions of this monarch from South Kanara make reference to the Bahattara Niyoga. There was a Bhattara Niyogadhipati over them. Derrett and

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Dr.Narasimha Murthy28 explain the term Bahattara as an officer of 72 offices or branches.

“Rajaguru” is classified by several scholars as an office connected with the administration. Quite a few inscriptions of Vira Ballala III point out the name of Rajaguras. The King was seeking his advice on important matters connected with religion. There comes a reference to a pattana Rajaguru in an inscription from Chitradurga.29 The Rajagurus were even invested with powers to control the activities of the Kings.

The administration of the palace was no longer a simple affair. The administrative machinery had become more complicated by the time of Ballala III it had become so well developed that a large number of offices were appointed to look after the activities of the imperial palace. The palace had its own Srikarana Adhikaris, House ministers, Senior House Senabovas etc. Baichaya Dannayaka was a Senior House Minister of Vira Ballala III.30 Baichaya Sahami and Davayya Sahani were officers in the house of the Hoysala sovereign. These house ministers again had several subordinate office of Bireya Dannayaka, a pradhana in the palace of Vira Ballala III.31 Even mahamandalesvaras were appointed as house minister of Ballala III.32

Mahapasayitas was an officer connected with the palace. This office was also usually held by such distinguished officer like the mahapradhanas, Dannayakas and many a time even by the governor of a province.33 Reference are not scanty to show that mahapasayitas were ruling over different territorial divisions. It is known from an inscription in the T.Narasipur Taluk of A.D.C.130034 that Mahapasayita Rayappa was ruling over Torenad, with considerable Power. They were efficient even in the field of warfare. Chikka Bayireya Nayaka, a mahapasayita had the tittle Miseyaraganda,35 a title usually borne by military officers.

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The other officers of the palace were chamberlain, Durbar Bakshi and betel carrier.36

Feudatories The most important feature of administration of the times was that a number of feudatories had spread far and wide in the Hoysala country. Invariably, rulers who were defeated and subjugated became the feudatories of the conqueror and their successors continued to be the feudatories, till they were able to stand against the power of their conqueror. The feudatories of Vira Ballala III, at least some of them, were royal to him and at times of crisis even helped the king by supplying to him with men and materials. Koteya Nayaka whom Ballala III defeated in A.D.1302-03 became a loyal feudatory and helped in battles.37 Madedeva was a mahamandalasvara whose subordinate Kandarideva sent his ‘maiduna’ to fight against the forces of Kampiladeva in A.D.1320.38 Sodaladeva, another feudatory is known to have fought against the Sevuna army that had marched under Yabbara Nayaka somewhere in A.D.1303.

Thus the feudatories under Vira Ballala III were certainly loyal and sacrificed their lives for him.

It is correctly pointed out by scholars that the mahapradhana was a connecting link between the imperial headquarters and the feudatory state.

Important matters connected with the society and religions were decided by the mahamandalesvaras. An inscription from the Maddur Taluk of A.D.1325 refers to Kamalaraja Tammayya, a Mahamanda- lesvara of Vira Ballala III who decided some important matter connected with the duties and privileges of the 18 Samayas.

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The Feudatory rulers can be classified under different categories. Inscriptions often make references to feudatories by the terms like Mahamandalesvaras, Mandalikas, etc. The mahamandalesvaras were of the highest rank among them. Many such mahamandalesvaras often referred to in the inscriptions. Next comes the mandalikas. At the very outset it is clear that the mandalikas were definitely of a lower rank compared to the mahamandalesvaras. Dr.Derrett supports this view.39 Sarumeya Nayaka was one such Mandalika under the Vira Ballala III and he was ruling over Harunad.40 Devandicchayan was another Mahamanda- lesvaras ruling over Koygaikkumnadu.

Samanthas are classified as rulers, who were guarding the frontiers once. But as the boundary fluctuates often their hereditary lands could have been far beyond the frontiers.41 Derrett points out that in the Tamilian Districts in the east the subordinate rulers were called nadalvas with a prefix of the nad they were ruling over.

The Santaras were feudatories of the Hoysalas since a very long time and they remained to be so even during the days of Vira Ballala III. It is known from an inscription42 in the Chikkamagalur Taluk that Kaladevi was the Santara Queen and her son was Vira Pandya Deva.

The Cholas of Nidugal were again Feudatories ruling over a small region in the central Mysore and in the last decade of the 13th century Gunesa Chola Maharaja was their ruler. By about the early part of the forties of the 14th Century this area was under the control of Holakal Bommaya Nayaka. This again gives a hint that Samantadhipati were placed above the Samantas.

Gangas were also a feudatory family under the Hoysalas. Vikrama Gangan, a son of Uttama Sola Gangan, Lord of the City of

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Kuvatala i.e, Kolar and a descent of the Ganga family was his feudatory.43

Territorial divisions:- The Hoysala empire during the days of Vira Ballala III had reached the Zenith in extent including quite a large part of the tamil Country, almost the whole of the kannada Country and had extended a little in the Telugu Country also. Parts of Anantha pur and Hindipur districts were under the control of Vira Ballalla III.

The highest division in the Tamil Country was a ‘mandlam’. Three such mandalas are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. They were the Nigarili Sola mandalam, i.e., Nolambavadi44 Tondaimandlam i.e., Jayangonda Sola Mandalam45 and Mudigonda Sola Nandalan i.e., Gangadevi.46

The Mandalam was divided into ‘Valanadus’. Very few Valandus are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala.47 The Valanadu was inturn divided into ‘nadus’. An inscription from Mulbagal says that the nadu was a part of the Valanadu.48 Dr.T.V.Mahalingam observes the existence of large number of nadus in each Valanadu49 though inscriptions of Vira Ballala III do not throw any light on this point.

Each nadu had a number of ‘mangalams’ in then. These manglams were replices of the agrahara of the Kannada country. Vijayaditya mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.50 Kongu Chaturdedi mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.51 Udaiya pirattu mangalam was in the Narayyanur nadu52 and Vira Sola Chaturvedi- manglam was in the Vira Sola Valanadu.

Inscriptions refer to atleast twelve nadus belonging to the Nigaritu Cholamandalam though it is very difficult to say the exact number of nadus in each mandala. Anyway it is certain that the

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Nilgarili Solamandalam comprised almost the whole of the present day Kolar District and a part of the Bangalore district.

Dr.Mahalingam points out that each nadu was divided into units of fifty villages’ i.e, aimbadin melagaram.53 He also says that the melagaram was further divided into the manglams. It is known from an inscription from the Malur Taluk that Malaimundi Agaram was in the Simadaparru54 and Settihalli was in Vittamangalaparru.55

‘Sthala’ was the next division. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam opines that the division “Bhukti” gave place in latter times to sthala which consisted of a few villages. The number of villages in each sthala varied.56 Very few such sthalas are known through the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. Gajekara Kuppe was one such sthala1.57 Kadagodi, in the Torevala Viritti in the Mahasannenad was another ‘sthala’.58

Village was the lowest division. It is known from the inscription in the Taluk59 that several villages like Belagavatti, Hattivur, Suratur, Chidugur, Honnali, Harubenagar, Golehalli, Gavanahalli, Madanabavi, Chettanabavi etc., were a part of Belleyanad.

Some of the territorial divisions have been identified. From a survey of the inscriptions belonging to Vira Ballala III, it is clear that the Hoysala Empire now included parts of North Kanara, Shimoga and Chitradurga districts in the north, districts of Kolar and Tumkur in the east and North east respectively and the districts of Coimbatore, North Arcot and Chinglepet districts in the south. It is possible that parts of south Arcot and Tiruchinapalli districts also came under his subjugation during the latter part his reign.

Administration of the Nadu Each nadu had an officer appointed by the ruler, to look after the administration. He was variously called as Nadu Gauda,

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Nadaprabhu, Mahaprabhu, Mahanadprabhu, etc. Usually succession to this post was hereditary. But at times they were appointed by responsible bodies of the nadu like the Priests, Pattanaswami etc. It aca be observed from the inscriptions that a particular nadu was under different heads at different times. Thus Turavar Ammaiyan was the superintentdent of Pulliyurnad in A.D.1332,60 than it was Turavar Nayan by A.D.134161 and in the next year Turavar Savukka Devar.62 It is very difficult to say whether the above three heggades belonged to the same family and succeeded to the post of Nad heggade or that they were different persons appointed by the authrotities of the nadu.

The Nad heggade had several officials under his control with the assistance of whom he was carrying out administration. Senabova, the revenue officer etc. are often mentioned as assisting the nad heggade in his duties. In fact it was the duty of Nad heggade to see that the revenue was collected for which the revenue officer had been appointed and to despatch the same to the royal treasury. The Nadprabhu was also an authority in matters of justice. In the Tamil speaking regions the Nad heggade was called differently as Turvar, Nattu Nayagar, Nattavar etc. He was present on all important occasions of the Nadu. The Nad heggade was wielding lot of power in the local administration is evident from the fact that he was making grants of villages. He was also proficient in the art of warfare. At times of need he used to take part in military campaigns. They had their own armies.

Grants of land were often made in the presence of the mahajanas. The remuneration received by the Heggade was decided by such important bodies like the priests, the mahajanas, the eighteen samayas and the pattanaswanmis.63

The Nad senabova appears to have been considerably powerful. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam suggests that the Nad Senabova had to

131 maintain what may be called the revenue registers of the nadu of which he was the senabova. He also quotes an inscription from the Sidlaghatta Taluk of A.D.1346 which contains the signature of the Nad Senabova (accountant) Nilappaa.

Nad Assemblies Each Nadu had its own assembly to assure a smooth administration. The assembly of the nadu was known as the “Nadu”.

Inscription often refer to assembly of the nadu as “prajegaundas” meaning that the representatives of the subjects. These wielded lot of power in matters connected with land grants, appointment of candidates for different offices etc.

Hadinentu Samaya’ and the ‘Halarus’ also find frequent references in the inscriptions. It was very essential that at least one of the Nad assemblies should have been present at important occasions.

The nad assemblies were meeting very frequently to discuss matters connected with the nadus. One such meeting of the nadu was held in Sigalanad.

Dr.G.S.Dikshit64 points out that the nad assembly consisted of members belonging to different walks of life so that each community could pose its trouble through its representative and get their problems solved.

Whenever the trouble reached beyond the control of the Nad Assembly, some of the responsible officers of the nadu, used to approach the emperor himself and ask him to interfere in the matter.

Dr.Dikshit points out three types of assemblies via, the Prabhugavanda’ comprising the headmen of the villages in the nadu,

132 the ‘Prajegavundas’, formed by the representatives of the people and sometime these two were supported by the merchant guilds and the agraharas.

Thus the Nad assesmbly could meet at its own accord. During the meeting of such assemblies grants could be made, follies committed could be set right works of social importance done like the construction of temple or tank etc.

The Nad assembly had its own lands and the public lands were controlled by them. These could be granted their own will and they were not expected to refer this to a higher authority, the governor of the region or the King.

The Nad assembly including the prajagavudamgal, the merchants and perhaps even the governor of the nadu used to make grants for various purposes. Some other times the donee was relieved of paying any taxes for some time and afterwards a small amount have to be paid provided they get sufficient income.

Administration of the Town The Nadu had been, as already pointed out earlier, formed by a group of towns or pattanas and villages. There was a municipal chief, comparable to the present day mayor or a municipal councillor in a city to look after the administration of the pattanas. This was the ‘Pattanaswamy; generally a Prominent merchant of the place. Kalisetti, a pattanaswami was a mahavadda byavahari and a ubhaya Nanadesi Chief.65 He was a representative of the King in a Town.

Assemblies of the Town The towns had their own assemblies called differently as Nagaras, Mahanagaras etc. The assemblies consisted of Vaddabya- vaharis, Mummaridandas, Settinguttas, etc. Inscriptions of Vira

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Ballala III do not supply with adequate information regarding the administration and assemblies of the town. When a was drawn off from the Yagachi river66 these municipal authorities were present. The inscription which refers to this region of these times. It is signed by the Rajaguru Vishnu Upadhyaya. At Talkad, there was sthanapati in charge of the town. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam mentions that the municipal organisation of Talkad consisted of four pattanaswami and twenty five members.

Reference to the erection of new towns and to the conversion of villages into towns are not scanty. One such new town was constructed to the east of Chaudihalli by about A.D.131012,67 village Chandi Maidiyanahalli was converted into a pattana by Singeya Dannayaka, son of Chikkaya Sahani.68

When even a new town was constructed or a village was converted into a town, certain regulations were made regarding the taxes to be paid and any concession given. Some of the regulations engraved on a foundation stone of a town69 is as follows. No fine was levied to the mother and property of the deceased should be equally distributed among the brothers, younger and elder alike. If a female dies, her body should be buried if she were a married lady her body was to be cremated.

In the case of the conversion of the village Chandinadayanahalli into a Pattana, the regulation was that the elder brother’s property should go to the younger brother and vice-versa. Invariably fairs were established after the erection of new town. An inscription from Channapatna Taluk of A.D.1319 makes reference to the establishment of a fair.

The towns had their Senabavas called the Pattanasenabavas. It was the duty of the senabava to write the text of the inscription and it was later inscripted on stone by the engraver.

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Village Administration The head of the village was commonly called an “Ganda’ or ‘Gavunda’. Instances are there to show the presence of several gaudas at the same place at the same time. An inscription of A.D.1343 from Halasubalu in Bidurenad Hobli mentions several gaudas and the inscription may mean that there were at least four gaundas in that village.

The remuneration given to the gauda was not a fixed one. Usually he was given rent free lands as grants or ‘gaudagodage’. He was also given a house free of cost in the village and was also allowed to take the dues of the fair. The gauda was a powerful personality in the village and his orders could not be overlooked. He took active interest in public welfare and in this he was assisted by the Government as well as the villages.

The headman in an agrahara village was called ‘urodya’. He was appointed by the mahajana assembly. The mahajana assembly was very powerful an agrahara village and this was the administrative body there. It was the mahajanas who were vested with the power to decide boundary disputed, make new regulations and even to change the Gauda of the place if he was irregular in his duty. Thus when Hariyanna was unable to pay the original taxes and the extra that was levied, handed over the lands to the Mahajanas assembly which gave the gaudike of the place to Ramanna son of Mahapasayita Kavanna who paid 8 gadyanas and one gadyana per year to the Brahmins as taxes like Kattuge and Kanike.70 The Brahmins were expected to defray and new tax that the palace would impose on them.

Village Assemblies Among the village assemblies, inscriptions mention Okkalu, Chaugave, Praje, Samaya, etc. It is very difficult to understand the significance of these terms as inscriptions do not provide us with any

135 information. Anyhow the Mahajana assembly was wielding lot power in the village administration. These mahajanas were Brahmins and were great scholars and they were an embodiment of Vedas, etc. As already said Urodeya was the head of the Mahajana assembly.

The agraharas adopted a peculiar system in appointing the headman. Instead of appointing a heggade or a headman on lifetime basis they used to appoint monthly headman or ‘Nasaveggade.’. Whether this system of monthly headship was in vogue in the whole of the Hoysala Empire or was restricted to a particular area is anybody’s guess. Dr.Dikshit is of the opinion71 that this system started somewhere in the middle of 13th century. The Masaveggade was to receive certain allowances granted by the Mahajana assembly. Thse Masaveggades were also called by a different name as ‘Varikaras’. Dr.G.S.Dikshit says that they were executives of the village and town assemblies in central and south India. This inscription which refers to the ‘Varikara’ is from and therefore it is certain that this was in vogue in their particular area at least.

The Mahajanas of each village had contact with their neighbouring villages and there were even transactions taking place among them. It was not uncommon that the mahajanas of the village making some land grants to the mahajana of some village.

‘Halaru’ a term often referred to in the inscriptions, was a village assembly. An inscription from Holalkere Taluk of makes reference to this assembly. The ‘Halaru’ also took active part in appointing Maragauda of Honnayakere as the mad heggade and in fixing his remuneration.

The Hadinettu samaya or the HadinettyJati was also a village assembly. It is referred to in the Sanskrit character of 8th century

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A.D. as eighteen Prakritis and in the inscriptions of later dates this term is used in the sense of castes. Thus this assembly was formed of members from the different castes and communities.

Military Administration Great importance was given to the military administration as the very existence of the empire depended on the strength of the army that it possessed, particularly during the days of Hoysala Vira Ballala III. There were enemies all-round him and if he survived for over a half century, it was largely because of the strength of his army. He must have had a very strong and enormous army.

At time of dire need the king was personally leading the army against the enemy. In fact there are various instances when Vira Ballala III personally led the Hoysalas army against the Sevunas, the Pandyas and even against the forces of the Muhammadan Sultans of Delhi who ultimately put an end to his power.

A large number of officers had been placed as strategic points to guard the borders. Madhava Dannayaka one the mahapradhana was ruling over the padinalkunad from Terakanambi. Machaya Dannayaka, another important officer of his was placed at penukondain in the Ananthapura district. It was very essential that a mahapradhana who was mostly performing the duties of a vivil officer72 was also taking part in military campaigns.

Ibn Batuta gives us an idea of the strength exerted by Vira Ballala III while marching against the sultanate of Madura. According to him it included one lakh soldiers apart from about 20,000 Muhammadans made use of by Vira Ballala III. Wars seemed to have been very fierce. Though ethical principles of warfare was usually neglected by both the sides the Hindu rulers and God fear. They gave respect at least to some of these principles. They never used to touch

137 the temples in the enemy area or the valuable therein. On the other hand were making grants to the temples in the enemy territories though war was a medium for looting, destruction of villages and the inhabitants therein. In fact the inscriptions proudly call the here with the title as “Saranagata Vajra Panjara”. It was only with the advent of the Muhammadans, who cared very little for the Hindu ethical principles, that the rulers here had to change their outlook and they understood that this enemy was really a turbulent one and could not be defeated easily. But even then they did not stoop to such low level. Vira Ballala III allowed them a true of 14 days and he did not raise his sword against them for which the penalty was that he was captured and later put to death.

The army had been divided into three groups’ viz., the elephant force, cavalry and the infantry. The use of the naval forces, as seen in the case of the Senunas73 was unknown to the Hoysalas.

Elephants were very much valued in the armies. Because of their very huge size and robustness they were always feared off by the enemies. A wild elephant was a terror to an army of any size. These elephants were controlled by the mavuths who had a Kasthipakadyakes. Many a time the loser of a war had to pay the victor elephants as tribute. Sometimes the enemy’s elephants were captured as was the case when Vira Ballala III defeated Koti Nayaka.74

Cavalry stood next to elephant in importance, while the elephant could create great confusion in the enemy army, cavalry force could move very swiftly from one place to another and were best suited to cross particular types of lands like the forests and hills. The King personally sat on horses sometimes though he was usually sitting on elephants. Ibn Batuta says that the Hoysala monarch was riding a horse when he was captures by the muhammadans.

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Infantry was the biggest part of the army. Usually the foot soldiers were provided with lances, spears, swords and bows arrows.

During times of necessity, the subordinate rules used to send a part of their own army for the assistance of the emperor and often the petty chieftains themselves used to participate in the wars. Thus Koti Nayaka, a feudatory under Vira Ballala III sent an army under Kuruka Nayaka when the former was marching on an expedition against the forces of Kapila Deva. At times the king had to seek help from an outside as did Ballala III whenthe muhammadans attacked the Hoysala capital in A.D.1311. He sent words to Virapandya on whom he had marched on war a little earlier.

Forts were built in different regions of the empire and they were normally erected over a hill or huge mound. The Hoysala capital of Dorasamudra had a fort which had been destroyed by the muhammadans in the war of A.D.1311 was renovated by A.D.1316.

Penukonda had a fort which had constructed on a hillock. Likewise Tiruvannamalai, where Ballala III got constructed fort stood on the hill. The fort formed a safe when the enemy attacked him. In fact Ramachandra, the Sevuna ruler took shelter in his fort when Ala- ud-din attacked and defeated him. Likwise did the ruler of Kampill and Vira Ballala III during the first Muhammadan invasion. It is observed that Vira Ballala III died while fighting to recapture the fort of Kannanur which was his child day dream. He attempted till his last to capture this, but without success. From all these references the importance of the forts in these days can be understood.

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REFERENCES 1. E.C.XII Gb 30., PP.60-62 2. M.A.R 1908., P.25 3. History of Medieval Karnataka, Vol.II. P.11-12 4. Derrett. Op.cit., P.178-79 5. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15 6. Derret., Op.cit., P.191 7. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331 8. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80 9. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52 10. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131 11. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319 12. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51 13. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81 14. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15 15. Derret., Op.cit., P.191 16. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331 17. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80 18. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52 19. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131 20. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319 21. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51 22. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81 23. E.C. IX . Ht.109.9.101 24. E.C.XVII.K1.32., P.1 25. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy., the Sevunas of Devagiri P.147 26. Dinkar Desai, Mahamandalesvara under the Chalukyas of Kalyana. P.33 27. Derrett., Op.cit., P.191 28. M.A,R. 1939., My. 53., PP. 179 - 81 29. M.A.R.1939., P.167 30. M.A.R.1937 Ch.32., PP.202-03 31. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, Soth Indian Polity, P.120

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32. Dinkar Desai: Mahamandalesvaras, P.318 33. E.C. XII. Si S., P.256 34. E.C. IX. Bn.110., P.39 35. Derrett, Op.Cit., P.192 36. Dr.A.S.Altekar, Rashtrakutas & their Times, P.166 37. Derrett: Op.cit., 191., A.V.Narasimha Murthy Op.cit.,P.149 38. E.C.XI Cd.4., P.5 39. E.C.VII. H1.117., P.423 40. M.A.R.1943, B1.8., PP.62-63 41. E.C.IX. Cp.71., P.324 42. Students in Indian History & Culture P.B.Desai Felicitation Vol.P.339 43. E.C.XIV. Tn.72., P.220 44. E.C. IX Bn 24., P.14 45. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar: History of Medieval Karnataka Vol.II 46. E.C. VIII Nr. 19., P.350 47. E.C. XI Hk 106., P.376 48. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op.cit., P.147 49. Derrett , Op.cit. , P.188 50. Ibid 51. E.C. X. Ct.15., P.247 ET 52. Derrett., Op. Cit., P.188 53. E.C. VI. Cm.36., P.170 54. E.C. X. K1. 77., P.21 55. E.C. X K1. 82., P.23 56. E.C. X Mb. 181A., P.119 57. E.C. IX Kn.47., P.272 58. E.C. X Mb. 57B., P.90 59. Ibid 60. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: South Indian Polity., P.314 61. E.C. X Bp. 10., PP.136 -37 62. E.C. IX Bn. 23., P.9

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63. M.E.R.1920. No.178., P.67 64. T.V.Mahalingam., Op. Cit., P.314-15 65. E.C. X Mr 15., PP.159-60 66. E.C.X K1 10., P.2 67. T.V. Mahalingam., Op.cit., P.316 68. E.C. IX Ma 38., P. 114 69. E.C. IX Bn 41., P.19 70. E.C.VII H. 76., P.406-07 71. M.A.R. 1919., P.32 72. E.C. X Mr 82., PP. 174-75 73. E.C. IX Ht 90., P. 98 74. E.C. XI Hr.87., PP. 319-20 75. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam. Local Government in the Vijayanagar Empire, P.82 76. G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P. 44 77. G.S. Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P.46 78. EC. XII. Gb. , PP.60-62 79. E.C. XV. B1. 341., P.89 80. M.A.R. 1920., P.34 81. E.C. IX. Cp. 12., P.303 82. E.C.III. M1 114., P.201 83. E.C. IX Cp 12., P.303 84. E.C. V Ak 113., P.489 85. G.S. Dikshit., Op. Cit., P.106 86. Dr. A.V.Narasimhamurthy Op. Cit., P.158 87. Dr. A.V. Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.161 88. E.C. VIII Sa 96 PP. 295-96

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CHAPTER-V SOCIAL LIFE DURING BALLALA III

The social life in any particular period is nothing but a continuity of the existing practices along with some times new innovations. The Hoysala period in general witnessed a healthy and harmonious social life and very rarely we come across caste and communal conflicts. It is noticed in an inscription of Bukkarya of Vijayanagara Empire that there arose quarrel between the Vaishnavas and the Jains on certain privileges and this was amicably settled by Bukkaraya. But the reign of Ballala III perhaps did not notice such clashes.

It was during this period that Virasaiva Philosophy gained lot of prominence and popularity in Karnataka. It stood firmly against the case system and received great response from the society.

From the extremely scanty material available from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III it is very difficult to give a picture of the social conditions during his days. By a study of the contemporary inscriptions and literary sources a somewhat clear picture of the social life of the people during the days of Vira Ballala III can be mad out. The Muhammadan chroniclers who visited South India during different decades of the 13th and 14th centuries have left very little in this direction.

Caste System The traditional four castes the Brahmanas, the Ksatriys, the Vaishyas and the sudras had given rise to a large number of sub castes and communities and by the time the Hoysalas the number was considerably large. The system of caste and communities definitely had many evil results and had lot of influence over the social activities.

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Brahmin was the most respected member in the society and enjoyed a very high position. This was largely due to his profound knowledge of Veda, Smritis and other aspects of learning. He led a very simple life and quite naturally had certain previlages which no other community enjoyed. He was never put to death even if he committed great crimes.1

It was only the Brahmin who had the privilege of being placed as priest in the empire. But it appears that only some families were attached to temples while others were engaged in all walks of life. An inscription form the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.C.1300 mentions that the Brahmins were poets, speakers, orators, lovers of fame, devoted to the God Kesava.2

Brahmin by and large was connected with the agrahara villages. A large number of inscriptions refer to the existence of large number of agraharas. They were given grnats by the members of the royal family, high officials and private persons. An inscription from the Muulabagal Taluk of A.D.13123 refers to Ilavanjirayar making certain land grants to s Brahmin Paramessvaran Bhattan of the Gautama gotra. Another undated inscription4 definitely assigned to the reign of Ballala III mentions the land grant of 20 Vrittis to the Brahmins by all the mahajanas of a nadu. The Brahmins never allowed this to be a one way business. They certainsly made grants to temples and for other charitable purposes. It is known from a partly effaced inscription from the Malur Taluk5 that a Jagadguru Varadaradhhya granted all the rice lands together with the ‘tapu’ and ‘tavudi’ to the blacksmiths, goldsmiths, carpenters etc.

Inscriptions also mention several sub castes and communities like Washerman (Agasa) the Barber (Nayinda) potter (Kumbara) Carpenter (Badagi) Blacksmith (Akkasaliga) Golla, Holeya, Madiga etc. are also referred to in an inscription from the Holakere

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Taluk dated A.D.1310.6 Most of the subcastes referred to above were occupational groups. Dr.Narasimha Murthy feels that they had assumed the status of sub castes and were hereditary.7

Prosperity of the King People paid utmost importance for the prosperty of the King. It was generally believed that the king was representation of the God and therefore at time of crisis private individuals were making land grants to the temple and other religious institutions for the welfare of the King.

People sacrificed for the sake of their Kings. A faithfull band of men called as garudas cheerfully embraced death for the sake of their masters. Kuvara Vishnnu was one such of Vishnuvardhana. Incidently no reference is seen in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III to the garuda institution. But it is evident form an inscription of A.D.12928 that the garuda system existed during the days of Vira Ballala III also.

Apart from this, at times of dire need heroes readily sacrificed fighting against the enemy, when defeat was obvious, some here was offered betel leaves and sent against the enemy. When heroes died in the battle field their descendents were given the Koduge grants. Thus loyalty and devotion were recognised and rewarded.

Family System Joint family was the practice of the day and the property of the father automatically was transferred to the son. Many inscriptions clearly state the regulations that the property of those who were without male issues would go their wives, female children, brother and their children.

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Position of Women In ancient times the birth of a daughter was looked to as an unwanted event. This was largely because that they were handicap at some times when an enemy was on the attack. It is observed elsewhere that the women enjoyed equal rights with man during the . She was equally eligible for learning. Later on she was considered unfit for the study of the Vedas and was not allowed to undergo the thread ceremony.

Later on gradually the inclination of woman was more towards the art, music, and dance. Even this was available to women of a higher class only and ordinary women just remain uneducated. The marriages of a daughter certainly took place at a very early age. Brahmin was never permitted to marry a girl aged above 12 years.

Inter caste marriage was never entertained. But in the royal families the Vaishnavas, the Jainas and the Saivas had matrimonial contacts with each other. A very good example that can be cited for this in the case of Shantala Devi, the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana. Her father was a saivits, her mother a Jain and her husband was a Vaishnava.

Polygamy was the fashion of the day. A Brahmin could marry women belonging to all the four castes, the Ksatriya three, Vaishya two. The Sudra could marry only a person belonging to his caste. The Kings invariably possessed a number of wives. Vira Ballala III must have had several wives and only two of them are known through the inscriptions. The mother of Virupaksha Ballala IV, whose name is not known, was perhaps his Chief Queen. Later on Chikkayi Tayi, the Alupa Princess became hsi Chief Queen. Bairava Devarasa, whom inscriptions recognise as a son of Vira Ballal III was perhaps born to some other queen of his.

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Woman was considered as an ideal companion for the man. It was her bounden duty to devote herself for the good of her husband. The husband inturn was also expected to be very prompt to his wife. Woman was desired to safeguard the respect of both her parent’s house and her husband’s. When the husband died the wives used to jump into the pyre and sacrifieced themselves. But it was not very common in the Deccan.9 On such occasion mastikals were erected in their memory.

Contemporary evidences clearly show that women were highly respected in all matters, particularly religion. Janinism was one religion which whole heartedly invited women as well as men as its supporters. The Vira Saivas again came forward to give women an equal status with the men.

A large number of women built temples and made gifts to them. It is seen that Sanatla Devi the chief queen of Vishnuvardhana was a great Jaina. She was responsible for the construction of several temples on the Sravana Balagoala hill and made grants to several Jaina temples and Jaina gurus. Chikkayi Tayi, the queen of Vira Ballala III made some grants to the followers of Bharati thirtha Sripada.10

Women took active part in the administration also. Infact Umadevi the senior queen of Vira Ballala III appears to have enjoyed a high rank. An inscription from the Arsikere Taluk states that she was ruling Magure 30o and was helped by Mahapradhana Kumarapandita Dannayaka.11 Another senior queen Chola Mahadevi was ruling Kebala.12 Ketala Devi, a third queen also played an important role in the administration. Chikkayi Tayi was the representative of Vira Ballala III in the South Kanara region. She successfully protected the Hoysala power there even after the latter’s disappearance in the plains.

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Nothing is known regarding women actively engaged in literature. Hoysala period definitely witnessed a few poetesses, Kanti being the most prominent. Anyhow their number was very meagre. It appears that women played prominent role in religious, social, political and Art history, but did not take much interest for literature.

During the days of the Hoysalas women had equal rights with the men regarding the ancestral prosperity. Inscriptions state that the head of a family could not make grants without the consent of his sons and daughters.

From a number of inscriptions it is seen that prostitution was quite in practice. Some of the prostitutes were devoted to the temple and were commonly called . The Devadasis and other prostitutes were highly respected in the society. The prostitutes had to take the permission of the government for carrying out their business. Inscriptions often refer to a tx called ‘Suledere’. A few Hoysala inscriptions refer to the tax levied over the mirrors they had (Suleyaralliya Kannadivanamumam).13 There were separate areas where the prostitutes lived. These are called as ‘Sulgeri’.

Grants of land on eclipses A large number of grants were made by persons from the royal house, high officials and by private indivisuals.14 The grants were namely in the form of land grants made to the Brahmins and the temples. For perpetual lamps, oil mills etc. As it is believed even to this day, the grants were made to avoid calamities that might occur as a result of the eclipses.

Consturction of Tanks Constructions of tanks was one of the best way of securing the gratitude and good will of the masses. This benefitted people to a large extent. Several inscriptions refer to the constructions and renovation

148 of tanks. Grants were made to the Brahmins on the occasion of the erection of tanks.15 In another instance a village and a tank were constructed by removing sand.16 Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka purchased lands from several persons for the construction of a tank Machasamudra in the name of his mother Machawe.17 Grants were given to those who got constructed or restored temples. An inscription from the Anekal Taluk18 of A.D.1302 states that all the mahajanas of Sugani, Vaichahaya Nayakkar and Singaya Nayakkar assembk=led and granted certain lands to Marappan for having restored a breached tank at Suguni. Grants were made for the maintenance of tanks as Masralipemmana granted some land to Madiganda of Settikere.

Religious discourses These were common during the Hoysala regime.19 Number of grants was made for the erection of lingas. In A.D.1328 Ballappa Dannyaka erected a linga in the name of their father Bebaya Dannayaka and Vira Ballala III made the grants of Bennedon in the Bemmattur vritti for the offerings and decoration of the God.20 Another act of merit was the endowment for the learning of the students. Perumale Dannayaka, minister under Narasimha III and later under Vira Ballala III made grants for the education of boys in different aspects of learning like , at udbhava Narasimhapura i.e, Bellur.

Dwellings Inscriptions provide lot of information regarding the dwelling of the people. In fact people were living in house of various sizes. An inscription from the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.134021 refers to a house of 15 spans. It is grant made by Chandappa Butappa Virappa to Virappa of Agunda, a village about 15 miles from Kanikatte in the Arsikere Taluk, on some important occasion. It is to be remembered that such houses were available to only people of a rich class and the poor lived in thatched huts. High importance was given to the uniformity of the

149 houses which would add to the beauty of the place. Thus an inscription from Maddure Taluk states that a row of houses of same length was constructed and was given to the Brahmins. The first row consisted of houses of a certain specification; the second was of a different specification.

Dressing and Ornaments Though much reference is not available from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III it is known from the references of an earlier date and from the inscriptions of the contemporary rulers of the South that the dressing did not require much tailoring. It is known from the accounts of the Muhammadan chronicles like Ibn Batuta that the clothing people used consisted of two pieces of cloth one worn round the lower portion of the body and another as a sort of Dhoti, an upper garment. This type of clothe existed at least from the 7th century A.D. It is again known from the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that even kings and high officials used to wear the same type of dress. Thus the Zamorin of Calicut was wearing only a loose unstitched upper garment which was fluttering in the air. Women on the other hand did wear stitched petty coats.

Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III make no reference at all about ornaments used in these days. But Hoysala sculptures, depict large number of ornaments of different patterns, such ornaments were used during those days by people of higher classes. To support this, inscriptions often make reference to the goldsmith whose profession was to make gold ornaments. Such gold ornaments like the head dress, necklace, earrings, girdles etc were common.

Food Milk, cooked rice, different pulses, fruits, millet, formed the basic food of the people of those days. Varieties of dishes like ‘Iddali’ ‘Shalyanna’ etc. were very common, the later being invariably having

150 some religious connection. Meat also formed food. Such fruits like plantains, Mango, Jambo were common and were grown everywhere. Milk was available in abundance. Drinking liquors was also in practice, though prohibited to the people of higher classes.

Amusements The period of Hoysala rule in general witnessed such common amusements like wrestling, Dice, Music, Dance and Drama, swimming, Hunting, etc. Music was particularly very popular and there were singers appointed in the temples. Grants were made for the Rangabhoga’.

Cattle raids and Viragals Cattle raiding was a common feature of the times. Throughout the length and breadth of the country cattle raids were taking place. Usually they used to take place in the borders of different villages. At least some twenty such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. Whenever cattle lifting took place in a village, some hero would emerge to the situation and fight against the robbers and rescue the cattle, which formed a source of income. Viragals were also erected in memory of the heroes who died fighting against the robbers and were greatly praised for their valorous acts. An inscription from Chikkanayakanahalli22 says that some Gauda having rescued the cattle fell where upon celestial nymphs carried him to the abode of the Gods.

Viragals were also erected in memory of people who exhibited their valour on different occasion and died. Thus Arasalu Madayya while returning from the fair was robbed and killed in a fight.23 Viragal was also erected when some person died fighting against some enemy. Thus when Hadapada Sayanna died fighting on behalf of Somaya Dannayaka against forces of kampila Deva in A.D.1303, a virgal was erected by his elder brother Bhimanna.24 Whena servant of

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Singa gauda died fighting against the tiger, a viragal was erected in his memory.25 Viragals had some religious significance also. The inscriptions always stress that one who died fighting in a battle field would go to the abode of Gods. It was perhaps because of this reason that virgals were worshipped and grants were made to them, An inscription from Chikkamagalur Taluk26 states that on the death of Vira Masana, son of Masanitamma, a grant of land was made by Nagamma...... of Masanitamma for the worshipping of the Viragal.

Samadhi The Jains favoured death by the ‘religious suicide’. Numerous such Samadhi are brought to lights by the the inscriptions.27 Thus the spiritual outlook of the people is clearly seen in those references. Men and women belonging to the Jain faith performed the right which recommends death by starvation. According to this, the person performing Sallekhanna takes one food per day for some days. Then he would take only fruits etc. for some more days then reduce his diet to mere water and finally he would stop this also and die.

Koduge grants A type of rent free land grant called the Koduge grant was made on certain important occasions. Such Koduge grants are in large number known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. A type of Koduge grant called the ‘Nettaru Koduge’ was given in the name of deceased who exhibited great chivalry in saving the prestige of the village or the nadu or the country for which cause he sacrificed. An inscription form the Arsikere Taluk28 mentions that Nettaru Koduge was given to Ramagauda, son of Kataka Totakara Balagauda of Kavalingadahalli when Ramagauda died fighting against the muhammadans who attacked the Goravakal.

As already stated Koduge grants were made on important occasions. Three settis named, received four Khandugas of wet land from the Nad assembly of pulliyur nad for having rebuilt a village

152 which was in ruins for a long time.29 They were also given certain benefits. Ramagauda gave Hiriyagundakal as a Koduge grant to Machanna whom he got married to his daughter.30 On another occasion Siyanan, the superintendent of the Periyanad received the Koduge grant of six Khandugas of wet land for having built the big tank at Ovattam.31

Boundary Disputes Boundary disputes was a common feature of those days. Each territorial division had their boundaries marked. It is known from inscriptions that stones with trident mark and other marks were used mark the boundary and these were done to avoid any boundary dispute. An inscription from Bangalore Taluk refers to a boundary disputes in which Kaurana, son of Honnagauda died fighting at Thagarekusuvara.32

Imprecations Inscriptions at their end invariably stress on high moral principles. These were not mere sentiments. In fact people really valued those principles and respected them. These were intended to guide people to the righteous path. Inscriptions often refer to an imprecation which says that if any one overlook the words mentioned there and violates the grant will be incurring a sin equal to that of killing a tawny cow on the banks of river Ganges. An inscription of A.D.1294 from Chintamani Taluk gives a very fine impression. It runs as “If there be any one who violates the charity, he shall not only incur the sin of one who has killed a tawny cow on the banks of Ganges but also a traitor to his master, to his king and to his Guru.33 But it need not be taken for granted that his the people led a pure life. But they certainly respected at least some of the principles for this reason a very large number of inscriptions are still remaining with us to help in the historical research. The imprecations act as a source of inspiration to all.

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REFERENCES 1. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: Administration & Social Life in the Vijayanagar Empire, P.240 ff 2. E.C. V Ak 114., P 3. E.C. X Mb 181., P.119 4. M.A.R.1919., P. 32 5. E.C. X Mr., 15., P. 103 - 04 6. M.A.R. 1931., Hk.1., PP. 95 - 8 7. A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.168 8. E.C. IV Kr 10., P. 9. A.S. Altekar – Bashrakutas and their times 10. E.C. V AK 40., P 11. E. C. VI Shringeri 1., P 12. E.C. V Cn 205., P 13. M.V. Krishan Rao – Karnataka Itihasa Darshana P.973 - 75 14. Ec. VII SK 295 15. Ec. VII Sh. 43., Ci, 64., VI Kd 161, 28, 4., Cm 15., 73., etc. 16. Ec. IX Bn 23., P. 13 17. Ec. IX Bn 133., P. 25 18. Ec. IX V. Hn. 182., PP. 138-34 19. Ec. IX An. 80 ., P. 118 20. E.C. VII Sh. 64 ., XI J1.33., Dg.36 21. E.C. XI Cd.3., 22. M.A.R. 1937, Ak.38., P.124 23. Rashtrakutas and their times – A.S.Altekar, 24. E.C. XVI Cn 100., P.28 25. M.A.R. 1937. Ak 15., P.134 26. E.C.XIV Kr 84., P.52 27. E.C. IV Gu 66., PP. 117-18 28. E.C.VI Cm 36., P. 170 29. E.C. VIII T1 198., Sb 148 30. E.C. V Ak 31., P. 377 31. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32

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32. E.C. IX Ht. 140., P. 152 33. E.C. XVI Tm 106., PP. 83-4 34. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32 35. M.A.R. 1925 – 26., PP. 8 – 9 36. E.C. X Ct 88., P. 289

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CHAPTER-VI ECONOMIC LIFE DURING BALLALA III

India, as known has been primarily an agricultural country with a rural economy and inscriptions supply us abundant material to study the economic condition of this country, particularly the southern condition of this country, particularly the southern peninsular, though the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III does not help in building a complete picture of the economic pattern of the period, a study of the Hoysala inscriptions in general solve the problem.

Agriculture During the days of the Hoysalas also, land formed the very basis of the economy of the country. People in majority lived in the villages and earned their living from the land. Thus most of the people of these days were agriculturists and on the lands depended on the trade, commerce and Industry. In fact people had to rely more on the land than on any other source for income for the economic condition was at its lowest ebb during those days. Thus land played a very prominent part in the social and economic life of the people of those days.

Land grant was considered a one of the ways to attain the abode of Gods. Thus properties both movable and immovable were made as grants. An inscription from the Sikaripur Taluk1 says that gift of land is the happiest provision for attaining svarga. As land contains everything, treasures, water, corns, etc. by the grants of land one becomes the giver of all the above mentioned.

Many inscriptions clearly show that land grants to Gods and temples to the Brahmins, holy institutions were common features of the days. Dr.Burnelli in his elements of South Indian palaeography points out that in the South Indian inscriptions it is clearly made out

156 those gifts take the place of the sacrifices which was more common in the northern half of the country.

It has been pointed out in the chapter on Administration that officers of the lower ranks like the heads of the nadus, villages and their subordinate officers generally received some lands as their remuneration instead of the money for the possession of land enabled them to meet all wants directly by the way of growing different crops etc or indirectly by exchanging his products for money.

A close study of the inscriptions reveal that different types of land are mentioned there in like the cultivated land, non cultivated or waste land, forest grassland etc. The cultivated land was the most important among the different types of land as it was this type of land on which the economy of a country largely depended. The cultivated land can be conveniently divided into the following categories.

The Wetland Inscriptions refer to the wetland in terms like Gadde, Kattudadde, galde etc. A term called as nirmannu which literally means wet soil, is also often used.

The Dry land The dry land was often referred to as Beddalu. Am inscription form Chamarjanagar Taluk of A.D.1317 refer to 600 Beddalu given for the perpetual lamp. The dry land was also called as Hola. This type of land was suitable for growing Jower, Ragi, Cotton, Sesame, castor, grounuts etc.

The Garden This was the place where varieties of fruits, vegetables etc. were grown. Coconut one of the essentials in a south Indian home was

157 raised in the gardens, as also Betel leaves, areca nut etc. It is known from the inscriptions that some of the temples had their own gardens where such worshipping items like Betel leaves, areca nut, coconut and fruits were grown.

Apart from the above said there were cultivable lands uncultivated which were often given as grants to people. An inscription of A.D 1183 for example refers to the granting of three matters of unplugged land (takkilu).2

Pasture or the grassland was actually a fertile land piece and was fit for cultivation. But with the intention of providing grass for the cattle it was left uncultivated.

It is known form the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that Vira Ballala had sent his horses for grazing when the Muhammadan army made a surprise attack on him at Tiruchinapalli in A.D.1342.

Actually it is stated in such important texts like the Smriti, Niti3 and others that a piece of land was kept aside to be a pasture land for the purpose of grazing cattle. Vignanesvara also mentions that some good portion of the land should be made pasture either by the will of the king or by the inhabitants of a particular place.

Forest tracts have also found reference in the inscriptions of the Hoysala rulers. Sometimes the forests were cut off and people lived there building villages. An inscription4 from the Belur Taluk speaks of the cutting down of a forest and the establishment of a village there.

There is sufficient evidence to show that the transfer of land form one party to another was not a mere transaction between the giver and the receiver, on the other hand Vijanaesvara declares that this transaction had to be approved by the village community or a

158 local assembly, neighbours or the relatives.5 An inscription from Tirumukudalu Narasipur dated A.D.13006 records the gift of land at Madayapura to three persons (mentioned) which was made with the consent of a number of persons in torenad where the grant was made. But the consent of the village community gradually became a matter of formality and much power was not given to the village community. The acceptance of the neighbours and kinsmen was also to avoid any dispute regarding the boundary, hereditary rights etc.

A regular land survey department must have existed in those days for a large number of inscriptions refer to different measuring poles (Kamba). An inscription from Honnayakere7 in Chitradurga district of A.D.1307 refers to a measuring pole called ‘Chavuladaprapta Kamba’. Another inscription from taluk8 of A.D.1311 refers to the measuring pole called ‘Ikkerikamba’. Curiously enough the find spot of the inscription is . A measuring pole called ‘Ganga’ pole is also referred to in two inscriptions from the Tariker taluk.9 Another inscription from the Hassan Taluk10 refers to ‘Bachividi’ pole of 46 spans. The exact significance of the prefixes used for the kambas is not clearly made out. But it is quite possible that each particular type of pole was of a definite length. It is known from an inscription11 from the Chitradurga Taluk which refers to a measuring pole of 36 spans.

Lands assigned to temples or for other charitable purposes were cultivated by farmers.12 For any loss or profit in their cultivation farmers were collectively held responsible and thus were warned or rewarded. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk of A.D.129113 states that perumale Dannayaka had made grants of land to the god Panchikesvara which he had set up in the agahara of Udbhava Narasimhapura i.e. Bellur. The lands thus granted by perumale Deva Dannayaka were cultivated by twelve farmers and they were exempted from forced labour. Their huts (houses) were exempted from any tax.

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In the last part of the inscription it is stated that if any one fails to contribute his share of work due to his death or disability the remaining cultivators have to cultivate the land. They were forbidden to dispose off, mortgage, exchange or pledge the lands granted to the temple or the religious institution.

It is very significant to note that the ownership of the land vested in the individual. Texts of the sacred laws as well as Mitakshara of Vijnaesvara14 support this view. Inscriptions very often mention that the property of the father become the property of his sons after his own death.

The consent of the sons and daughters was made essential for the disposal of the land. Thus the children had right for the land property. Vijnanesvara in his Mitaksara points out that the ownership of the land property of father or grandfather is by birth.

Inscriptions also make it clear that the land property was not owned by the state and even if the king wanted to acquire some land and grant it over to some temple or other religious institutions, he could do so only buying that land from its owner. An undated inscription form the Channapatna Taluk15 records that the kings had their own lands as inscriptions often make reference to the royal estates.16

It was strongly believed that the grant of land to the temples and other religious institutions would make one’s way to attain the heaven smooth. Thus grant of land to the temples and Brahmanas was considered as a ‘mahadana’ (a great gift).The granting of land to a Brahmana was called as Brahmadeya. Grants of land were made to the Brahmanas with the view of supporting and enabling them to carry on their work easily. Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III also mention the establishment of quite a number of new agraharas apart from

160 making grants to the already existed agraharas. Grants of land were made to the temples with the object of carrying on the daily worship as well as some seasonal festivals. Such grants of lands were known as Devadana grants.

Grants of land were also made to persons serving the villages, towns etc. in various capacities. Perhaps the currency system of those days could not meet the demand and hence this alternative. Some of the temples were very big institutions providing livelihoods for quite large number of people. There were the temple priests, other staff and attendants, dancing girls and so on and so forth who were also given lands instead of moaney.17

‘Umbali’ was again a type of land grants made apparently by the Kings or heads of the nadu or the village to their subordinates form some meritorious act. Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy believes that Umadevi was grant made in appreciation of heroic services.18 An inscription form the Tarkere Taluk of A.D.129119 says that the mahajanas of the agrahara Amrutakesavapura granted two vrittis as gaudlike umbali to Honnagauda Ballaya of Malleyana halli. As the type of umbali given it self shows that he received this in lieu of the services he rendered as the gauda of the village. Another inscription form the Honnali Taluk refers to ‘Astabhoga tejasamaya’ umbeli made by some gauds.20

The cultivators (Okkalu, as the inscriptions refer to them) were held in great respect and were regarded as the givers of the good to society.21

Principal crops grown in the country would give an idea of the agricultural practice of those days. The crops included edibles as well as non-edibles. Rice formed the most important among the crops grown.

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Rice was cultivated in the wetlands on a very large scale as it formed the major food for the people. Appadorai in his Economic conditions South India Vol.I syas1 that many varieties of Rice were grown in this part of the country apparently with success. Such superior qualities of rice like ‘Rajanna’, Rajasali’ often find reference. The very terms clearly shows that it was for kings and other high officials. Somesvara, points out the several varieties of rice like the Raktasali (red rice) mahasali (variety of rice of a big size), gandha Sali (rice with good smell), Sukshma Sali (rice of thin size)22 etc.

Rice was extensively grown in almost all the regions in the Hoysala Empire. Perhaps rice was also grown in the forest lands as a inscription from the Koppa Taluk23 refers to a variety of rice called ‘Kadakki’ which depend entirely or nature.24 An epigraph of A.D.1272 from T.Narasipura Taluk25 refers to a kind of paddy called ‘Somegada’ batta the very meaning of the term Somegada is difficult to make out.

It is also known from the inscriptions that wheat was another important cereal grown in those days. An inscription form the Taluk of A.D.129726 refers to Nachanna, wheat merchant (Godi or Goduve). Kinds of millets like Ragi, Jola, Baragu, Same or save also find reference in the inscriptions.

Literacy sources of the period inform that pulses like togari, Kadale, avare, uddu, heasaru, etc. were also grown. Oil seed like yellu (Sisame), Castor, were also commonly grown. Cumin (Jirige), Kottambari, menasu, yelakli, and turmeric was some of the important spices grown in those days. Inscriptions of the Hoysalas belonging to the 12th and 13th centuries27 make mention to sugar cane, beetle nut, plantains. The latter two were invariably used in temples for the worship of the gods and goddesses. Vegetables, flowers and fruits of various kinds find mention in the inscriptions of the Hoysalas.

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Land reclamation was one of the ways of promoting the agricultural production and thus a good revenue system mainly depend on the extent of the cultivation of lands.

The reclamation was mainly by cutting the forests which was done due to different reasons. Sometimes forests were cleared for the construction of very huge tanks and for the establishment of new settlements. The land reclamation was usually done by the royalty through its subordinate officers and inscriptions of the Hoysalas give abundant reference to such acts. An inscription from Belur.28 Refers to Adi gavuda who at the pleading of the local people cut down the forest tract and established a new village and excavated two tanks there.

Farmers cannot depend always on the rain water for the growing of different crops. So irrigation formed one of the main ways of supplying water to the cultivated lands. Authors like Panini, Kautilya make reference to , well etc. Their literacy works are supported by inscriptions. An inscription belonging to about A.D.1300 from the Belur taluk29 is of great significance in this respect for it brings to light very important fact that a channel was drawn off from the river Yalach (present day river Yagachi or Yagatchi). The aqueduct is seen even to this day lying outside the wall on the southern side, though it is in ruins. Thus it bears testimony to the standard of engineering skill of those days. To quote Col.Meckenzie30 who has very high appreciation for this piece of engineering skill, he says that the waters of the river Yagachi which flows by the side of Bailor (Belur) were brought to the capital by a channel.

Such instances of canal irrigation are not rare. Inscriptions belonging to the Hoysalas show several instances of the irrigation of the lands through channels. An inscription of the twelfth century A.D31 shows very clearly that certain lands were irrigated with the

163 water drawn off form the stream that flowed down the hill and crops like paddy, sugar cane and wheat were cultivated.

Apart from canal irrigation, the main supply of water was from the storage tanks. Rain water was stored in the tanks and was then made use of for the cultivation of lands. It is known from the Hoysala inscriptions that a very large number of tanks and were newly excavated. In fact building up of a tank was considered as one of the ways for procuring happiness in the next world. The monarchs, their officers and private individuals, all show the same interest regarding building up of tanks. An inscription from the Tiptur Taluk32 reveals to us that even temples and the village assemblies took great interest in this direction. Constructions of tanks were usually encouraged by the grant of lands and exemption from taxes.

Industries Though the wealth of any country is largely based on its industries, trade and commerce, the information available from the inscriptions is very meagre. But a survey of the inscriptions and literary works belonging to earlier and later period as well records of the contemporary times given an idea that the people of those days were highly advanced in the arts of trade and commerce and there were verities of industries like the metal industry, textile industry, oil production etc. Some of the modern techniques of production were unknown during those times and handicrafts was the fashion of the days then. Usually workers were carrying out their art in their small sheds and such articles produced were usually taken to a market place, or the place where weekly fair would be conducted and were sold there. Usually the workmanship was transferred from the father to the son as legacy for long generations.

The artisans engaged in producing different commodities were usually having their own organisations. Weavers, the metal men,

164 cobblers, stone cutters etc. etc. had their own guilds. kula, often mentioned in the Hoysala inscriptions including those of Vira Ballala III was a guild of the metal smiths.

The textile industry was the most prominent among the industries mentioned. Literacy sources as well as epigraphs give us a hint regarding the activities of this industry. The weavers had their own guilds. Reference to the taxes levied on the yarn as well as looms are very common. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk dated A.D.131333 refers to the maggasunka or the tax levied on the looms. Another inscription from the Taluk of A.D.133734 refers to a large number of taxes including the maggakanike (i.e.tax on looms). One more inscription from Bennahalli35 gives the names of several taxes including the tax on yarns (Nuligadere). Taxes were also levied on the prepared cloth as an inscription from Chitradurga Taluk36 refers to the tax levied on the woven cloth that was sent for trade in the bags and bundles.

Cloths of very fine texture like the buckrams were manufactured in great quantities in different parts of the Deccan and were exported to the outside world through the port of Thana as known from the accounts of Marco Polo.37 Appadorai in his economic conditions of south India38 says that there were about five thousand weavers working in the region of Thana by the middle of the 14th Century.

Different varieties of cloths were known like cotton, silk (which was called differently as chinapatta, chinamsuka, chinambara etc) wool etc. Cotton was the commonly available clothe and people of lower class would afford to buy only cotton cloths which were of an inferior kind compared to the silk and the wool. The fertile black soil of Karnataka was very suitable for the cultivation of Cotton. The silk yarn was made from the cocoon of silk worm and was a sign of

165 aristocracy. In fact when rich grants were made to the temple only silk cloths were given. An inscription belonging to A.D.129239 refers to the gift of 960 silk clothing’s made to some temple. Cloths were also woven out of the wool of goat. Woollen cloths were used as blankets.40 Dodda Ballapura and Davanagere were noted for the manufacture of such blankets.41 Dyes were made use off for colouring cloths. An inscription form the Channapatna Taluk42 refers to the tax levied on the colouring industry. Apart from the colouring, designing was also made including embroidery.

Though Foreign travellers like Marcopolo and Ibn Batuta mention that men wore two separate pieces of cloths, one to cover the loins and the other spread over their shoulders. Whereas women wore sarees, it is definitely known from the indigenous writers like Somesvara, Harihara and a number of others that the art of tailoring i.e., stitching a cloth into a required measurement with the aid of thread and sewing needle was very well known and was very widely practiced. In fact it had reached the stage of perfection.

Sugar and Jaggery were also important industrial productions. Though inscriptions do not throw any important information, literary sources clearly show that Jaggery and Sugar were extracted from Sugarcane by a definite process. Un fact taxes levied on the jiggery centres.

Oil production was another industry of considerable importance. People relied on different oils for lighting. Apart from that different varieties of oils were used for purpose of cooking, for preparing many dishes, burning lamps in the temples etc. The oil mill was invariably one made up of stone and oil presser was called as Ganiga. Oils were extracted from sesame, coconut, groundnut etc. An inscription from Belur43 refers to the extraction of oil from Coconut (Tenginaenne) Salt manufacturing was another industry. But as the

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Hoysala Empire reached the Sea coast in any directions, there was not much scope for the manufacture of salt from the Sea water. But salt was known to have been manufactured from the rocks called as the rock salt. Other types of slats known are the sochal salt, the bida salt, Somaka salt etc., as mentioned by Vignamesvara1.44

Carpentry had reached high standards by the time of the Hoysalas. They were using agricultural accessories made of wood like doors, beams, carts etc. Different types of woods like mango, Jack, Audumoara etc. were used for making furniture carts which was means of conveyance and were used for making transport during those days were made of wood. Taxes were levied on carts (bandidere). An inscription from the Kadur Taluk dated A.D.1291-92 refers some tax levied on the carts.45 It is known from an inscription from the town of Belur46 that the Chennakesava temple there had a Wooden Sikhara which was replaced in the year A.D.1297-98 by one made of brick and mortar. The sikhara in a temple would be naturally a fine piece of architecture and therefore give us an idea of the standard of perfection reached by carpenters in those days. Bamboo was abundant and baskets, pans etc., were made out of it in large quantities. The makers of such baskets had their own guild known as gavares.47

Pottery was another important industry like the carpentry. This industry thrived like anything since very early times as this is the only industry which does not require any heavy investment. On the other hand the earthen pots produced by the potters had great demand everywhere.

Metal industries had reached high state of perfection. Inscriptions often refer to the Visvakarmakula which included men who worked on metals like gold, silver, copper and even iron. Apart from this, Virapanchalas a community often referred to in the

167 inscriptions of Vira Ballala III48 included goldsmiths, coiners and black smiths.

The Hoysalas who were one of the strongest rulers during the contemporary days had acquired lot of wealth. Of course by the time of Vira Ballala III they were economically at the lowest off. But it can be made out from the statements of the Muhammadan chronicles like Feristah,49 Amir Khusrau,50 Barani51 and others that the amount of wealth acquired by Mallik kafur was imaginable. It is known from inscriptions that a separate officer called Manikya Bhandari had been appointed to look after the jewel treasury of the king.52 A Bangalore record of A.D.1278 gives an idea that silver was also used for the preparation of items like trays, ornamentation for the God etc.

The weapons used in the war were usually made up of Iron and Steel. Weapons like swords, spears, bows and arrows, daggers were the main items of war weapons. Amir Khusrau while giving an account of the Muhammadan conquest of the Southern Peninsula, says that Ramachandra Provided the muhammadan general with spears, bows, arrows and words etc.53 Dr.S.Gurajachar quotes an inscription of the 11th Century A.D. and says that ballauya was the person whose work was perhaps that of making swords.54

Trade and Commerce The period of Hoysala hegemony was a period of great commercial activity. The business was controlled by important merchantable organisations or bodies which had a very prominent role in the development of the society as a whole.

The main source of information for a study of the trade and commerce during those days is the writings of the Foreign Travellers like Marcopolo, Ibn Bastuta and a band of others and inscriptions only give a skeletal picture. All important commercial activities

168 connected with the town had to take place only with the knowledge of the Pattanaswami (Town Mayor). He was himself a senior merchant of the town.

Foreign Trade was in brisk progress during this period. South India had maintained trade contacts with western countries, through the coast of Mabar.

Several Arab geographers like Marcopolo, Abdul Fida, Ibu Batuta have left very valuable testimony regarding ports like Honnavar, Thana, Manjarur (Mangalore) etc.

India, as is known was an agricultural Country, as is the case even to this day. Naturally the main items of export included several agricultural products. Among these spices formed very important and prominent product. Dimishque says that large quantities of pepper was the main item of export. He is supported by Ibn Batuta who says that pepper and Ginger were the two main items that the Port of Mangalore was busily exporting. Perhaps rice and Sugar as well as coconuts were also exported from the ports in the west, perfumes and scented sticks were other important articles of export. According to Idrisi the region in and around the present day Sirur in the South Kanara Districts was rich in many aromatic plants. Cotton cloth Sandle wood, Areca nut, ghee and forest products were other items of export.

The import included a wide range of goods such as metals, cloths of a superior texture, horses, elephants, precious jewels like diamonds, emeralds, and turquoises etc.

Import of metals mainly included gold and silver. Macropolo says that Gold, silver and Copper were the important metals imported through the port of Thana and he also points that the leading Country in supplying gold to South India was Sumatra.

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Textiles formed another important item of import. Varieties of superior cloths like silk imported from the west. In fact the famous Chinanbara is said to have been imported from China. Somesvara refers to those cloths as Cina, mahacina.

Among the other items of import, horses and Elephants are worth mentioning. Wasaaf55 and Macropolo56 say that this part of the subcontinent imported horses in large number every year. The reason they give for the necessity of a continuous supply of the item is that the people here do not know to rear them.

As the Hoysala Empire was surrounded on all sides by land, there was much scope for carrying on the land trade. There are references in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III for the existence of jeweller’s shops, paddy shops, cotton shops, etc. and taxes were levied on these shops. An inscription form the Tarikere Taluk of A.D.1297 refers to Devappa, a Rice merchant amd Nachanna, a wheat merchant. Reference is often made to tax levied on such shops49a called as Angadidere.

Establishment of fairs was very common. It is observed from the inscriptions that ever a village was converted into a town or a new town was erected fairs were established there. An inscription of the late Hoysala Period states that the headman of Mugur along with all the gaudas of the place agreed among themselves to establish a fair and convert their village into town.57

It is observed in the inscriptions that there were different guild organisations formed by merchants and the craftsman.

Merchants were generally living in the towns and cities where there was plenty of scope for selling out their articles. In fact in important towns and cities, they formed the dominant group.58

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Many merchantile organisations who style themselves as the saviours of Vira Bananju faith or law formed of many trade guilds like the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole, Nandesis, Ubhayanandesis, Mummaridandas, Gavares, Gatrigas, Settiguttas etc. It is really very difficult to explain these terms Dr.P.B.Desai says that two different merchantile corporation’s carrying on their activities inside as well as outside the country.59 It is known from a bellary record60 that the nanadesis included merchants from Chola, Lala, Maleyala, Telunga and Kannada countries.

There is no uniform opinion regarding the explanation of the term Mummaridanda. Dr. D.D.Barnett is of the opinion that they were the bearers of Mummari staffs or sticks.61

Whatever may be the meaning of the above said guilds, it is certain that the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole occupied a very important place in the economic history of medieval Karnatka. It was called as Ainnurruvar in the Tamil country. Dr.S.Gururajachar points out that this organisation had a wide geographical distribution extending from the Bangalore and Hassan districts upto Bellary. Karnool and Ananathpur districts in the north.62

The trade inside the country was carried on mainly with the help of carts normally driven by the bullocks, but often by asses and buffaloes. Rivers also formed a mean of communication for internal trade. It is known from a Chikkamagalur record63 that rivers were crossed by means of fords.

Revenue Administration It is very difficult to reconstruct the revenue administration of the period merely on the basis of the inscriptions. The Hoysala had attained stability in economy. Though their condition was not altogether the same during the closing years of their rule, they exhibited stability in matters of finances.

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The sources of revenue to the Government were mainly the taxes levied on lands, properties, business, industries, social taxes and some miscellaneous ones.

It is well known that the Hoysalas during the days of Vira Ballala III were continuously engaged in wars with powerful rulers like the Pandyas, the Kakatiyas, and the Sevunas and also against the muhammadans who came from the north. Thus the History of the Hoysalas during the days of Vira ballla III is nothing but an account of series of wars starting from the very year of his accession to the Hoysalas throne up to his own death in A.D.1343. Quite naturally he must have had poured sufficient finances for the military forces. Unlike other rulers of the family, Vira Ballala III could not make much use of the revenue for purpose other than the military.

Among the sources of revenue, land provided the major share. The tax was not levied haphazardly. On the other hand it was fired after a careful survey of the land. For the survey of land (Kamba) poles of varying sizes were used. The unit of measurement was known as Kambas, matters, etc. Perhaps there were measuring rods of different specifications each having a particular name. There is reference in an inscription64 to Ikkeri Kamba. The exact significance of this term is not known. Perhaps it was the unit used at Ikkeri, the find spot of the inscription. Another inscription from the Holakere Taluk dated A.D.130765 refers to a type of measuring pole called as Chavulada Praptakamba.

After the land was surveyed and measured the boundaries were marked by fixing stones. The land measurement and survey were made for the purpose of assessment and for collection of land tax. An inscription from the Yalandur Taluk66 mentions that stones with trident marks were fixed to mark the boundary.

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Generally the land revenue was collected in the form of kinds. The Government used to receive its share in kind and it had fixed proportion regarding its collection. When there would be a lesser production of the crop, the Government used to collect only nominal revenue. But the land was also collected in terms of cash. An inscription from the Bangalore Taluk67 refers to the fixation of land tax for 70 shares at the rate of the two gadyanas per each share. It was collected some time in instalment.

Apart from that considerations were shown by the Goverment for the tax payers, like Sarvamanya, Ardhamanya, Umbali, etc. Sarvamanya grant was usually made over to the Brahmins and the religious institutions including the temples. In this the grantee was freed from paying any tax for the land. Umbali is a type of land grant which, according to Dr.Narasimha Murthy68 was made in appreciation of heroic services. An inscription dated A.D.1314 from the Honnali Taluk69 refers to the Umbali grant of six dandiges.

Taxes were levied on properties both movable and immovable. An inscription from the T.Narasipur Taluk70 makes reference to taxes levied on houses, on sites whether occupied by house or cultivated or even uncultivated.

Professional Taxes were another source of revenue to the Government. In fact no profession was left untaxed. To mention a few, taxes were levied on accountants,71 five artisans, salt makers,72 wrestlers,73 looms74 etc. Tax was collected usually in cash and the collection tax in kind was not popularly known.

Tax on the trade and commercial transactions brought a large share to the imperial treasury. ‘Sunka’ is the general term used for the custom duties levied on. B.L.Rice points75 out that ‘Perjjunks’ or ‘Hejjunka’ was tax levied on the wholesale articles. An inscription from

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Krishnarajpet Taluk dated 132276 A.D. refers to the Hejjunke of the village Hariharapura. Kirukula sunka was the tax levied on the retail goods. An inscription from Chitraduraga Taluk dated A.D.132877 refers to Kirukula tax made for the sampige Siddesvara temple. Considerable amount of revenue was derived from the custom duties levied on the import and export goods. Inscriptions make reference to certain terms for imports and exports. ‘Volavaru’ or ‘vola sunka’ was the term used for the imports of products and Horavaru or Horasunka was the term used for export of articles.78

Taxes were levied on animals like Horse and Elephants. As an inscription from the Hosakote Taluk dated A.D.133479 one pana was the tax levied on each horse. Another inscription from the Kolar taluk of A.D.1330 gives some more details regarding the sunka levied on animals. It says that ten panas was the Sunka for an Elephant and one pana was the sunka for a Horse.80

Usually tax was levied in kind for articles like areca nut, beetle leaves, salt, ghee etc. The duties levied varied according to the quantity of each article. Thus forty nuts was the duty levied for every bullock cart load of areca nuts, one Alakku for every load of beetle leaves and One Alakku for every load of salt, one uri for every load of grains etc.81

Taxes on industrial establishments provide another major source to the treasury. Several important industries were subject to taxation. Thus tax was levied on the looms. Inscriptions often make reference to taxes on looms82 sugarcane mills83 (aledere) manufacture of salts,84 oil mills (ganada sunka)85 mining of iron ores86 and etc. A peculiar type of tax was levied and this was on smoke.87 Perhaps smoke here may mean the smoke coming out from the industries.

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Peculiarly enough it is seen in the inscriptions that taxes were levied on social and communal creeds. It is interesting to note that tax levied on marriages (maduvedere) and it was collected from the bride and bridegroom parties.88 Tax was levied on pendals established on festive occasions called as ‘Handaruvana89 on the ornament worn on the forehead (Basigadere). An epigraph90 refers to a few taxes including taxes on the minor communities.

Apart from the taxes mentioned above tax levied in the name if Vira Ballala III. An inscription from Vettavalam in Tiruvannamalai Taluk91 refers to Mamadi (mummadi) ‘Vallaladevan kanikkai; Again it is known from the inscriptions of the Yadavarays that Vallaladevan vari was one of the taxes92 levied in the Yadavaraya country, probably as a token of their subordination to the Hoysala King.

Contributions were made by private individuals on the occasion of the birth of a prince, cornation of a king to the thrones, marriage in a royal family, etc. There is indirect evidence in an inscription of Vira Ballala III93 which says that a person who had received certain village as grant was not to pay any contribution even on such occasions like the birth of a son in the royal family or kings coronation.

There are a large number of inscriptions which often make reference to revenue collected through courts. These were in the form fines levied for inflicting some sin or other. Such taxes like tappu (fault), Tavudi (? Tavadu=decrease: Kittel’s Kannada – English Dictionary P.701) Hadara (adultery) Kalavu (theft) etc.

The revenue thus collected from different sources was made use of for the good of the country. Tanks, Chatras, temples and various other items of public importance were established and facilities were provide to the people, though the major portion of it was spent for military expenditure during the days of Vira Ballala III.

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REFERENCES 1. E.C. VII Sk 185., P. 2. EI XIV., P. 277 3. S. Gururajachar. Economic & Social life in Karnataka.A.D.1000- 1300., P.18 4. E.C.V., B1 137 5. A.S.Altekar- Rashtrakuter & their times., 6. E.C. XIV Tn 72., P.220 7. E.C Xi Hk 136., PP. 396 - 98 8. E.C. IV Kr 43., PP. 297 - 98 9. E.C. VII Tk 43., 45., 10. E.C. V Hn 66., 11. E.C . XI Cd 6., 12. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar- History of Medival Karnataka Part II- P.49 13. E.C. VI Mg 20., 14. S.Gururjachar Op. Cit., P.22 15. E.C. IX Cp 84., 16. Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions 1936 – 37., No. 71 17. E.C. X Bp 38 A., 18. 1a) Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy., Op. Cit., P. 162 19. E.C. VI Tk 54 20. E.C. VII H1 76., PP 406 – 07 21. Dr. S. Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.40 22. A.Appadoral, Economic Conditions of South Indi., Vol.I. P.25 23. S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.41 24. E.C. VI Kp 78., 25. S.Gurajachar Op. Cit., P. 41 26. E.C. III Tn 22., P. 212 27. E.C. VI Tk 86., PP. 474 – 76 28. E.C. VIII Sb 183., 29. E.C. VIII Sa 109., 30. E.C.V B1 137.,

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31. M.A.R. 1911., P.51., Para 110 32. M.A.R 1911., P. 51 33. S . IT XIX I P. 226 34. E.C. XII TP 2., 35. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 – 08 36. M.A.R. 1937., Ch 52., PP. 202 – 03 37. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P.17 38. E.C. XI Cd. 21., 39. Marcopolo Vol II., P.365 40. Appadoral., Op. Cit., P.452 41. Andhrapradesh Govt. Archaeological Series, No.9, Ins.No.15 42. E.C. IX D.B.31., 43. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit., P. 72 44. E.C. IX C.P. 66, 45. E.C. V. B1. 155 46. S.Gururajachar , Op. Cit., P.76 47. E.C. VI Kdu. 9., 48. M.A.R. 1911. No.63., P.50 49. E.C. VII . Sk. 118., 50. E.C. XII Gbc 9., PP.59 – 60 51. Briggs Translation of Feristah 5) E.C. IX Cp. 65., 52. Khazain – ul- Futuh of Amir Khudran 6) Khazains ul – Futuh of Amir Khusran., P. 84 53. Rizvi. R. Hindi Translation, Agra edition 54. E.C.V. Ak. 123 55. S. Gururajachar, Op.cit., P.89 56. Mohamad Naynar, Arab Geographers’ Knowledge of South India, P.61 57. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit. P. 107 58. Elliot and Downson, Vol.III, PP.33 -34 59. K.A.N. Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, PP. 166 – 67 60. E.C. VI . Tk.88., PP. 470 – 76 61. E.C.IV. Ng.38.,

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62. M.A.R. 1912, P – 45 63. Dr.G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Govt.in the Medieval Karnataka, P. 160 64. Dr. S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 117 65. S .I. I. IX No. 297 66. Dr.S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 118 67. Dr.S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P. 120 68. E.C. Vi Cm 122., 69. E. C. Kr. 43., PP. 297 – 98 70. E.C. XI. Hk. 136., PP. 396 – 98 71. E.C. IV. IV. Y1. 57., P. 32 72. E.C. IX. Bn., P.3 73. A.V. Narasimha Murthy: The Sevunas of Devagiri., P. 163 74. E.C. VII. A1. 76., PP. 406 – 07 75. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216 76. E.C. III Tn 27., P. 216 77. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15 78. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 49 79. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 - 08 80. B. L. Rice: Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions: P.175 81. E.C. IV Kr 44., P. 298 82. E.C. XI Cd 4., PP. 5 - 7 83. E.C. VII Sh 78., 84. E.C. IX H. 96., P. 99 85. E.C. X K1 70., P. 19 86. Ibid 87. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15 88. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 – 9 89. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15 90. M.A.R. 1939., My 53., PP. 179 - 80 91. E.C. IX Cp 66 92. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 9 93. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15

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94. E.C. VII H1 46., 95. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P. 17 96. A.R.S.I.E. 1921 – 22., P. 11 97. M.A.R. 1910., P. 36

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CHPATER-VII RELIGIOUS LIFE DURING BALLALA III

The Hoysala rule witnessed a harmonious blending of different religious and it is interesting to note that its rulers maintained a eclectic out look towards all religions.

The Hoysala to start with were Jains. In fact up to the reign of Vishnuvarshana they professed the Jaina faith though they were tolerant towards other religions. It is known from the literary sources both by Jaina authorities and the Vaishnava that there were constant clashes between the two religions, particularly during the days of Vishnuvardhana. Vishnuvardhana whom several scholars consider as having changed his faith and joined the newly introduced Vaishnuvism, strongly state that he did so after getting disgusted with the practices in the Jaina religion. Mr.Srikantiayya says that Vishnuvardhana was convinced of the venality of the Jaina gurus and iability of the Jains gurus to adjust to the growing condition of his days.1 He also says that Vishnuvardhana was so much impressed by the depth in knowledge of Ramanuja who defeated the Jain tenets in dispute that he embrassed the Vaishnava religion. It is stated that a Jaina Basadi was built somewhere in A.D.1118 belonging to the Posthaka gaseheha of the Desiya gans of mulasangha and only jains belonging to the above group could enjoy the lands granted for the Basadi.1 This along with other had remarks brought the Jaina faith to ruin.

The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was not converted to Vaishnavism.2 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who supports the theory of Vishnuvardhans’s conversion says that Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to Vaishanavism.2A But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri Vaishnnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than A.D.1014.

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The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was not converted to Vaishnavism.3 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who supports the theory of Vishnuvardhan’s conversion says that Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to Vaishnavism3A. But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri Vaishnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than A.D.1014.

The same eclectic outlook was adopted by all the Hoysala rulers including Vira Ballala III. He was as evidenced by the inscriptions was tolerant towards all religious and made grants to institutions belonging to all the religious. The three important religious that influenced the people of Karnataka were Jainism, Savism and Vaishnavism. Vira Saivism which made its beginning in the 12th century lost its importance almost immediately after the dath of Basavanna. It was revived only somewhere in the Fifteenth century. Hence no inscription of Vira Ballala III makes reference to this religion in any connection.

Jainism Among the three religions referred to above Jainism was on the wave. Only very few inscriptions of the period make reference to the activities of this religion. But Saivism and Vaishnavism were still the dominating religions.

It must be remembered that the in South India is nothing but the study of Jainism in Karnataka1 for Karnataka was the cradle in its Childhood. It attained a shape and prominence under the patronage of powerful dynasties like the Gangas and the Western Chalukyas. The contribution of Jainism in the fields of literature, art architecture have left deep impression on the life of people in Karnataka.4

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The very beginning of the Hoysala dynasty is largely due to a Jaina teacher Sudatta, also called as varidhamana according to an inscription from the Sorab Taluk.5 Sala the legendary hero who was the proginator of the Hoysala family was a devout Jaina.

Janisim continued to gain patronage during the days of Vinayaditya his son Ereyanga and his successor Ballala I. Inscriptions make reference to the construction of several Basadis and grants made to the Jaina Institutions.6

The reign of Vishnuvardhana marked a turning point in the development of Jaina religion in Karnatka. It was during the days of Vishnuvardhana that Sri Vaishnavism gained prominence here in Karnatka. Though it is said that this ruler favoured Sri Vaishanavism at the cost of Jainism, Jainism saw the Zenith of its popularity during his days. Sanatala Devi the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana was an active supporter of Jainism. She is described as “a rampart to the Jaina Faith” and as “Crest Jewel of great faith in Jainism”. Her parents were also great Jaina devotees. She made large number of grants to the Jainism. She caused to be a made a tank called Vilasanakatte and granted it to one of the basadis at Sravan Belgola, a great Jaina centre. Savatigamda Varane Basadi was one of the basadis that were built by her.

Vishnuvardhana did not lag behind in extended patronage to Jainism. To quote Buchanam like his predecessor Ballalaraya, he was an ardent worshipper of Jaina.7

Tradition says that Vishnuvardhana allowed the destruction of Jaina Temple.8 But things as they are left, do not give an impression that such things could not have taken place at time when tolerance was the key word. He could have never raised his hand against a religion which was the religion of his chief queen his beloved. Added to

182 this most of his generals were Jains. Gangaraja was very important among them, who received several prizy awards from his sovereign.8 He got built up several Jaina temple like Kulla griha, Kattala Basadi i.e., at Sravana Belagola. Apart from this it is known that Boppa, a general of his got constructed the Parsvanatha Basadi at Dorasamudra in the name of the famous general Gangaraja.

Hayavadana Rao opines that his so called conversion to Sri Vaishnavism did not change his attitude towards the Jaina faith and in fact he had kept close contact with the Jaina teachers till his end.9

By the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession to the Hoysala throne, the situation was not different. Only very few inscriptions of his times make mention of the activities of Jaina religion. None of those few inscriptions gives us any clue to think that Vira Ballala III personally favoured this religion, though one or two among them mention his officers making grants to the Jaina temples. The only exception is form “Sagar Taluk, an inscription from which palce refers to Vira Ballala III as the worshipper of the God Gummatanatha i.e., Gommatesvara. The remaining inscriptions are all issued by the members of the faith.

Usually in connection with the mentioning of Jain Sainsts, their “”, gana, , Anvaya are pointed out. For example Chandrakiriti, son of Maldharo Balachandra belonged to Mula sangha Desiyagans, Pusthaka gaccha.10 Only Jains belonging to the above group are mentioned in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III.

Saints among men were called Nigranthas or Savanas and among women they were known as “Kanthi”. These Kanthis had their own desciples. They were expected to wear white sarees.11 It was believed that the Kanthis could become men in the next life by performing fierce penance and then only could get . An

183 inscription from Santisvara Santisvara Desadi at Narasomharajapura has on it a figure of Jaina of about 4ft high. It states that the image was caused to be set up by a disciple of Chaudiyabbe Kantt3.

Samadhi Death by Samadhi was a common practice among the Jainas.12 One who was prepared to die by Samadhi was expected to stop taking food and drink and to relieve himself from all sorts of attachments like friendship, enmity etc., and think of God always. He had to follow certain necessary observations. An inscription form the Nagar taluk13 refers to the death by Samadhi of Bommagauda who was a disciple of Jaina guru Siddhanta Yogindra. Another inscription from Belur14 syas that Ramachandra Maladhari deva died by performing Samadhi Vrata.

Nisadi When persons died by performing Sallakhana, memorial stones were erected for them called ‘Nisadigallu’. P.K. calls it as a house for rest, a tomb, a monument.15 This was considere as very sacred ones.

Basadi The Jaina saints were expected to be on the move during all the year except in the rainy season. But this rule was relaxed gradually and basadis became regular, residing palces.16

It appears that the basadi had, as an apartment in them, the ganshagudi. It may be assumed that it was a portion where people would light jasticks. An inscription belonging to A.D.1301 refers to Padmanandi , who got constructed the gandhagudi in the Hasnayanahalli Basadi.17

From the above brief survey it would be evident that Jainism was patronised by all the Hoysala rulers or at least by most of them. It

184 exercised profound influence on the people at large. The decline of Jainism was partly due to the fact that their theory and principles did not suit to the necessities of those times and partly due to coming into prominence of Vaishnavism and Saivism.

Saivism Saivism was the most dominant religious of South India, particularly in Karnatka and it was next only to Jainism in popularity till the rise of Virasaivism.18

As early as A.D.1063 Saiva temple were constructed by the Hoysalas for an inscription belonging to that year from the Kadur Taluk makes reference to the construction of a Siva Temple and grants made to it19 and this same outlook towards “Saivism continued ian an unbroken fashion till the very end of the Hoysalas. Gifts of perpetual lamp as well as other grants by individuals were very common. An inscription from the grant made to the God Ramesvara at Agara by the mahajanas of that place. Another inscription from the Gubbi Taluk of the same date makes mention of a grant of perpetual lamp to the God Kailasam Udaiyar of Dasaratharama Chaturvedi mangalam.20

Grants to the Siava temples were made by the Royal palace and its officers also. Machaya Dannayaka, one of the prominent officers of Vira Ballala III was follower of Saiva religion and he made several grants to the Saiva temples. One such grant was made to the God Hoysalesvara. The grant was received by Padmarasipandita.21

In the year A.D.1300-01 Vira Balla III addressed the heads of mathas and sthanas in the temples situated in the Kundani Kingdom that he had remitted all kinds of taxes including the taxes on looms, goldsmiths’ etc.22 Almost all these addresses of remission of taxes

185 were made to the Saiva Temples in the newly acquired regions which earlier belonged to his uncle Ramanatha.

Apart from such remission of taxes, Vira Ballal III also made grants of lands for the Saiva temples and one such land was made to the God Tiruvira Misvaram Udaiya Nayanar of Kundani.23

Thus an enlightened outlook was exhibited by all the Hoysala rulers towards the Saiva religion and this religion in turn exercised influence on the people at large.

Lakula Samaya is another name given to the Saiva religion.24 Dr.Chidananda Murthy, quoting Dr.R.G.Bhandarkar says that the former was in vogue earlier to pasupatasamaya and Saiva .25 It is known from an epigraph dated A.D.1292 from the Chikkanayaka- nahalli that Padmarasipandita belonged to this Lakulagamasamaya. The lakulas or pasupatas were also called as Kalamukha. Sri Gopinatha Rao in his “Elements of Hindu Iconography” says that they were called as kalamukhas, perhaps because they were smearing black patches on their face.26 Just like Lakulasamaya they were belonging to Kalamukha samaya.27 Srisaila was a famous centre of the Kalamukhas.28

The age of the Hoysalas coincided with the emergence of Vira Saivism under the inspiring leadership of Basavanna. But it suddenly lost its popularity with the the death and disappearance of Basavann and its revival tokk palce only in the early part of 15th Century. Dr.R.S.Muguli in his Heritage of Karnataka points out that the period of the Hoysala rule was a period of unsurpassed spiritual fervour29 and several mystics like Allamaprabhu, Akkamahadevi and most a host of others worked hard to give a different outlook to the saiva religion.

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Vaishnavism This religion gained prominence by the time of Vishnu Vardhana after he came under the influence of Ramanujacharya.

The theory that Vishnuvardhana was converted Vaishnavism in refuted. If anything his zeal for Vaishnavism was very active and he constructed the Panchanarayana temples at Belur, Talkad, Bannur and Gadag.

Ramanuja who influenced Vishnuvardhana got constructed mathams at different palces and one such matham was constructed at Melkote called as Yatiraja matha.30 He was granted a large area of land by the king.

This great inclination shown by Vishnuvardhana continued during the reign of the succeeding Hoysala rulers and by the time of Vira Ballala III, Vaishnavism had definitely dominated the religious history of Karnattaka. As stated by B.S.K .Aiyanagar31 a great zeal was exhibited during the reign of Vira Ballala III for the development of Vaishanavism, but definitely not at the cost of other religions. During the hey days of the Hoysala rule several great Vishnave scholars came and settled in different parts of Karnataka and made great contributions to the religion and literature of those times. Kanchi, Melkote, Srirangam, Tirupati and several other places became great centres of Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III personally visited all these places and made liberal grants to great scholars and poets. It is known from an inscription from Yadatore Taluk32 that Embar, a cousin of Sri Ramanuja and Mudaliyandan, a nephew of his jointly supervised the construction of several Vaishnava temple in the Hoysala country and conferred several privileges to the inhabitants of the Village Saligrama. Vedant Desika one of the greatest among the contemporary philosophers being disturbed by the Muhammadan attacks on Mabar ran to Vira Ballala’s territories in the plains and

187 resided at Sathyamangala carrying with him, the commentary on Ramanujacharya’s Sri Bhasya.

Singaya Dannayaka and Ketayya Dannayaka sons of Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka were two officers of Vira Ballal III. Singaya Dannayaka had been posted to the capital of Yadavarayas as a representative of the Hoysalas there. Inscriptions clearly show the amount of power exerted by this officer there. It was this officer who stated the festival called ‘Sitakkaragandan sandhi’ in the month of Adi,33 evidently after one of the titles borne by his father Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka. He was also responsible for the erection of a matha in the same name where arrangements had been made to feed thirty two Vaishnavas everyday.33a Punganur was granted for the maintenance of this Temple after changing its name as Singanllur.

Kanchi was another place which became an important centre of Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III visited this several times and made very rich grants to men of letters and honoured them and presented a throne called ‘Vira Ballalan’ throne and palced it in the Abhisekha mandapa.

Vallappa Dannayaka, brother of Singaya Dannayaka and the son mahapradhani Somaya Dannayaka also made several grants to the Vaishnava temples. He represented Vira Ballala III in regions in and around Kolar. He is seen in an inscription of A.D.1293 making some land grants to the god Valavanda pperumal.34 Somaya Dannayaka also made grants to the Vaishnava temples and he was responsible for the replacement of the wooden sikhara to one built of brick and mortar on the Chennakesava temple at Belur.35

It will not be out of scope of our study if mention is made of Madhava charya who was greatly responsible for the development of

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Kannada culture and literature and for the development of Vaishnava religion. His philosophy is popularly known as Daviata philosophy. His birth took place at a small village Sivalli, very near to Udupi. He travelled all over the south India and preached the Dvaita philosophy. It was Madhavacharya who started the literature and his two compositions have come to light. He died somewhere in A.D.1276 by which time the Dvaita philosophy had gained a firm footing.

Thus in the history of Vaishnava religion in Karnataka, three important phases can be observed viz., the Vaishnava religion that existed befor the influence of Ramanujacharya, Ramanuja Charya’s Sri Vaishnavism and the Dvaita philosophy of .

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REFERENCES

1. QJMS VII., P. 307 2. Coelho, Op. Cit., P. 281 3. Q.J.M.S. LXIV. PP. 1 -3. @A. Ibid 4. E.C. IX Cp. 129., 5. B.A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism., P.2 6. Jainism under Hoysalas Dr. H.V.Srenivasa Murthy in Hoysala Dynasty, 7. Ed.B.Sheik Ali 8. E.C. VIII. SE. 28 9. E.C. V. CP. 148 10. Buchnan Travels, II, Ch. VII. P. 80 11. E.C. II S.B. 73 12. Mysore Gazeeteer Vo.II., P.1326 13. E.C. II SB 75 14. E.C. VIII Sa 107., P 298 15. E.C. XII. Ck. 24., PP. 223 – 24 16. Chidanada Murthy, Karnataka Sasangala Sanskritka Adhyayana., P. 83 17. M.A.R. 1916., P. 8 18. Stevenson The Heart of Jainism P. 163 19. M.A.R. 1934., P. 177 20. E.C. V. B1 134., P. 263 21. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 97 22. Ibid. P. 88 23. E.C. IV. Hn. 14., P. 231 24. E.C. XII. Gb.22., P. 21 25. Dr.Chidananda Murthy, Op. Cit., P. 129 26. E.C. VI. Kd. 161., 27. E.C. XIV Y1. 57., P. 40 28. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5

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29. E.C. IX. Bn. 51., P. 22., E.C.X.Mr.71 & 100, P.170 & P.179., E.C.X.Sd.20.,P201 30. E.C. X. Mr.67., P. 170 31. Chidanda Murthy., Op.cit., P. 128 32. Ibid 33. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5 34. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 129 35. S.I.I. IX. i., No. 235 36. Journal of Indian History XXVII., P.50 37. B.S.Krishnaswami Ayangar,History of Medieval Karnataka,Vol.II., P.23 38. E.C. III Sr. 64 39. B.S.K. Aiyangar, Op. Cit., P. 19 40. E.C. XIV Yd 90., 41. Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report., P. 12 42. Ibid. P. 46 43. E.C. X K1 102., P. 31 44. E.C. V B1 24., P. 164

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CHPATER-VIII EDUCATION AND LITERATURE DURING BALLALA III

Education In olden days only certain classes of people were entitled for education. Inscriptions as well as literary sources often make reference to the fact that education was one of the basic essentials for the princes, particularly the crown prince’s.

The important centres of learning were the temple, basadi or matha, agrahara, Ghatiks sthana and Brahmapuri. Among these, the agraharas are very commonly referred to in the inscriptions of the Hoysala rulers. During the days of Vira Ballala III, Tirumakudalu Narsipura and agrahara was great educational centre. It was to this educational centre that perumale Dannayaka made land grants for teaching various branches of learning like Sanskrit, Tigula, Marathi, Telugu and other languages.1 Udbhava Narasimhapura i.e., Maddure, Talkad, Melkote were some of the important educational centres.

Regarding the derivation of the term ’agrahara’ Professor D.L.Narasimhachar says that it was a place where people of superior castes could live.2 It was believed that by constructing agrahara towns and granting them to Brahmins, one could easily attain svarga. Those Brahmins who received agraharas as grants became mahajanas and carried on the administration there.

Dr.Chidanandamurthy ponts out that the agrahara was not strictly restricted for the Brahmins. On the other hand people belonging to other castes and creed were also entertained there.3 The educational centres inside a city were known as Brahmapuri. It was in the Brahmaouris that the Brahmin scholars carried on their duties. Compared to agraharas which are very large in number, the numbers

192 of Brahmapuris were considerably less. About teaching of different aspects of learning there does not seem to have been any speciality in a Brahmapuri compared to the agrahara.

Ghatikasthana was another educational centre. Inscriptions of Vira Ballal III do not refer to the Ghatikasthanas though inscriptions of earlier dates make much reference to these educational centres. In fact an inscription from Taluk dated back to A.D.450 says that Mayura Sharama, the progenitor of the Kadamba family was trained up in the Ghatikasthanas of Kanchi.4 There was a Ghatikasthana at Kuntala country (northern part of the Shimoga District) in the latter half of the twelfth century.5

Temples and Basadi were the most important among the educational centre. Almost every big temple was an educational centre in olden days. There is abundant reference to grants made for promoting education in the temples. Chidanandamurthy points out that Basadis were well known as educational centres even prior to 8th century.6 It was in temple that Sala the progenitor of the Hoysala line, was learning when tiger came there and he killed it.

Karnataka, like any other other part of the Southern Peninsula gave importance to the study of different languages like Sanskrit, Kannada, Marathi, Tigula etc. An inscription from T.Narasipura7 already referred to says that grants were made to teachers who taught Rig-Veda and to teachers who taught Sanskrit, Kannada, Tamil etc. (Nagara Kannada tigutarya manodisuva Balasikseya Upadhyayarige)

Literature The Hoysala period witnessed great development in Literature. Several great scholars like Harihara, , Kanti and a host of others have richly contributed to the development of literature here.

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Sanskrit was the language that signified higher culture and remained to be even during the days of Hoysala rule. Some of the Sanskrit works like Gadhyakarnamruta provides important historical material. The author of this work is not known. Then comes Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana Sastri who flourished in the early part of the 18th century. This of course provides some historical information regarding the conflicts between Vira Ballala III and the Sangama borthers Harihara and Bukka.

Rukmini Kalyana, a mahakaya written by Sri Vidyachakra- vartin, the court poet of Vira Ballala III, in 8 centres describe in a poetic style the marriage of Rukmini with Srikrishna, the lord of Yadavakula. The introductory canto gives a brief history of the Hoysala from the days of Vira Ballal II up to the reign of Vira Ballala III about whom the author presents very important information.

Next to Sanskrit stands the Kannada literature both in historical importance and literary value. Several great scholars flourished under the Hoysalas. A few scholars worth mentioning are who was also called as Abhinava Pampa, the author of “mallinatha Purana”, Harihara and Raghavanka , the epoch making poets, authors of ‘Pampasataka’ and Harichandra Kaya respectively. author of Leelavati Prabhandam, Rudra Bhata, author of Jagannatha Vijaya, Achanna, author of Verdhamana Purana, Mallikarjuna, author of Sukti Sundharnava, Kesiraja author of Sabdamani Darpana etc. All these scholars lived between the 11th and 13th centuries. By the time Vira Ballala III became the Hoysala monarch, Kannada literature any literature for that matter received very little patronage.

Some historically important literary pieces like Kumara Ramana Sangatyagalu Arunachal Puranam, ballaloraya Charitre were written during the times of Vira Ballal III. Among works of literary value,

194 mention may be made of Punyasrava of Nagaraja. A Jaina poet (A.D.1331). This poet belonged to the Kansiak Gotra, his parents were Viveka Vittaladeva and Bhagirathi. “Punyasrava” is written in the Champu style. The poet has praised Jinendra in the beginning of his work.

Persian and Arabic literature is help full for the reconstruction of the Hoysala history during the days of Vira Ballal III.Reference to several Persian writers like Amir Khusran, Wasaoof, Barani. Feristah, Isami and Ibn Batuta and their works have already been made.

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REFERENCES

1. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216 2. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 209 3. Ibid. P. 214 4. E.C. VII Sk 176 5. Ibid Sk 197 6. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 217 7. E.C. III Tn. 27., P. 216

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CHAPTER-IX INFERNENCES

Among the factors that were responsible for the decline of Hoysala dynasty. The important one was that Hoysala Empire was divided between Narasimha III, (1254 AD-1292) and Ramanatha (from 1254 AD to 1295 AD), the brothers of Hoysala dynasty and both of these, entrusted, the major share of the kingdom i.e. Kannada speaking regions, including capital Dwarasamudra to Narasimha the son of Someshwara. Tamil regions, Salem district, Vapanasham, Toluks, eastern parts of Padukotti Kingdom and districts of modern Kolar were entrusted to Ramantha-Kannanor became his capital.

Some scholars are of the opinion that, the division of this kingdom, was done mainly to run the administration smoothly. This partition was done smoothly. It may be difficult to agree with the partition of this empire, in view of the existence of the integrated Rashtrakuta and integrated Chola empires before the period of Hoysalas. In any page of History, too, partition is not made for the sake of smooth administration. Therefore, it is not possible to accept that division was done for the sake of administration. Sons of Someshwara did this division for political ambition.

Though this division was made peacefully, it did not bring either peace or safety to Hoysala Empire. From this it seemed they dug the grave of Hoysala Empire, themselves slowly and patiently. At this stage, the partition, exhibited the incapabilities and weakness that were present in Hoysala Empire and moreover, this partition was not merely physical or geographical it was also, the division of hearts, loyalties and wealth. But the damage was done and there was no question of returning to old path. Because of this deed of Someshwara began the long term effects and series of reactions. As if,

197 it was its climax, there occurred the tragedy of Ballala III, in Madhurai. Once Ramanatha, having felt the taste of power, he was not prepared to forego it. For that, he was ready to pay any price, or to face any risk. He did not give value even to the integrity of Hoysalas. If it were only for the administrative problem, Ramanath would not have faced the situation of attacking his own native place. During the period of Pandyan king Rajamaravarman, Kulashekharan, the condition of Ramanatha was weak. Because of all these above said reasons, it is hard to believe that there was only administrative reason.

Thus, for about 1254, there were two rulers for Hoysala empire. If Kulashekara Maravarman gave trouble to Ramanath in the south, there was trouble from Yadavas, Sevunas, and Kakatiyas to Narasimha III. Still, Ramantha and Narasimha III did not face enemies together. In that way, money and strength both were wasted, when enemies attacked the empire, both brothers were fighting for themselves. Once Hoysalas had adopted the policy of establishment and destruction to establish their power successfully. But, enemies, by adopting these polices, they themselves had reached the stage of becoming the targets of this situation.

Taking advantage of the situation of this civilized outrage, many Dandanayakas, who were the Pillars of Hoysala kingdom, had rebelled against their superior officers. As mentioned in the epigraph, Ballala, who rebelled against Ballala III, the successor of Narasimha III. The chief of ‘Banavasi’ had captured Kongu, Nangali, Talakadu, Hanagal and Uchchangi. All regions mentioned above, were the very parts of Hoysalas. If so, where does the question arise of capturing them again. Perhaps, Dandanayakas of this region, might have rebelled against Ballala III. Titles assigned to Ballala III, such as ‘Pratapachakravarthy’, ‘Mahamandaleshwara’ were only for formalities sake and they were not true. As we have seen in epigraphs,

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Dandanayakas without taking the king’s permission, levied tax as per the direction of Mahapradhana, names as such army chief, senior Dandanayaka are mentioned, this shows the liberty enjoyed by Dandanayakas. In many references of the period of Ballala III, either this title or the place from where does he rule are not mentioned. The references of the charities made by Ballala III are found less in his reign. Stoppage of temple construction too is the testimony of Political division.

It is not false that Ballala made efforts to uphold the unity of the empire. He tried to united Karnataka and Tamilnadu. After the death of Kulashekar, the civilized rebellion that began in the kingdom of Pandyas, gave a chance to understand his end. To get back the regions lost by Ramanatha, he helped one or the other group, but his fruitless effort became unsuccessful because of the sudden raid of Malikafar, who came from in 1310.

Because of the raids of Mallikafur for Ballala III had two choices. Fight against them, or to surrender and live peacefully. As per the suggestions of the nobles of the state he had to fight against Mallikafur. Due to his enemies strength and forces, he decided to surrender. Thus, the famous Dwarasamudra capital city perished.

Still, two more raids were made from North-India. In 1318 and 1326, Muhammad-Bin-Toghaluk, invaded Hoysala empire during the period of Ballala III. This had ruined both wealth and prestige. Ballala III found place for himself in Tirunnamali in Tamilnadu. In 1336, in Madhurai began the era of Sultans there the disintegration of Hoysala empire was complete.

Some scholars are of the opinion that, the struggle made by Ballala III for his survival, in his last days was religious one. Ballala III after coming to Tiruvannamali, he left the idea of exercising his

199 power on Hindu Monarchs. He felt, that a united effort was necessary to rebel against Muslim invaders. By making Tiruvannamali his capital and by his efforts, gaining a little confidence among the Hindu rulers of the south caused a little tension in the minds of sultans of Madhurai and safe guarding of became the important matter. In the view of these scholars, the tragic end of that Ballala, met in Madhurai, at the hands of his political opponents.

The attack made by his enemy forces on him in the term of fourteen days agreement was treachery. There is a need to review such opinions about the last days of the last ruler of Hoysala dynasty. These opinions give religious touch to political and economic reasons. Ballala III neither was the guardian of Hinduism, nor did he become martyr, in that struggle. Hinduism was never dependent on political support for its defence. Instead, political leaders used to gain power from loyality and support from religious groups. How far is it correct to say that only Ballala III was the guardian of Hinduism, in his field what was his role in its protection? Such opinions make false that Hoysala kings are protectors of all times.

In this crucial time what happened was the fact that the army that came from North India to Karnataka to destroy Hoysalas. Ballala III after coming out from his native place made an inevitable effort to exercise his rule in Tamiladu. Then there was political vaccum and there was no any central power to challenge him. Then there was a kind of unstable situation. And in a situation like this along began the era of sultan of Madhurai. It cannot be forgotten that Hindus had helped Muslim invaders in their political and military growth. Without these possibilities it was not possible to destroy Hoysalas.

In South India even the relationship between the states gave an opportunity for the invaders of North India. To loot sevunas of Devagiri and supported for the destruction of Hoysalas. Kakatiyas of

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Warrangal, kept questioning the authority of sevunas. In the same way Hoysalas were ever trying to defeat Pandyas of Madhurai. The ambition of gaining control over another kingdom became all the more important. In a situation like this to give religious interpretations to the activities done by Ballala III and for the survival of himself.

The scholars who give religious meaning to the activities of Ballala III, also give certain factors that caused disintegration but not religious that argument is as follows:

The kingdoms of the south such as sevunas, kakatiyas, hoysalas and pandyas had undoubtedly collected enoromous wealth. The people of Delhi had considered south as a milking cow. Temples were the stores of wealth since centuries. Internal weaknesses of the south and their differences of opinion made them were the easy targets for Muslim invaders.

In such a crucial time, there were many strong kingdoms in the south. It was really very unfortunate that they ignored the necessity of one common united effort. One’s own prestige and power became very important for everyone.

From all these wealth and negligence helped political victory of north Indians. Hoysala kingdom became the target for all these factors. We can find that including Hoysala when there arose the question of the attempt of unification among south Indian kings such a question of necessity never occurred in its political history. When there arose the question of danger from North India, such an attempt was saddening.

There is no wonder, that among Hoysalas that too Ballala III, made such an effort, even at this stage, after South India was subjected to risk.

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When the question of treachery of the army of Sultans of Madhurai, comes up that too when 14 days cease fire line was in operation, according to direct witness in war and in politics, such a betrayal is not only the property of Muslims. To manage their war activities, public works and artistic constructions. Hoysalas demanding more than what was prescribed in the religious books, had violated the rules and regulations of judges. Without distinction other than this as epigraphs give evidence people were subjected to innumerable taxes.

According to Dr.Derret, hoysala queens each and every one had their own ministers and administrators subordinate to them were exercising administrative power. Besides even military action which was not so certain was conducted by them on special occasions.

Next, we learn that Hoysala Ballala II was an expert in the art of utilising the natural and enthusiasm and his queens for the welfare of the state. But in another way the failure of Ballala III, in making them a part of his administrative hierarchy was one reason that ensured his downfall.

Wealth was stored in palaces, temples, and the rich homes in the form of ornaments. This wealth attracted the greed of Muslim invaders like Ghazni Muhammed, Ghori Muhammed and in the same way even Khiljis and Tughlaqs. If two Muhammeds looted temples of North India and rich cities, Khiljis and Tughlaqs looted temples of South India including Karnataka and cities with the loss of life and property many old cities were ruined.

Hoysala agrarian based economy signified the birth of two big factors totally. Firstly, sometimes though the kingdom was generous without any restrictions in the form of demands of heavy taxes, the exploitation of farmers by the kingdom. The kingdom never tried to

202 control the productive factors and the exploitation of farmers. The Brahmins who emerged as the lone biggest class of landlords through the agencies like temples and agraharas. In course of time they were able to control. The investment on agricultural activities, they even controlled labour by providing employment to agricultural labourers. Their hold on production was considerable, as they controlled large lands, capital and even labour. The two factors that are observed at the end of this survey are these two matters.

In this way the empire was ruined because of internal and external reasons. Conflicts, jealousy, selfishness for the power of noble class were the main internal reasons. Peace and stability were established. But under the period of incapables rulers the nobles took advantage of their inability to make themselves powerful. From the point of view of administration the division of the empire further gave way for the danger. This led to mutual jealousy and hatred and became the reason for the destruction of resources of the state. Though, Ballala III unified the empire the varied effects of the empire too continued. Even the external aspects that were responsible for the downfall of the empire also had an evil impact. South India, had to face difficulties during the reign of Ballala III. The Hindu empires ridden with internal conflicts. South India was subjected to Muslims invasion under the leadership of Malikafar in 1310 A.D. No preparations were made to prevent these Muslim invasions. At a situation like this Yadavas of Devagiri, Kakatiyas of Warrangal, Hoysalas and Pandyas did not unite. But after many years there was the understanding of the importance of unity. Even without adverse circumstances though Ballala III tried to form friendly union, to prevent enemies, he was not successful in his attempt. As he was killed by sultans of Madhurai, all his plans failed and the rule of Hoysalas came to an end.

Hoysala rulers followed the medium policy in religious matter throughout their period. Hoysalas built many Jain temples and

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Shiva, Vishnu and Harihara temples and had given freedom to people to worship their respective gods. To begin with Hoysalas were Jains. But more prominence was given to Vaishnava cult, during Vishnuvardhana rule. Vaishnavism entered slowly during the rule of Narasimha I. Therefore Jainism suffered from the hands of Vaishnavism from the south and Veerashaivism (Sharanas) from the North. At the same time, there was less conflict among Shaivas, Vaishnavas and Veerashaivas. Really, first, Jainism had experienced trouble from Vaishnavism.

Agrarian based Hoysala’s economy gave way for three factors. One through heavy taxation, the exploitation of farmers of the kingdom. Still generosity was shown sometimes. Rulers never tried to control the factors of production. Instead, they were satisfied with what the income they got. Another factor was that the task was entrusted to Brahmins who were more landlords through their agents who were in temples and agraharas. In between they used to control the capital an agriculture. If they had controlled through appointing labourers, in work as they were controlling land. Capital and labourers, they had a fair control over production. These two factors have been understood in this research.

After the rule of Hoysala king Veera Someshwara, there was difference of opinion among Dandanayakas. As there was no compromise among Dandanayakas, they were jealous with one another. They were indulged in civil war in order to safeguard their respective identifies. But during the famous hoysala king Vishnuvardhana, they were the pillars of the kingdom. Gradually Dandanayakas lose interest in the administration, due to their selfish interests. On some occasions these Dandanayakas, perform their duties to the king as his right hand, servants. All these factors led to the downfall of Hoysala Empire.

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Dandanayakas of Hoysala Empire were selected in the Jain and Hindu religious background. This was according to the religious policy of those times. Jain officers and feudal lords were admired by Hoysalas because of their excellent merit. Gangaraja, Hulla, Punisamaiah belonged to this class. In the same way, Hindu Dandanayakas were selected from the groups of and Vaishnavism. Somanatha Dandanayaka was second to none, among these. His religious attachment was towards Shaivism. Dandanayakas, whatever might be their religious tag, served for common good of social stability of the empire. The social background of Hoysala Dandanayakas is very interesting.

Dandanayakas were executives of highest order in the kingdom. Their main aim was to be loyal to the king and having their own army, it was important to protect the army help of different types of Jagirdars. There were famous Governers like, Gangaraja, Punisamaiah, Bittiyanna, Mariyane, and Bharatha during the period of Vishnuvardhana and Governers like Ereyengamaiah, Parisaraiah, Santhiyanna, Hiriya Bommaiah, in the period of Narasimha I. Army Bettalions and ornaments treasures had governers like Amitayya, Bharatamaiah, Appanna and were in the period of Ballala II.

Many ancient cities were ruined because of the loss of lives of people and wealth. Still Hoysalas showed soft corner in tax collection, according to the hardship faced by tax payers. The summary of the following reference shows these above policy of theirs. Weavers of one definite place, decided to quit their town, unable to bear the burden of the tax. Listening to their woes, the officials, wooed them not to leave the town. In another example, the people of the town appealed twice and obtained concession twice. This shows how Hoysalas reacted to the sufferings of the subjects. This policy to hoysala kingdom, economic balance and during the period of political stability in the long term. This tax system had paved the way for economic distress.

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As it is commonly found during middle ages, it was economic distress along that was the main reason, for the kingdoms to split in the south as well as in North India.

Invasion of Delhi Sultans During the tenure of capable last, Hoysala king, Viraballala III, there arrived the new trouble to south India. Because of the invasion of Delhi army looted unlimited wealth was plundered. Hindu empires of the south did not have any information about these invasions. Besides, they had not made any preparation to face Muslims. The four Hindu empires of the south were. Yadavas of Devagiri who were famous as Sevunas, Kakatiyas, Hoysalas and Pandyas. They who were busy in internal matters were and engaged in mutual warfare to establish their sovereignty in the south. On this occasion, Hoysala kingdom being subjected to several raids from Delhi Sultans not only became weak, but passed into the path of decline.

Malikafar who was the commander in chief of Alauddi-Khilji, was appointed to invade the kingdoms of the south. In 1311 A.D. Malikafar hurried to Devagiri, Sevuna king, Ramachandra was defeated and died. As Sevunas and Hoysalas were bitter enemies, agreed to help Malikafur. Under the guidance of shankara, the successor of Ramachandra, Malikafur proceeded towards Dwarasamudra. Knowing that, Ballala III was away from capital, Mallikafar made a raid on Dwarasamudra, hurriedly. As soon as, Ballala III knew about the invasion of Mallikafur, he immediately returned to Dwarasamudra. At first, thinking that war is not possible against such a huge army, he wanted to make friendship with him. According to this agreement he offered enoromous wealth, innumerable horse and even elephants. This gave a severe setback to Hoysalas though they lost wealth, they prevented the loss of lives from turmoil of the war.

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In 1318 A.D. in the tenure of Delhi Sultan Kutub-din-Mubarak Shah, Dwarasamudra was subjected to raid again. He ordered that the battalion of his army be established in Dwarasamudra. Thus, because of the arrival of battalion, another war become inevitable for Hoysalas on this occasion knowing this, he returned to Dwarasamudra, fortunately, his army chief kathari, Saluva Raseya Nayak, had defeated Delhi army and was successful, to drive back from the siege of Dwarasamudra. This weakened Hoysala kingdom still further.

During the term of Muhammed-bin-Tughlaq, the capital of Hoysala was subjected to raid once again. As Bahauddin Gurshasp, the relative of Muhammed who was the governor of Sagar near Gulbarga rebelled against. Sultan had to interfere in the internal affairs of the south. Sultan sent big army to curb the rebellion. Bahauddin Gurshasfa, frightened with the army of Sultan, fled towards kampili empire for defence. As Kampila Deva gave refuge to him the strong army of Sultan seized and destroyed Kampili empire. But, Kampila Deva, sent Bahauddin. Gurshaspa, to the court of Ballala III, secretly. The army of Sultan marched towards Dwarasamudra. Ballala III, who knew the capacity of the army of Sultan was against the critical situation faced by the empire gave refuge to Bahauddin Gurshaspa arrested him and entrusted him to Sultan. Ballala because of his political skill he was freed from the invasions of Sultan and protected his capital and properties of subjects. During the rule of Tughlaq all the famous Royal dynasties, of South India, except Hoysala empire were rooted out. This credit goes to Ballala III still because of continuous invasions of sultans, Hoysalas sovereignty came to an end.

Because of the establishment of Madhurai Sultans, the death of Ballala III.

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Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq tried to establish his sovereignty in the regions of South India. Alla-ud-din did not have any such desire. According to court scholars. Khusru and Esami, Sultan ordered Malikafur to attack Malabar and Dwarasamudra and establish Muslim influence. His basic aim was to plunder the wealth of the south. But Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq had an ambition to attack and capture these regions and extend his frontier. As Hassan-Shah, began the rule of Sultans in Madhurai in 1335 A.D. there was fear in Hindu kings of the south mainly, Ballala 3rd tried several times to defeat Madhurai Sultans. In 1325-27 A.D. after the capture of Dwarasamudra, Ballala IV took refuge in Tonnur near Pandavapura and later, established himself in Tiruvannamalai in the district of North Arcot, and from there alone, he concentrated all his attention to prevent Muslim invasions. Even then, in the last fifteen years of his tenure of power he settled in Tiruvannamalai itself to control the activities of Mohammads of the south and to defend the frontiers of his empire from them. Because in the period of Ghiasuddin, atrocities against Hindus reached climax.

Ballala III marched towards Kannanur with Army preparations to punish sultans of Madhurai. First Tiruchinapalli was captured. Making this the capital of Hoysalas, he tried to capture sultans of Madhurai. The aim of Ballala III, was to capture Kannanur again. War was fought near Koppam. This became famous as Kannanur- Koppam battle. The army of Sultan was defeated completely and surrendered and requested Ballala III, fourteen days time to vacate from there. But Sultan deceived Ballala III when the army of Ballala III, without any war preparation was taking rest in the afternoon was subjected to unexpected attack. With the result, the army of sultan got upper hand in the war, imprisoned Ballala III and was brought to Madhurai. Till unlimited wealth, horses and elephants were obtained from him he was given due honour but as soon as an these were obtained. Ballala was killed immediately. In this way the power of

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Ballala IV came to an end. The decisive battle of Koppam, and the tragic end of Ballala III, were the main reasons for the decline of Hoysala empire.

The incapable succession of Ballala IV In 1310 A.D. alone Ballala 3rd had performed the crowning ceremony of his son Ballala IV in Tiruvannamalai. After the death of his father, Ballala IV came to power. But there are many difference of opinions about the exercise of his sovereign power in Hoysala empire. Many epigraphs are available of Ballala IV, who is famous as Virupaksha Ballala. He who was most incapable, rejected even by his subordinates, failed to establish his power in the empire. More references are not found about his power in the epigraphs. But, according to the little information that is available after the death of Ballala III there was political crisis in Hoysala empire. Virupaksha Ballala was not successful in getting support from the army. In the same period, Vijayanagara empire was established and Hoysalas lost their existence. Ballala IV died in the year 1346 A.D. Information tell us that after the collapse of the great empire, in a country where there was anarchy many small and petty kingdoms sprang up. Gopinatha the son of Bheerya, Dandanayaka, declared himself the king of the south. No information is available as to in next two or three years, Virupaksha Ballala IV waged war against Sultans of Madhurai. Hoysala empire, merged with Vijayanagara empire that was established.

The foundation of Vijayanagara Empire Hoysala empire merged with Vijayanagara empire, that prospered newly. “Without any bloodshed power was transferred to Vijayanagara from them. It seems the same empire continued with new name and new capital. This even tells us that the founders of Vijayanagara had close relationship with the people of old empire. The chiefs of (earlier) Vijayanagara in the beginning were peaceful and

209 after the lapse of six years after the death of Ballala IV revolutionary changes occurred.” Harihara established his power on Hoysala empire. In the period of Ballala III, he was Mahamandaleshwar of the region of Hampi. Very peacefully the power was transferred to Sangama Brothers from Hoysalas. They became the successors of Hoysalas. In many epigraphs the monarchs of Vijayanagara have mentioned that Hoysala kingdom was under their rule.

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BIBLOGRAPHY

I. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 01) Annual Reports of South Indian Epigraphy 02) Annual Reports of Indian Epigraphy 03) Annual reports of the Archaeological Survey of India 04) Epigraphic Carnation 05) Epigraphic Indica 06) Indian Antiquary 07) Indian Archaeology 08) Karnataka Inscriptions 09) Mysore Archaeological reports 10) Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions 11) South Indian Inscriptions 12) A Topographical List of Inscriptions in the madras Presidency

II. JOURNALS AND PERIODICALS 01) Hal Yearly Journal of the Mysore University 02) Indian Historical Quarterly 03) Journal of Karnataka University 04) Journal of Venkateswara University 05) Journal of the Indian History 06) Karnataka Historical review 07) Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike ( Kannada)

III. LITERARY WORKS 01) Arunachala Puranam 02) Futh – us – Salatin of Isami ( tr) 03) Gadyakarnamrtha 04) Hoysal Rajara Charitre 05) , Feristah (Tr) 06) Khazain-ul-Futuh of Amir Khusrau (Tr) 07) Rukmini Kalyana 08) Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi of Barani (Tr)

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09) Travels in Asia and Africa of Ibn Batuta (Tr) 10) Wasaaf Quoted from History of India by Elliot & Dowson, Vol.III

Epigraphia Carnatica Volumes (Ed.), Rice, B.L. Vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravanabelagola, Bangalore,1889. Revised edition by Narasimhachar, R., Bangalore, 1923. Vol. III, Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part I, Bangalore, 1894. Vol. IV, Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part Ii, Bangalore, 1898. Vol. V, Inscriptions in the Hassan District, Mangalore, 1902. Vol. VI, Inscriptions in the Kadur District, Bangalore, 1901. Vol. VII, Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Part I, Bangalore, 1902. Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Part II, Bangalore, 1904. Vol. IX, Inscriptions in the Bangalore District, Bangalore, 1905. Vol. X, Inscriptions in the Kolar District, Section I, Mangalore, 1905; Section II, Bangalore, 1905. Vol. XI, Inscriptions in the Chitaldoorg District, Bangalore, 1903. Vol. XII, Inscriptions in the Tumkur District, Bangalore, 1904.

Epigraphia Carnatica Volumes (Ed.), Rice, B.L. Vol. XIII, General Index, Part I, Krishna, M.H., Bangalore, 1934. Vol. XIV, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Hassan District (Ed.), Krishna, M.H., Mysore, 1943. Vol. XV, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Hassan District (Ed.), Krishna, M.H., Mysore, 1943. Vol. XVI, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Tumkur District (Ed.), Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Mysore, 1955. Vol. XVII, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Kolar District, (Pub.), Dr. Seshadri, M., Mysore, 1965. Supplementary Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Vols. VII and VIII (Pub.), Dr. Seshadri, M., Mysore, 1970.

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Epigraphia Indica, 1892 onwards, Calcutta/Delhi. from Madras Presidency, Parts I and II (ed.), Shama Sastry, R., Madras, 1939, 1941. Karnataka Inscriptions Vols. I, II, III, Part I (ed.) Panchamukhi, r.S., Dharwad, 1941, 1952, 1953. Vol, IV (ed.), , A.M., Dharwad, 1961. Vol. V (ed.), Gopal, B.R., Dharwad, 1969.

Secondary Sources Books in English Altekar : State Government in Ancient India, Delhi. Acharya, P.K : Indian Architecture accotding to manasara Silpasastra, Patna, 1979. Aiyangar, S.K. : Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, Poona, 1941. Annaraya, Appanna : Swami Samantabhadracharya, Mirji, (Dr.) : Ratnakarandaka Sravokachara, Sholapura, 1960. Aiyangar, S.K. : Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, Calcutta, 1923. Altekar, A.S. : Education of Ancient India, Varanasi, 1957. Do. : The Position of Women in Hindu civilization, Delhi, 1962. Appadurai, A. : Economic Conditions in Southern India, Vols. I andII, Madras, 1936. Bhandarkar, R.G. : Vaishnavism, Saivism and Other Minor Religions, Poona, 1929. Bulher, G. : Indian Palaeography, Calcutta, 1959. Basavaraju, K.R. : History and Culture of Karnataka, Dharwad, 1984.

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Basavanala, S.S. (Ed.) : , Prabhulingalite, Dharwad, 1956. Basavaradhya, N. : Raghavanka, Harichandra Kavya, Bangalore, 1955. Bellave : Pampa,Vikramarjuna Vijayam, Venkatanarayanappa (Ed.) Bangalore, 1931. Also (ed.) Gangasuta, Dharwad, 1976. Bilhana : Vikramankadeva Charita with an Introduction by George Buhler, Bombay, 1975. Chakravarti, R. : Santale, the queen of Vishnuvardhana Coelho William : The Hoysala Vamsa, Bombay, 1950. Dikshit, G.S. : Okkalu, a Corporate body of Mediaeval Karnataka. Do. : Local Self Government in Mediaeval Karnataka, Dharwar,

Derrett, J.D.M. : The Hoysala, Oxfor, 1956. Deveerappa, H. (Ed.) : Nanjunda Kavi, Ramanatha Charita, Mysore, 1964. Deveerappa, H. and : Janna, Anantanathapurana, Mysore, Padmanabha Sharma (Ed.) 1972. Diwarkar, R.R. (Ed.) : Karnataka Through the Ages, Bangalore, 1965. Gharpure, J.R. : Devannabhatta, Smrithi Chandrika, Vyavahara Khanda, Parts I-III- An English translation, Bombay, 1950. Ramanuja Ayyangar, M.A. : , Gadayuddha, Mysore 1925. and Narasimhachar, S.G. (Ed.)

Rama Rao, R. : Religion under Vishnuvardhana, the Hoysala king.

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Resesh, K.V. and Others : Srikantika, Mysore, 1973. (Ed.) Rice Lewis, B. : Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, London, 1969. Saletore, B.A. : Ancient Indian Political Thought and Institutions, Bombay, 1968.

Shama Sastri, K. (Trans.) : Kautilya Artha Sastra, Mysore, 1921. Shamasastry, R. (Ed.) : Nayasena, Dharma Mrita, Mysore 192, 1926. Shastry, Chandrashekar, : Economic Conditions under Hoysalas. S. Shastry, Krishna. H. : Hoysalas in and beyond Mysore. Seetharam, C.B. : Queen Santala Devi. Sesha Ayyangar, H. (Ed.) : , Lokopakaram, Madras, 1950. Sheik Ali, B. (Ed.) : The Hoysala Dynasty, Mysore, 1972. Do. : History of the Western Gangas of Talakad, Mysore, 1976. Sircar, DlC. : Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1965. Sitaramiah, M.V.(Ed.) : Sri Vijaya, Kaviraja Marga, Bangalore, 1968. Srigondekar, G.K. (Ed.) : Somesvaradeva, Manasollasa Vols. 1-3, Baroda, 1925, 1939 and 1981. Srikantayya, S. : Topography of Halebid Srikantasastry, S. : Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, Mysore, 1940. Shivanna, K.S. : A critique of Hoysala polity, Mysore, 1988 Venkannayya, T. (Ed.) : Harihara, Basavarajadevara Ragale, Mysore, 1951.

Venkataraman, K.R. : The hoysalas in the Tamil Country

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Venkataramappa, K. and : , Lilavati Prabanda, Mysore, javare gowda, D. (Ed.) 1966.

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Do. : , Shantipuranam, Madras, 1929. Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, Gazetteers, Journals, Etc. A Kannada-English Dictionary by F. Kittel (ed.), Revised and Enlarged by M. Mariyappa Bhat, Madras, 1968-70. Annals of Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona.Asiatic Researches. Bombay University Journal Encycolpaedia Brittanica Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (ed.), James Hastings. Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (Editer-in-Chief), Edwin R.A. Seligman. Half yearly Journal of the Mysore University. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Indian Empire, Vol. II.New Delhi, 1928. Indian Historical Quarterly. Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic society. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta. Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum. Journal of the Karnataka University (Humanities), Dharwar. Journal of the Oriental Research, Madras. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ofBengal. Patrike, Bangalore. Manavika Karnataka, Mysore. Mysore Castes and Tribes, L.K. Aiyar, Bangalore. Mysore Gazetter (ed. C. Hayavadana Rao), 5 Vols. Bangalore, 1927-50. Prabhudha Karnataka, Mysore. Proceedings of Indian History Congress. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore.

216 a) Abbreviations Ag - Arakalgudu Al - Aluru Bl - Belur Cp - Chanapattana Ch - Chamarajanagara Dg - Davanagere Ec - Epigraphic Carnatica Gu - Gundalpet Hg - Heggadavevanakote Hs - Hunsuru Hk - Holalkere Hn - Hassan HN - Holenarasipura Insp - Inscription Ko - Kollegala Kr - Krishnarajapete Kn - Krishnarajanagara ML - Malavalli Mu - Madduru MAR - Mysore Archaeological Report My - Mysore Ng - Nagamangala Nj - Nanjangudu Nr - Nagara TN - T. Narasipura Pp - Pandavapura SB - Sravanabelogala Sr - Srirangapattana Tp - Tipaturu YL - Yelanduru Yd - Yedatore

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