Journal Of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia
Vol. 3, No. 3 Winter 1960
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
Adam Giesinger...... i
AN EMIGRATION DOCUMENT OF 1764
Arthur E. Flegel ...... 1
VILLAGES IN WHICH OUR FOREFATHERS LIVED: THE LIEBENTAL DAUGHTER COLONIES Adam Giesinger...... 3
A US HEIMAT UND LEBEN: ABOUT MY LIFE AND HOMELAND
David Weigum Translated by Leona Pfeifer ...... 6
BRUNNENTHAL: A POEM Jakob Weber Translated by Jo Ann Bennett Kuhr ...... 10
THE ORIGINS OF AHSGR
Adam Giesinger...... 11
CHRISTMAS IN THE NEW WORLD
Rosina Kiehlbauch ...... 19
PAGES FROM A PAIR OF VOLHYN1AN DIARIES "He Who Has Never Eaten His Bread with Tears": Luisa Bohn's Story Hertha Karasek-Strzygowski Translated by Sally Tieszen Hieb...... 23 Waldemar Bohn's Story As told to Doris Losey and Rosie Utecht ...... 26
WE SING OUR HISTORY
Lawrence A. Weigel...... 34
NOT FAR FROM ORENBURG
Vladimir Schevelyov and Abraham Warkenfin Translated by Donald H. Darner ...... 36
(Continued on inside back cover)
Published by American Historical Society of Germans from Russia 631 D Street • Lincoln, Nebraska 68502 Editor: Nancy Bemhardt Holland ©Copyright 1980 by the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia. All rights reserved. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE
Dear Members of AHSGR; This issue of the Journal again takes you back to the beginnings of German settlement in Russia in the 1760's. We have two documents of that period. One of them, issued by the ruler of the Rhine Palatinate in Germany in 1764, freed a certain Jakob Bruch from serfdom to enable him to migrate to Russia. A copy of this document was donated to us by Bruch's descendants in America and was translated by Arthur Flegel. The other document is the official English-language version of Catherine's manifesto of 1763, found in the Russian Archives by Dr. Roger P. Bartlett, the author of Human Capital, reviewed in this issue. Dr. Bartlett presented a copy of this document to Emma Haynes, who is sharing it with us. Moving onward in time, we have some sidelights on German Black Sea settlement in "Changes in Land Ownership in Franzfeld/Odessa 1806-1822." In the years that followed, the original landholdings, given to the colonists by the crown, soon became inadequate for the rapidly growing population in all colonist areas. Some new land grants were received, much land was bought, and numerous daughter colonies were established. One group of these, the Liebental daughter colonies, are the subject of this issue's installment of "Villages in Which our Forefathers Lived." We have an almost incredible story, which began for us in the Journal of the winter of 1979, in which Emma Haynes reviewed Wolhynisches Tagebuch by Hertha Karasek-Strzygowski and Nancy Holland used a drawing from that book for our cover. The cover picture, drawn in 1942, was the widow Luisa Bohn of Blumental, Volhynia, whose husband and eight children had been deported to Asiatic Russia in 1936-37 and, apart from one daughter, not heard from again. The picture brought an immediate reaction, a very great surprise to us, from one of our members, Waldemar Bohn, who is her grandson. We met him last summer at our convention in Dearborn. You will find this family's sad story very heart-warming. We bring you also in this issue the first extracts from two works now under preparation, which we think you will find interesting. One of them, "Aus Heimat und Leben," deals with Pastor David Weigum's reminiscences of his childhood and youth in the Crimea in the 1880's, of which we heard for the first time in an address by his son at our convention in Seattle in the summer of 1979. The other deals with the origins of our Society, which will be of special interest to those, certainly now in the majority, who were not involved in the early days. Further selections from both of these will appear in future issues. Several times in the past we have brought you articles from Neues Leben, the German-language newspaper published in Moscow. In this issue we have another one. Entitled "Not Far from Orenburg," translated by Donald Darner, it deals with a visit by two Communist reporters to Mennonite colonies in the Orenburg district and their impressions of that group's religious life. Rosina Kiehlbauch in "Christmas in the New World" brings us a charming description of the celebration of the feast by an immigrant family in the 1870's. Emma Haynes provides the arrival dates of many of the ships which brought our forefathers to America. Lawrence Weigel continues his interesting series, "We Sing our History." And as usual, we have reviews of several books recently added to our Archives. In closing, I want to express our thanks to our editor and our contributors for another interesting issue of the Journal and to wish you all a blessed Christmas and a happy and prosperous new year.
Sincerely
Adam Giesinger A scanned copy of a document written in cursive Russian which did not reproduce legibly. The English translation follows. / / hA^'i-f yy- -•^'w ' <^WK*^- ^i-w'6&\^€- y-f^^rw- /y^-^ ^tutf ^'!•*-) ^/•ft^- i-' z^i/' ^ ^/f/'^M-. ^^^y/^^-7- ^y^-^
. /-) ? fi^tn^ .' ^r-) C/^f.'f/'/'/ r*^-^ /7-»^--- •^C^t-W-fS^*^^' ?.*i- <'> ri-^f^-^,/ -•''// } ^— - /^' /y i-y , -„/ ' o- ^ / „ /' / „ /; , yy '- " '7.^'A// / ^ 1 l (.-L^;^/- -:-if^y ^-fwr/- A ^^^J^y ^'•t'f.^"y-^ i^- ^ v / y ^^'...'/l/f^f-i-t^, l/^/"' ^/^/l^^fi ,-^'i^/' ^'\ {/'i^p-it^t^'^^^ ^ ^^ff L^^^ . ' ^ '/ • "^/it/i^w ft'^ftt-^t-- y~ v^ \J' ^t-S-'.'11-i^ i>t'fl l^t^i •/- S^t- /•'V/.-ff. <-<-', -^t^-t^C^f^i. w-*^) (^Pt/6'^GL.C.C^£. »^^z.eA- ,^6 4tw ^'i^t<^y ^^t- ^^t^itf-f^ ^lE^^-^f^^^^^^^/^^-M^ ^^r ^^^^C^^^/^-i^^ v'^h ^S^1*"*'0'hw ^tt^n^i^r (P^^t^.. ^v w^f^ ^C^'- ^f'w^t^fy ^Sfffy**. /<^ y „ ^'.o ,7 . ^'7 ' .- Jf ^" -JftA^ /^4i^4^ 'J^fi^r <^^'&^^"^^^/^y^<^^ J^ff^^^^^f^^^ J'SS^ri/ ' ^ ^ / -• ^ W/ y^ '• ^' ^. .•'''^ ^-.*'.. It-lt^^l^iyA^ /^-/^**VW- ^t^<^9 /W '^t^ f- •y^^Z^ft^{ %?t»- ./ ^- - - . / J^. ^^ ^^ /y^sy. ^L--^^ ^^^y^- ^i^-iyC* tT'^t^tC^M 7, ^/'^ • Cct^^J^Z, ^A^^w-MA , ^i^-J^' (K^t^^tf^t^^y ^^"^'^-.. ^iu-i^^y^^,£^ ^-I - - - ^^ ^?£.^t^^^-<;^.'A-/-^t ^y^/9^: -^cuf-w^A^ ^•x-^; ^c^^f-^ ^/ ^^^^ ,^^r^^y$%^ ^/<' ^^<-^^/i^^-,.t-o (^'^^_^^^. ^^^e'/^^-- -^Aef6^ 30^. /'^/^ .^^^4^^^^- AN EMIGRATION DOCUMENT OF 1764 Arthur E. Flegel A document dated 15 March 1764, freeing a certain Jakob Bruch from serfdom and granting him permission to emigrate from Weilerbach in the district of Lautern (Kaiserslautern) in Germany to Russia, was submitted to me for translation by Mary (Flack) Bolger, a descendant of the aforesaid Jakob Bruch. She had received a copy of the document from her second cousin, Philipp Brug, of Ventura, California, who had come to the United States with his parents, the Johann Brug family, in 1912. Johann Brug's brother, Philipp Brug (Bruch), then still living in Russia, wrote to Weilerbach/KaisersIautern, Germany, during' the 1920's inquiring about his ancestry and in response received this document. It was subsequently copied by hand at the village of Bauer on the Volga and a certified copy, dated 14 June 1929, sent to the Brugs in the United States. Philipp Brug of Ventura, California, possesses this certified copy in a safe-deposit box and has made copies of his copy for his relatives throughout the United States. In translation the document is as follows: We, by the Grace of God, Karl Theodor, Count of the Rhine Palatinate, Head Treasurer and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire in Bavaria, Duke of Julich, Cleve and Berg, Prince of Mors, Marquis of Bergen op zoom, Earl of Feldentz, Ponzheim, the Mark and Ravensberg, Lord of Ravenstein, and so on. Herewith proclaim that Our subject Jakob Bruch from Weilerbach in Our Domain of Lautern having humbly petitioned Us to grant him freedom from the serfdom which binds him to Us, We have looked on his humble request with favor and graciously freed him from bondage. We do this herewith by means of this letter, but with the express provision and exception that in the event that the indigent Jakob Bruch, in the near or distant future, should return to Our Electorate of the Rhine Palatinate or any other of Our domains, where we hold bonded servants and have the right to serfdom, will immediately and without further notice again become and remain one of Our subject serfs as before. Authenticated by the affixing of the Royal Electoral Seal at Mannheim on 15 March 1764 by the President of the Administrative Council of the Electorate, Signature This copy certified by the Village Council of Bauer. For the certification, payment of 30 kopeks was received. 14 June 1929 Presiding Executive Secretary, H. Fertig. Jakob Bruch, thus freed from serfdom, migrated to Russia and settled in Bauer on the Volga. A number of his descendants emigrated from there to America. VOLGA-GERMAN SPEAKERS NEEDED Do you speak Wolga Deutsch? Anthropologists and linguists at Washington State University are preparing research on the Volga German speakers in North America. We are particularly interested in Volga German speaking residents of the Pacific Northwest (Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and western Canada), but we will prepare a master list of Volga German speakers throughout North America for potential publication in a later issue of this journal. Please indicate if you are a Russian-born or American-born speaker, and the name of the Russian colony which your dialect represents. Contact Professor Donald A. Messerschmidt Anthropology Department Washington State University Pullman, Washington 99164 VILLAGES IN WHICH OUR FOREFATHERS LIVED: THE LIEBENTAL DAUGHTER COLONIES Adam Giesinger The earliest German colonies in the Odessa district of southern Russia were the ten Liebental villages, west and southwest of Odessa, founded by 750 families who arrived in Russia in the years 1803 to 1807. The founders of Kleinliebental, Josephstal, Mariental, and Franzfeld, about one-third of the total, were predominantly Catholics from Alsace, Baden, and the Palatinate; those of the other six villages, Gross-liebental, Alexanderhilf, Neuburg, Lustdorf, Peterstal, and Freudental, were Lutherans from Wuerttemberg and from German settlements in Hungary.1 The total land grant given to the Liebental settlers was 34,200 dessiatines, which was divided up among 721 families, the 40 settlers in Lustdorf, who were artisans, receiving 25 dessiatines each, the other 681 about 49 dessiatines each. Those families, who, for a variety of reasons, received no land, were given a village lot to live on and had to make their living as artisans or day laborers. After the difficulties of the early years had been surmounted, the population grew rapidly. Because Russian law required the landholdings in these colonies to be passed undivided from father to youngest son, there were soon many landless families, who were doomed to poverty under conditions then existing in Russia. Pressure for more land began to develop in the Liebental colonies as early as the 1820's. Only one village, however, was successful in solving the problem. This was Freudental. Founded by experienced German farmers from Hungary, who had come to Russia with more than average means, it was the most progressive village in the early years, impressing the Russian authorities with its success in agricultural pur- suits. When an appeal came from Preudental for a land grant for its landless families, the government response was favorable. A grant of 2,655 dessiatines in the Serbka valley southwest of the town of Beresovka made possible the founding, in 1828, of Neu-Freudental2 by forty-seven landless Freudental families. This was the first daughter colony in the Odessa region. Neu-Freudental prospered and soon vied with the mother colonies in population and influence. By 1859 it had a population of 517. In 1861 it became a Lutheran parish center for that region, in which by this time four other Liebental daughter colonies had been founded. Successive pastors were Gottfried H. Keller 1862-1876, Alexander Althausen 1880-1883, Hermann Haenschke 1885-1897, and Julius Paetsch 1898-1918.3 In 1869 a secondary school (Zentralschule} was set up in the village, to which students came from the older and more populous mother colonies of the Beresan group, where there was at that time no such school. When the local government system was re-organized in the 1870's, Neu-Preudental became a volost center for that area, the seat of the district mayor. The following served as district mayors over the period 1890-1914: Peter Weber, Johann Nathan, Wilhelm Schatz, Georg Lenhardt. Successive district secretaries were Philipp Schmoll, Gottlieb Konig, and Georg Bonnet.4 The second Liebental daughter colony, Helenental,^ was founded in 1838 on 1,704 dessiatines of land southeast of Neu- Preudental. A total of twenty-five families, eighteen of them from Peterstal, were the founders.6 This village too prospered rapidly. By 1859 its population was 247. It belonged to Neu-Freudental Lutheran parish and was part of Neu-Freudental volost. The 1840's were a period of drought and economic depression in the Odessa region. In the 1850's the situation improved, enabling the German colonists to begin the extensive land-buying which became so characteristic of them. The pressure for more land was considerable; the landless in the German villages now far outnumbered those who had land. One of the great reforms of that period made large tracts of land available. In 1861, as a result of the emancipation of the serfs, Russian landowners suddenly lost their farm workers. Although, along with their workers, they lost also some of their lands, they now had no workers to farm the land that was left to them. This land, in many cases, could therefore be bought at reasonable prices. In the next ten years German farmers bought up large areas of it, or, if they could not afford to buy, found land to rent on long-term leases. The result was a great expansion of German settlement in Russia. The Liebental colonists took an active part in the land-buying of that period. From 1853 to 1872 they founded sixteen new villages on bought land, as well as several on rented land, mainly in two areas of the Odessa region: the one area north of Odessa, west and southwest of Beresovka, where Neu-Freudental and Helenental had been founded earlier; the second area northeast of Odessa, from the Bolshoi-KuyaInik eastward to the Beresan river. In the first area the following villages were founded:7 (1) in 1853,RosenfeId on 2,025 dessiatines of land on the Bolshoi- Kuyalnik west of Neu-Freudental; (2) in 1857, Gnadenfeld on 3,000 dessiatines northwest of Neu-Freudental; (3) about the same time, Bugayevka on 1,109 dessiatines on the Bolshoi-Kuyalnik south of Rosenfeld; (4) in 1867, Berlin on 2,900 dessiatines west of the Bolshoi-Kuyalnik, southeast of Hoffnungstal; (5) in the same year, the isolated colony of Lichtenfeld on 200 dessiatines northwest of Beresovka; (6) in 1869, Schonfeld on 1,825 dessiatines west of the Bolshoi-Kuyalnik, north of Hoffnungstal. These six villages were all Protestant and became part of the Lutheran parish centered in Neu-Preudental. The first Catholics moved into this area from the Liebental colonies in 1872 and founded the village of Neu-Liebental on 3,574 dessiatines of land southwest of Beresovka. The first movement into the area northeast of Odessa occurred in 1858. With the help of the mother colonies, fifty-eight Protestant Liebental families bought 5,000 dessiatines of land on the eastern banks of the Tiligul river and founded the village of Neusatz. This beautifully located village prospered early and became the leading German settlement in the area. In 1860 a group of Liebental colonists from the Protestant villages rented 1,244 dessiatines of land near the Black Sea coast northeast of Odessa and established on it the village of Annental. This was one of several villages founded by Liebenta] colonists on rented land in the 1860's. The others were Adelenental and Johannesfeld in the Odessa district, and Paulstal, Bohensky, Schutowa, and Michelstal in the Tiraspol district. The people of Annental later bought the land they were farming and made their village permanent. The other villages on rented land disappeared when their leases expired. From 1861 to 1870 there was a steady migration of landless Liebental colonists into the Tiligul river region, where Neustaz had been founded in 1858. The following seven villages were established: (1) in 1861, Neu-Lustdorf by fifteen families from Lustdorf on 1,772 dessiatines of land south of Neusatz; (2) in 1862, Blumenfeld by fifty-eight families from the Catholic villages on 3,725 dessiatines southeast of Neusatz; (3) in 1866, Alexanderfeld by thirty-five families mainly from Grossliebental on 3,337 dessiatines east of Blumenfeld; (4) in 1867, Hoffnungsburg by forty-three families from Freudental and Peterstal on 2,612 dessiatines north of Alexanderfeld; (5) in the same year, Eigenfeld by twenty-six families from Alexanderhilf and Neuburg on 1,575 dessiatines southwest of Neusatz; (6) in 1870, Krassna by forty families from the Catholic colonies on 2,090 dessiatines south of Alexanderfeld; (7) the same year, Wilhelmstal by thirty-seven families from the Protestant colonies on 2,050 dessiatines south of Krassna. With respect to religion, the Protestants in this area were served by the Lutheran pastor of Worms-Johannestal parish. The Catholics, at first served from Suiz, around 1900 set up a parish of their own, centered in Blumenfeld. Finally, in 1876 Protestant colonists founded Wygoda on 2,363 dessiatines of land just north of the mother colonies and in 1888 Freidorf on 2,108 dessiatines east of the town of Rasdelnaja. From 1890 to 1914 Liebental colonists, like many others, migrated to new lands in Siberia, but about their villages there very little information is available. Also during that period, numerous families from both mother and daughter colonies migrated to the United States and Canada. All the Liebental daughter colonies described above were still in existence when the German Wehrmacht occupied southern Russia in 1941,8 They had suffered much during the Communist era. The deportations to slave labor camps in the 1930's had left many families without male heads. Houses were in disrepair. Malnutrition was widespread. Clothing and shoes were in short supply. The forced work on the collective farms was a joyless experience, which was widely resented. The following statistics give a general picture of the situation as it was in 1941: Name of Village Population Families Without Heads Deported In Red Army Alexanderfeld 599 128 14 39 10 Annental 679 167 46 29 ? Berlin 741 195 61 49 12 Blumenfeld 880 218 76 117 15 Bugayevka 110 ? ? 16 1 Eigenfeld 433 104 18 16 6 Freidorf 444 112 5 10 ? Gnadenfeld 979 330 85 68 5 Helenental 848 188 26 25 4 Hoffnungsburg 224 ? ? 96 ? Krassna 801 199 62 46 ? Lichtenfeld 467 ? ? 86 11 Name of Village Population Families Without Heads Deported In Red Army Neu-Freudental 1,598 491 113 55 9 Neuliebental 704 206 34 ? 8 Neu-Lustdorf 440 94 28 28 4 Neusatz 635 178 52 112 20 Rosenfeld 447 158 47 22 10 Schonfeld 313 102 52 30 ? Wilhelmstal 677 160 47 23 ? Wygoda 489 112 16 36 7 Notes 1. For information on settlers from Hungary in the Liebental colonies, see AHSGR Journal, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 6-10. 2. There is a village report of the year 1848 for Neu-Freudental in Georg Leibbrandt, Die deutschen Kolonien in Cherson und Bessarabien (Stuttgart: Ausland und Heimat Verlag, 1926), pp. 32-36, and in Jakob Stach, Die deutschen Kolonien in Sued russland (Prischib: Verlag von Gottlieb Schaad, 1904), pp. 154-157. There is no known list of the original settlers in this village. 3. Joseph Schnurr, Die Kirchen und das religioese Leben der Russlandeutschen, Evangelischer Teil, 2. Auflage (Stuttgart: Verlag Landsnannschaft der Deutschen aus Russland, 1978), p. 214. 4. Information from the Odessa Kalender, Haus- und Landwirthschafts-Kalender fuer deutsche Ansiedler im suediichen Russland (Odessa: Druck und Verlag L. Nitzsche), passim. 5. A village report of the year 3848 for Helenental appears in Leibbrandt, pp. 36-37, and in Stach, pp. 157-159. 6. There is a list of the founding families of Helenental in the village report of 1848. 7. Information about the founding of Liebental daughter colonies from 1853 to 1888 is summarized in Christian Kugler, Gmssliebental (Leipzig: Verlag von S. Hirzel, 1939), pp. 50, 76. There are no lists of founding families available for any of these villages. 8. Information about the situation in 1941 is available from Dorfkarten prepared by SS-personnel in the first weeks of German occupation of southern Russia. Copies of these, obtained from the Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Germany, are in the AHSGR Library. MARK YOUR CALENDAR NOW! Plan to attend the Twelfth International Convention of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia Minneapolis, Minnesota 15-19 July 1981 AUS HEIMAT UND LEBEN: ABOUT MY LIFE AND HOMELAND David Weigum Translated by Leona Pfeifer David Weigum was born in Ludwigstal (Meschen) in the Crimea in 1876 and spent his childhood and early youth in his native village. Later he attended schools in Germany and Predigerschule ("Preachers' School") in Basel, Switzerland. From 1903 to 1906 he was pastor at Neuhoffnung, near Berdyansk on the Sea of Azov, from 1906 to 1910 at Neudorf, northwest of Odessa, and from 1910 to 1913 at Norka in the Volga region. In 1913 the family migrated to Switzerland, where they became citizens in 1918. From 1913 to 1937 David Weigum was pastor in the Reformed parish at Appenzell in eastern Switzerland. He died in 1952 at Liestal, near Basel. His reminiscences, of which we publish a first installment here, were written after the family was living in Switzerland. They appear to have been begun about 1917. Written in simple language, as a family history for the information of his children, they deal with David Weigum's experiences during his youthful years in his home on the Crimean steppe. His nostalgic longing for this home was undoubtedly a main motivating factor in inducing him to write. Without intending it. he has given us a fascinating picture of German colonist life in Russia in the 1880's. Pastor Weigum s manuscript has been edited by his son, Dr. Walter Weigum. The notes are by Adam Giesinger. It is Sunday afternoon. My day's work is done. It is cold and raining outside. There is nothing to entice me outdoors and no duty calls. I stretch myself out on the divan and let my thoughts wander. When I give them free reign, they prefer to go to another country, the sunny home of years ago and the happy joyful days of my youth. They go back as far as they can. But I cannot recall my parents as anything other than as my father and mother. Concerning all that went before, I obviously cannot know anything from my own observation and experience. And what I heard about it from my father and mother is very little, which I regret. I miss it greatly. It seems to me that I would understand my life much better if I knew more about this earlier history. If pages lay before me, written by my father or mother, telling about their youth, I believe that I would find therein answers to many questions and enlightenment regarding many obscure matters. I would find a bridge from one fact to another where there is now a gap. The information I lack about my parents will not be lacking for my children, when they ask questions about their background, They will know more about their father's youth, his home and his life than they can know from their own observation and experience, I therefore rise now, take a sheet of paper and a new pen, and write down whatever comes to mind. I know" very well that once begun I shall not soon finish. My spare hours will not be sufficient for the task, but even if many hours have to be stolen from my workday, I dare to believe that these hours will not be wasted. What I shall write in this way will obviously not be in chronological order, but that doesn't matter. Whatever occurs to me I shall write. From it one will be able to form an approximate picture of life as it was during the happy Joyful days of my youth in my sunny homeland. My home is the vast, the endless south Russian steppe. Some, who come from more scenic regions, will say there is nothing here but steppe, endless steppe, desolate steppe. I do not take it amiss when a stranger finds the steppe desolate, but to me it is home. The area which is home is the part of the steppe north of the mountains in the Crimean peninsula. It was once the intention to convert this peninsula into an island. An attempt was made, I don't know exactly when, to cut through the narrow isthmus. But apparently Nature did not permit any improvement upon itself; the water failed to fill the cut-through and the Crimea remained a peninsula. Only the name of the little district town that lies on the isthmus is evidence of those former intentions of men; it is called Perekop in Russian, which translates into "Cut-Through." Remains of the cut-through attempts may still exist, but I cannot remember ever having seen them. As a child I never visited this town and later, when I needed a permit to go abroad, I travelled the 120 kilometers to it only to visit the district police chief {Ispravnik}, from whom one obtained such a permit. For a long time the recruiting station for the army was located in this dilapidated Jewish nest,1 It finally became apparent that for this work, which drew a large number of people each fall, a more centrally located place in this huge district would be more suitable. The choice fell on Dzhankoi, the station on the Sevastopol-Moscow railway, from which the line to Feodosiya on the Caucasus side of the Crimea branches off. In any event, my homeland remained a peninsula. Although it is a vast empty steppe, I nevertheless love it with all my heart and soul, as much as one can love one's home. I have seen many beautiful countries in my lifetime, but none can compare with my home on the steppe. Within the angle which is formed by the two railroads mentioned above lies Ludwigstal.2 Later, when the Russian government no longer tolerated German names, it was called Meschen. Ludwigstal is derived from "Ludwig," the name of the former owner of the land on which the village was built, and "tal" because it lies in a valley. When a non-German name was prescribed, the word Meschen, which was the name of the old Tartar settlement nearby, was adopted- A Tartar name was tolerated, but not a German one. When Ludwigstal was founded, it was one of very few German villages on the Crimean steppe. Their number, however, increased rapidly when the Tartar villages in the area had to yield ground to an expanding agriculture. I am not certain, but I believe that my father was one of the first to buy land here and build a house on it. Ludwigstal was a daughter colony of not just one but of several of the larger and older German colonies in the Crimea, which were founded at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the region where the Jaila Mountains merge into the steppe. The immigrants selected those areas that were similar to their home region in Germany, a region of hills and trees, with brooks flowing through the bushes and murmuring to the meadows. The new home was to be somewhat like the old. Otherwise it would have been too difficult to put down roots in a foreign country, when the uprooting from the homeland was itself almost unbearable. And who would have dared on coming to this foreign land to settle on the wild steppe, this endless waving sea of grass? Could one actually go into this grass and through it? Who could know how many thousand dangers lurked there? And so all five mother colonies were founded on the edge of the steppe: Kronental, twenty-five versts west of the provincial capital of Simferopol and to the right of the highway which leads from there to Sevastopol on the sea; Neustaz, twenty-five versts northeast of Simferopol, and only one verst away, Friedental; then about eight versts northeast of Neustaz the Catholic colony, Rosental, (all other colonies are Protestant); and finally, as the name indicates, the Swiss colony, Zurichtal, about fifty-two versts northeast of Neusatz and about twenty-eight versts northwest of the port city of Feodosiya (one verst = one kilometer approximately). The people of Ludwigstal came from all these mother colonies. My parents came from Kronental. Konrad Rommele, our neighbor to the back and down the village, was from Neusatz. Then came Johannes Bub and farther down his brother Philipp, Catholics from Rosental. Next was Wilhelm Boos, about whose home village I am uncertain, but it was probably Friedental. He lived in the middle of the village right across from the school and the church. The last one on this side was Philipp Baader. I don't know whether his name was written with two or just one "a." Baader was a Catholic, like the Bubs. The family of Philipp Bub was divided: the father and the sons were Catholic, the mother and the daughters Protestant. At the far end of the street across from Baader lived Johannes Gorne from Zurichtal, who, judging by his name, originated from the French area of Switzerland. Next to him lived Georg Hoffman from Kronental and then Wilhelm Spiess. I hesitate about the latter, doubtful that he came from a Crimean village; it is more probable that he came from the Molotschna German settlement, north of the Crimea, named after the river which flows through it. Next was Peter Gorne, brother of Johannes,—in front of him was the schoolhouse—and then Wilhelm Gatzge, a colonist from Poland. The last two in this row were the brothers Ludwig and Georg Galster from Neusatz. This is a complete list of the landholding families of that time except for Christof Modersitzky, who was married to my father's sister Maria, and lived next to us, the first in our row. I mention him last because I started with us. He and his family played an important and disastrous role in our family history. I shall deal with this later. At this time I shall say only that he came from East Prussia and his home village was Vogelsang on the Frische Nehrung, near Danzig. He addressed his letters to there "via Stutthor." Later, when I attended a boys' school in Niesky (Silesia) with one of his sons, my cousin Johannes, we spent our first summer vacation in Vogelsang, between the Baltic Sea and Frisches Haff. At the first opportunity I shall describe these four wonderful weeks. This is a count of all the landowners in the village, but not of all the families living there. Across from Uncle Modersitzky there was some community property, consisting of two lots, each with a house on it. In the early years a Jew had a general store in the first one. Later old Miller, the wheelwright, occupied it and he was followed by his son Christian, also a wheelwright. In the second house lived the village blacksmith. During my time it was Ferdinand Kugel; once it had been his stouter brother. The blacksmith shop was directly across from my uncle's house. Across from us there was a lot belonging to Boos. Every landowner had two lots within the village boundary, one of which he occupied, the other for his descendants. Some had their two lots next to each other, while others did not, a matter which had probably been settled by a draw in the early days. Boos must have built a small house on his extra lot quite early, a miserable hut at some distance from the street, or, more probably, the hut was already there when the lots were surveyed and the boundaries established. If so, it was the oldest house in the village. During my time Alexander Pfau, called simply "Alexander" by all, lived in it. He had been a jailer and a night watchman, but usually he was unemployed. He served only to entertain the villagers. As I recall, he spent the long winter evenings in the various homes of the village in turn, sitting by the stove in his greasy fur coat. To my knowledge, he never took off this fur coat, probably because he did not want to show what he had underneath, poor fellow. By visiting around in this way he could get at least one good meal every day. For it was customary, when a group had sat together all evening smoking and talking, before going to bed, or if one had guests, before the guests left, for the housewife to serve sausage, bread, dill pickles, and a bottle of wine, if this had, not been served earlier. This was a real banquet for poor Alexander, for at home he received nothing decent, partly because of poverty, but also because of the sloppy housekeeping of his untidy wife. His home was literally a ragged household, for the one small room, which had to serve for all purposes, was full of rags. This introduction win serve for the time being. Later, when I talk about "Matteis" and "Lusche," my occasional friends who lived in this rag fortress, I shall have more to say about the Alexanders. The use of the word fortress will also be explained later. Now we shall go to my father's lot and into the little house in which I was born on 11 October 1876 (O.S.). My father, Joseph Weigum, born 30 September 1850 in Kronental, was the second oldest son of my grandfather Georg Michael, known as Jerigmichel in the village, I don't know the first name of my grandmother, but her maiden name was Wiedrich.3 She died of a mysterious ailment before my earliest memories of Kronental. Father's oldest brother was named Georg and the next two younger ones Peter and Johannes. In the course of the years all three of them emigrated to America, where they because quite wealthy. Father's sisters in order of age were: Maria, wife of Christof Modersitzky; Katherine, married to Peter Bockel; Luise, wife of Wendelin Miller; and Elisabeth, whose husband's name I can no longer recall, except that his first name was Nicolaus.4 This poor woman had to suffer much at the hands of her drunkard husband; in addition she contracted a lung disease which carried her off early. They lived in Kronental, but I rarely visited in their home, because they did not have children my age. In the course of time the other aunts, with the exception of "Marichebas" Modersitzky, who remained in Ludwigstal, went to America too, where, it is reported, they did not fare too well. Their somewhat lazy husbands had grown too old in Russia to make it possible for America to exert its reforming powers on them. In years past, it seems to me, America used to say, "Come to us young and strong; everything else, including laziness, we can cope with." Grandfather Georg Michael Weigum later came to live with us and died at our house at the age of seventy-six. I shall have more to say about him in another connection. Much later, ,1 believe it was in 1911,1 visited Stebbach, near Bretten, in the Grand-Duchy of Baden, the area in Germany from which the Weigum (Weikum) family had emigrated to Russia,5 The pastor at Sulzfeld, who had been a fellow student, accompanied me and made a quick sketch in a notebook of the house which is said to be the ancestral home of the Weikum or Waikum family. Unfortunately I could not prepare a family tree, because the church records and chronicles had been destroyed in a parsonage fire. I would have been especially interested in determining how the Waikum family in Rohrbach and Worms near Odessa is related to the Weigums in the Crimea and both of these to the families of the same name in the German colonies of the South Caucasus. I wanted to determine also whether the story once told me is correct, that three pairs of brothers had emigrated to Russia, that one pair had settled in Rohrbach-Worms, a second pair went to the Crimea and settled in Kronental, and the third pair moved on to the Caucasus.6 I could not establish this as a fact, nor whether they emigrated at the same time, nor, if they were not brothers, how they were related. They might have been cousins. My Stebbach evidence did establish that the spelling Waikum, used in Rohrbach, is the older spelling. The three branches of the Weigum (Weikum) family in Russia discovered each other relatively late, probably through travel. We did not become more closely acquainted with the Caucasus branch, but got to know those in the province of Kherson quite well. At a certain point my parents left the Crimea and bought land near the Bessarabian city of Bendery. Close to their new home was a large military base. They had followed my younger brother, Wilhelm, who was stationed there as a soldier. Later I shall describe in detail some other reasons for this move. Now just this: in Bendery my parents met a young officer named Ochsner, who said that his mother was a Waikum and that there were other families with this name in his home village of Worms. That's how we discovered these Waikums. In 1906 I became pastor of the Reformed parish at Neudorf. From here I also served for a time the parish of Rohrbach, which included the Reformed people of Worms. Through this I became better acquainted with those who had the same name as mine. From their Reformed faith I drew the conclusion that the ancestors of the Crimean Weigums had probably also been Reformed, but that they had become Lutheran because there were not enough people of their own faith to form a parish of their own. I know that mother's oldest sister took communion in Reformed Church fashion into her old age. During my studies in Reformed Basel I myself returned to the creed and church of my forefathers. But more about that later. In Stebbach my friend Siefert, the pastor at Sulzberg mentioned earlier, took me into an inn which belonged to a Waikum. When I mentioned that I was a Weigurn from Russia, the innkeeper's wife immediately asked whether I had come because of the inheritance. She informed me that it had all been claimed by the wife of the Mayor of Constance, who was also a Waikum, and that there was nothing more to be had! At that time I was seeking a pastorate in the Grand Duchy of Baden, but there was none available. After I had been in Appenzell, Switzerland, for a time, my friend wrote and asked me whether I would consider becoming pastor at Stebbach. But 1 had been so well accepted here in Appenzell, and out there a terrible war was raging. How strangely God guides men! So much for my father's family. Later I shall have occasion to speak of one or the other of these relatives again. Even in America they will not be safe from the chronicler's pen. But now let us leave them in peace and discuss my mother and her relatives- My mother, Christine nee Weidner, was born on 15 December 1851 in Kronental, in the lower part of the village. Her father's name was Daniel. My grandmother, his second wife, I knew quite well, but I appear never to have known her name. At least I don't know it now. Nor do I know the names of all of mother's brothers and sisters. Her oldest brother, Conrad, and her oldest sister, Elisabeth, married to Priedrich Puhlmann in the Caucasus, were children of the first marriage and they appear to have been the only ones of that marriage. Mother's younger brother, Daniel, who had to serve as a Russian soldier in the Turkish war7 and did not return, was her full brother. She always spoke of him with tender love and with deep grief, once the possibility of his return became hopeless. Long after the end of the war a Russian soldier is said to have come to Grandfather and brought him a report of his son's death and his last greetings. He must have fallen at Plevna. Full sisters were: Maria, married to Michael Meiche, a miller; Barbara, married to Daniel Frasch; a third, also married to a Frasch; Katherine, married to Philipp Miller; a fifth, married to a Hofmann; and the youngest, my mother. Only a third brother, Joseph, was younger than she. Of all of them he is the one I got to know best, for he lived near us for some years and we spent much time together. I liked him very much, because he was a very good person and had such a difficult time in his rather short life. He exerted tremendous efforts in his struggle against poverty, but without success. Of his fate and that of his family, to the extent that I witnessed it, I shall have more to say later. The Weidner family, according to the information that I have been able to gather, came from the vicinity of Heidelberg in Baden, but no one has been able to tell me the exact place.8 Grandfather undoubtedly knew, for when his family left their German home in 1804 he was four years old and thus could have memories of his native village. From his stories my mother remembered some details about the trip to Russia by wagon and on foot and also remembered the reasons for the emigration. It was hunger and need that drove the emigrants to a foreign land. The French were to blame for the fact that the German home- land could no longer support its children and had to let them go to foreign lands to live among foreign people. A century later the French are again to blame for the fact that the life of their children's children in their second, their Russian home, has again become a torture and a hell for many. Notes 1. This derogatory description shows that the German colonies were affected to some degree by the anti-Semitism that prevailed in Russian society of that period. 2. For the location of this and other places in the Crimea mentioned by the author, see the Stumpp map of German Settlements in the Crimea, available from AHSGR headquarters. 3. Karl Stumpp, -Emigration from Germany to Russia 1763 to 1862, p. 924, lists Peter Wiedrich, age 25, and his wife Katharina, age 21, as among the inhabitants of Kronental in 1816. These were probably the parents of Grandmother Weigum. 4. According to Walter Weigum, another source gives the name as Nicolaus Hermes. 5. According to 1816 census information in Stumpp, pp. 792 and 926, the Weikums in Rohrbach emigrated from Stebbach/ Sinsheim, Baden, but those in Kronental from Illingen/Rastatt, Baden. 6. Weikum (Weigum) names in the 1816 census lists for Rohrbach (p. 792), Worms (p. 807), and Kronental (p. 926) in Stumpp throw some light on this. The following families are listed (ages as at 1816): (a) in Rohrbach: Dietrich Weikum, 42, from Stebbach/Sinsheim, Baden; his wife Elisabetha 28; his children: Katharina 14, Christiana 8,Johann 5. (b) in Worms: Georg Weikum, 32, from Illingen(?)/Rastatt, Baden; his wife Katharina 29; his children: Georg 5, Friederika 3, Peter 3 mo. (c) in Kronental: Konrad Weigum, 25, from Illingen/Rastatt, Baden; his wife Maria 23; his children: Martin 2, Barbara 6 mo,; his brother Georg 28; his sisters: Johanna 18,Katharina 11. There is no Weigum (Weikum) listed among the early settlers in the South Caucasus, See Stumpp, pp. 942-951. In addition to the above, there is one other Weikum listed as coming to Russia. He was Christoph Weikum, born 1796, from Illingen/Rastatt, Baden, who arrived in Russia in 1815 and settled in Leipzig, Bessarabia. See Stumpp, pp. 532-535. 7. This was the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, the first one in which German colonist sons served in the Russian army. 8. The 1816 census list for Kronental given in Stumpp includes the following Weidner family: Wilhelm Weidner, 39 in 1812, died in 1813, from Oehringen, Wuerttemberg; his wife Margareta 39; children: Georg 20, Konrad 19, Sibilla 18, Friedrich l3,Daniel9, Maria 7. The Daniel listed here is undoubtedly David Weigum's Grandfather Weidner. Since the census of 1816 was early in the year, Daniel was probably born in 1806 and was four years old when the family settled in Kronental in 1810. It is unlikely that the Weidner family left Germany as early as 1804, the date mentioned by Pastor Weigum. Most of the German immigrants who founded KronentaJ in 1810 came to Russia in 1809. BRUNNENTHAL The poem about his native village near Saratov was written in 1930 by Jakob Weber, brother of Emma Weber Kalinski. The English translation is by So Ann Bennett Kuhr. Du, liebes Brunnenthal, wie hab' ich dich geliebt, You, dear Brunnenthal, how I once loved you When once the Da einst die Gnadenzeit in dir so heiss gegluehet, time of grace glowed so fervently within When the Lord Jesus Da der Herr - Jesu Christ zu dir noch hatte lust Christ still took pleasure in you When he loved you at His Da hat er dich geliebet an seiner Heiland's Brust! Saviour's breast! Du, liebes Brunnenthal, ich wolt hinfort dich lieben, You, dear Brunnenthal, I wanted to love you for ever more, Du aber hast sogar mich von dir fort getrieben, But you have driven even me away from you, Weil ich dich mir geliebt und dir kein boeses tat Because I loved you only and did you no evil, Und dennoch mich nicht bei dir lassen dort. And yet you did not let me stay with you. Du, liebes Bninnenthal, wie hoch warst du geschaetzt! You, dear Brunnenthal, how highly you were treasured! Und der Schwuendelgeist hat dich vom Hohenpungt gestuerzt, And the spirit of deceit thrust you from the heights. Even as So wie's Jesaia sah, so ist dirs auch geschehen Isaiah saw it, so it has also happened to you Weil du den Herm und Gott am End beleicligt hast. Because you have offended the Lord and God. Du, liebes Brunnenthal, wie bist du jetzt zerstoren You, dear Brunnenthal, how you are now destroyed. And have increased totally in the lust of sin Und hast dich gans und gahr in Suendenlust vermoehred And you think it is not true, that the judgement will not strike you, Und denkst es ist nicht wahr, das dich's Gericht nicht treffe Doch wirst du bald erfahren in baldiger Gefahr' Yet you will find it soon, in the approaching danger. Du, liebes Brunnenthal, ich maecht dich geme retten Doch You, dear Brunnenthal, I would like to save you. Yet, just must du wie das Volk Nehemias dich beugen, Den wird der as the people of Nehemiah you must bend, Then the Lord Herr dein Gott und auch dein Heiland sein, Und du wirst sagen your God will also be your Saviour And you will say mein und ihm dich nennen sein! "mine" and call yourself his. Du, liebes Brunnenthal, lass mich dich wieder lieben, Und You, dear Brunnenthal, let me love you again, And lade mich doch heim, zu meinen lieben Bruedem Und invite me home to my dear brothers, And my Verwanten mein, wo meine Wiege stand Und Gott der relatives, where my cradle stood And God, my Vater mein, mir zuteilte mein Land! Father, gave me my land! Du, liebes Brunnenthal, wir wollen dann so leben Nach seinem You, dear Brunnenthal, we want then so to live According to His Wort und Geist, und nichtmehr wiederstreben. Und Jedem Word and Spirit, and no longer resist And follow every path of Gnade zug nachfolgen Schritt vor Schritt Ja weil der Herr bald mercy step by step Yes, because the Lord is coming soon and we kommt, und wir dann folgen mit! want to follow! 10 THE ORIGINS OF AHSGR A History Based on Documents in the Society Files Adam Giesinger The chain of events which led to the founding of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia began with a letter of 20 April 1967 from Theodore C. Wenzlaff of Sutton, Nebraska, to William F. Urbach of Hamden, Connecticut. The subject of the letter was a book copies of which Urbach had recently placed into a number of libraries in Nebraska: Yesterday afternoon I stopped at the city library to see if your book. Our Parents were Russian German, were available for loan. I was lucky for it has been in constant demand since its arrival. I read the book last night, finishing this morning. Allow me to identify myself. Our parents, too, were Russian-German, my father having been born in 1860 in Hoffnungstal, Ukraine, and my mother, nee Ochsner, having been born in 1864 in Worms, Ukraine. My grandfathers both brought their large families to the United States in 1874, the Wenzlaffs going to Yankton, then Dakota Territory, and the Ochsners coming to Sutton. Following this there was some autobiographical material and then a variety of compliments and friendly criticisms of the Urbach book. Finally there was an order for two copies of it. On 5 May 1967 Urbach acknowledged the Wenzlaff letter, obviously pleased at the interest that his book had aroused: "Let me state that I appreciate and value highly your comments on the book, including your constructive criticisms based on research you have made. . . . These were exactly what I was hoping would result from our placing of the manuscript in several of the libraries in the region where the Russian-German people settled. . ." He added that he could not promise him two copies of the book at this time, but would send him at least one. Wenzlaffs reply on 18 May 1967, after he had received the copy of the Urbach book, contained the following comments pertinent to our story: Thank you so much for sending me a copy of your book. ... It is a prized addition to my "library" of Russian- German books. . . . On Tuesday of this week, my wife and I were in Lincoln, and while my wife was shopping, I visited the Historical Society library. I was able to read about half of the translation of Gottlieb Bauer's book, Geschichte der Deutschen Ansiedler an der Wolga. As these books cannot be taken out, I will have to wait for our next visit to Lincoln to complete the reading of the book. . . . Wenzlaffs reading of Bauer and the general tenor of his remarks in this letter suggest that he had acquired an active interest in Volga German history through the Urbach book. His obvious interest so impressed Urbach that he opened his mind to him in a lengthy letter on 24 May 1967: Mrs. Urbach and 1 are glad to learn that you took the opportunity of your recent visit in Lincoln to go to the Historical Library where you read a portion of Gottlieb Bauer's history of the German colonists on the Volga.. , . We hope when you go to the Historical Society Library again you will be able to make the acquaintance of Dr. Donald F. Danker, Historian. He has shown a great deal of interest in the Russian-German people and can brief you on the extent of historical deposit already in the archives of the society and the potential possibilities of further development. .. . We also hope you may take a look at the list of material we deposited for Dr. Hattie Plum Williams which is known as "the Williams Collection" concerning the Russian German people in Lincoln, and including some of the original settlements in other towns of that vicinity. She made (or rather supervised) a census of these people in about 1914, gaining information on their Russian colonial background, the dates of their coming to America, names of their children, their religion, educational achievements, economic situation, etc. . . . I wish to say that since Mrs. Urbach and I have become so deeply and actively interested in this subject we have come across few who have evidenced the keen interest which you have given it or have gone into the research you have made. I would like to venture on a proposal on which I would appreciate your opinion. I will share with you Dr. Williams' dreams and hopes as she expressed them to us before her passing. She 11 envisioned an organization of the Russian Germans in this country, with a Board of Trustees, or whatever the head of the group might be called, similar to the set-up which the Pennsylvania Dutch have had for many years in Lancaster, Penn,, and the Mennonites in North Newton, Kansas, to exploit and preserve the history of the Russian Germans and their achievements. I have talked with a number of people about this and many have displayed a genuine interest, but the idea needs to be vigorously pursued. My distance from Nebraska makes it difficult for me to give it a personal push. Would you give the idea some thought and let me know what you feel about such an organization? This idea, nurtured by William Urbach since his conversation with the late Dr. Williams some years before, was to become a reality eventually in the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia. The letter continued with "a very delicate bit of information." It concerned the hope that the will of T.F.A. Williams, Hattie Plum Williams' ninety-six-year-old widower, would leave a substantial sum of money for the "Russian-German Project," in the development of which his late wife had been so interested. Theodore Wenzlaff did not reply to this Urbach letter for some months. Finally, on 6 October 1967 he wrote again. Two paragraphs of this Wenzlaff letter are of special interest to us. The first of these mentions Joseph S. Height, who was soon to become a third party in the discussion: Appearing in last Sunday's Lincoln Sunday Journal and Star was an article concerning the translation of Dr. Kari Stumpp's book about the Russian Germans, "Die Russlanddeutschen". I happened to have this book, ordered from Stuttgart, Germany, and like it very much as it is profusely illustrated with pictures. Now this book has been translated to English by Joseph S. Height, Canadian-born son of Russian-German pioneers in North Dakota and currently professor of German at Franklin College in Franklin, Ind. The English translation also is illustrated with 190 pictures, according to the article, so Dr. Stumpp's pictures apparently are incorporated in the English version. I have written to the author (of the translation) to purchase his English book. Perhaps you would be interested, too. Later in the same letter the Urbach plan for an organization of Russian Germans, mentioned in his letter of 24 May, received brief attention: Regarding a proposal to promote a Russian-German project in order to preserve the history of the Russian Germans, naturally I feel that any effort in that direction is worthy. The trouble is finding someone interested enough, young enough and willing to devote considerable time to the project. That is why I was happy to see that someone has translated Dr. Stumpp's book (above) in its entirety. Perhaps a man such as Joseph S. Height would be the key, I certainly would like to see such a project launched successfully, and I would lend my assistance to it. Before this Wenzlaff letter arrived in Hamden, Connecticut, the Urbachs had left that place to move west to Denver, Colorado, where the letter reached them later in the month. On 21 October Urbach reacted to the news about Joseph S. Height as follows: Your letter of October 6th reached us a short time after we arrived here. ... A cousin of mine in Lincoln had clipped the article from the Lincoln Sunday Journal and Star for us, so we were aware of the translation of the book by Dr. Karl Stumpp, "Die Russlanddeutschen". .. . Your suggestion that Joseph S. Height might be the key person in the promotion and preservation of the Russian German history seems an excellent one. I think you are the logical person to approach him, being better known in the region than I, but I shall assist in any way I can. If Mr. Height does not accept the responsibility he might come through with the suggestion of another. On the way west to Denver, the Urbachs had dropped in to visit the Wenzlaffs in Sutton, Nebraska. There is little doubt that their conversation dealt mainly with the "Russian-German Project." It appears that they agreed that the primary object ought to be the establishment of a central repository, where materials on Russian German history could be collected. When Wenzlaff wrote to Height, as Urbach had suggested, he mentioned this plan to him. In a letter to Urbach on 7 November 1967, Wenzlaff quoted Height's reaction as follows: .... what is needed is a centralized Research Institute where available material could be studied, translated and exchanged. But first we must find researchers among our young people with sufficient interest and education. We can not afford many more books like those of ... To be sure, most of the work in this country is being done in isolation, and generally in ignorance of the material available. The trouble is that we lack some kind of central research bureau to which the would-be author could turn for advice and help. Or it might even be advisable to 12 have two or three centers, provided that they were associated. Of course, such an undertaking would require funds, esp. if bibliographies of available materials were to be published. But all this remains a pipe dream unless we find a number of interested people willing to devote their time and energy to the project. Of course, the logical places would be the university towns in Nebraska, Kansas and the Dakotas, where copies of the former German-Russian newspapers are filed, together with some pertinent books and publications. In a later letter to Wenzlaff, Height elaborated his idea of a central research bureau and suggested additionally that an association of scholars in this field be organized. Wenzlaff, in a letter to Urbach on 24 November 1967, quoted him as follows: Regarding the question of a central research bureau, I would like to make the following observations, First of all, I don't believe it would be feasible to establish a central repository. . . . What I have in mind is an "association of scholars in the field of German-Russian history". Such an association, which would comprise scholars and students from widely scattered areas — including Canada — would serve a most useful purpose. The most obvious one is that it would enable each one of the members to know who is actively interested, what his particular field of research is, and what problems he is confronted with. Secondly, through a co-operative effort, it would be possible to engage in a most worthwhile and essential project: namely to compile a bibliography of the R-G material to be found in libraries and related institutions, together with materials that have been privately published. Needless to say, it should also contain a listing of R-G material which the members themselves have acquired. Such a bibliography could easily be mimeographed and copies sent to all the members. This, in turn, would enable each member to gain a clear picture of the materials situation. But it would also make it possible for him to obtain (let us say) xerox copies either from the library in question or from a fellow member. Members would furthermore have the opportunity to exchange ideas; perhaps to help with proof-reading material or offering constructive criticism of items to be published. A semi-annual bulletin might be issued to inform members of new publications, etc. etc. Such an association would, of course, require no membership dues. It would suffice if the members agreed to share incidental costs of items like bibliography and bulletins. I am sure we could easily find a dozen or more scholars in our field who would welcome such an association. I am tempted to suggest a suitable name for this organization, namely ARGUS (Association of Russian-German Unknown Scholars). . . .The chairman or president (or whatever you want to call him) would hold office for only one year and be replaced by another responsible member of the association. All this is perhaps only a pipe-dream . . ., but I would certainly welcome your reaction and comment. Following this quotation from Height's letter, Wenzlaff has the following comments; I think there is some merit in his suggestions, and such a project might well be carried out. BUT I still favor the "central repository" idea. Assuming that ARGUS is organized, that members assist one another in the ways he has outlined above, there still should be a repository centrally located, for assembling all the fruits of research and writing, available for posterity.. . . any time a member wrote a book, a booklet, a paper, or translated a worthwhile item, the member could donate a copy of his work to the central repository. . . . The central repository idea envisages, on my part, a library more complete and comprehensive than any one member would be able to establish on his own. In a reply to Wenzlaff on 29 November, Urbach, although he expressed cautious approval of the Height idea of an association of scholars, clearly opposed an organization which was no more than that. He wanted room for those, like himself, who were not scholars in the field but could contribute items of interest from their own family history. He also agreed with Wenzlaff regarding the importance of a central repository and suggested that they investigate the possibility of setting up such a repository in the Nebraska Historical Society library. We have given much thought to the contents of your letter regarding Dr. Height's suggestions for a Research organization. It is a very fine idea, and we hope it will appeal to many scholars. If so organized it would bring forth a great deal of valuable historical material regarding the German colonies in Russia. However, we cannot agree with him making it purely an exchange of super-scholarship. We feel, as you do, that the central repository is a most important feature of the project, rather than having the material scattered amongst various universities and many personal libraries. The 13 organization of ARGUS which he envisions could make a great contribution to this central collection where it would be available for lovers of historical reading as well as for those who aspire to writing it.. . While scholarly production is very important in this sort of writing, I feel that the appeal to the ordinary intellectual Russian German descendant's respect for the accomplishments of his forefathers in their struggle against repression and disappointments is also valuable; and the relating of the persons and incidents which brought these people into fulfillment of their higher aspirations is a worthy contribution. My own book was intended to do this. . . Now, with the feeling that you and I have with regard to a central depository for the preservation of the history of these people of Germany who colonized in Russia and who later became Americans, our next problem is just how to go about it to see such a project materialize. I wish very much that you could make an appointment with Mr. Kivett, Director of the Society [Nebraska Historical Society], and have a talk with him on the prospects for making Lincoln such a center. We cannot envision, at this time, just how extensive the development of such a center may be. Can Mr. Kivett see a place for it in the present set-up of the Historical Library or in any of the plans the Historical Society Board may have for future expansion? How free would we be to develop the project within the policy and framework of the Nebraska Historical Society? . . , the contact with Dr. Height has brought our thinking to a point where I feel we need to get the response of the Historical Society before we can go much farther. . . , . . . The raising of funds which will no doubt result, will have to be considered when we get a little more idea as to the possibilities. I feel we can obtain some money to help carry out the project. The person to head it up will be one of the most difficult problems. . , . In the last sentence Urbach put his finger on their biggest problem. They needed a person who would take hold and organize the project. Urbach, Wenzlaff, and Height all had some fine ideas, but they were not able, or willing, to take the lead in working them out. All the ideas, a central repository, an association of scholars, the publication of bibliographies and of a bulletin, and much else, became a reality later, but first the leader had to be found who would dedicate himself to persevere in the effort to establish a society to accomplish them. Urbach's hope that a central repository could be established at the Nebraska Historical Society library proved unrealizable, as Wenzlaff informed him in a letter of 5 March 1968: On January 2Sth ... I was in Lincoln, and while there I stopped in to see Mr. Kivett at the Historical Society. We discussed the matter of a repository for materials on the history of the Russian Germans at some length. Mr. Kivett mentioned that the Historical Society Library has been and would continue to act as repository for all materials bearing on the different nationalities represented in Nebraska, including the Russian Germans as a separate group. They have considerable material along this line already, and are always alert to adding more. Specifically they have these plans for the Russian-German material. They plan to set aside enough shelf space as the material warrants, to make it readily available. The material displayed, however, would only be bound volumes; other materials, such as manuscripts, miscellaneous writings, etc. would be kept boxed and available only on request through their library cards. No materials, books, etc. could be loaned out. They are not staffed to operate as a lending library. In other words, the only change they contemplate is to display bound books on the necessary shelf space in their library. This falls far short of the kind of repository we have in mind, I'm sure, but I can understand that the Historical Society has its own mission to preserve the memory of the past, and running a library does not fall within their mission. In his reply of 27 March 1968, in which he comments on the above, Urbach has exciting news for Wenzlaff regarding "some interesting developments here in Colorado": I was delighted that you had a conference with Mr. Kivett, I reviewed your comments on it again today and it seems that your impression is that a Russian German Center ... is not within the policy of the Nebraska State Historical Society. This would mean that the kind of set-up we envision would have to be established by leadership of the Russian German people themselves. • • • The developments I mentioned above are in connection with ... a Russian German gentleman 14 at Greeley, Colo., by the name of John Werner. He came over and spent almost an entire afternoon with us. He accidentally met up with our book in the Scottsbluff library, and is afire with interest in the history of the German colonies, their trek to Russia and to the U.S., and has gathered what he claims is a "vast collection" of books, documents, clippings, photographs, has recorded conversations with German people on their recollections of life in Russia, etc. and has himself been interested in the idea of a repository for the preservation of material pertaining to their folklore. There is a prominent lawyer in Greeley who has shared his interest, or may have been the source of it, who has recently returned from a visit with his relatives in Alma-Ata, Siberia.* He has written a brief history of his trip and how he found his relatives living the life of German Russians in present day Russia. I have asked for an additional copy of this article which I intend to send you. He and Mr. Werner have been working with the idea of a central depository for all these materials somewhere in Colo. or possibly in Yankton, S.D., but I think from Mr. Werner's attitude that they would enter into a larger idea covering a national central spot for the preservation of the material. My feeling is that sometime in the near future a meeting should be set up at some central point where all of us could discuss this project and other matters related. It would be easy to work out a meeting here at Windsor Gardens. . . I would be interested to know what you would think of such a get-together. The meeting that Urbach wanted eventually took place on 15 May 1968 at the Urbach apartment in the Windsor Gardens, Denver. Present with Mr. and Mrs. Urbach were Mr. and Mrs. David J. Miller and Mr. and Mrs. John Werner. A memorandum written by Miller on 22 May revealed that the discussion at this meeting had ranged over a wide variety of topics: the possibility of enlisting the co-operative efforts of researchers on German-Russian history; a description of the materials in their personal libraries; the preparation of bibliographies of these materials; the urgency of efforts to preserve dialects, to collect the stories of surviving immigrants and to save old records from destruction; possible locations for a repository at some university library; the possibility of a substantial donation from T.F.A. Williams for the building of a repository. No decision was made regarding future action, but it was understood that more meetings would be held. Miller sent a copy of this memorandum to the participants in the meeting, as well as to Theodore C. Wenzlaff and Joseph S. Height. From this time onward, David J. Miller played a leading role in promoting the formation of a society of Germans from Russia. Even before he had his memorandum of the 15 May meeting ready, he wrote to Height, with whom he had established contact earlier through purchase of the translation of the Stumpp book. The letter, copies of which went also to Urbach, Wenzlaff and Werner, is self-explanatory: Mrs. Miller and I had a very fine visit with Mr. and Mrs. William Urbach and Mr. and Mrs. John Werner last week. Some of the correspondence between the Urbachs and you and the Urbachs and Theodore Wenzlaff was discussed. ... I will drop you a letter in a few days on a memorandum of our meeting and the suggestions. It seems to me that you would be developing a mailing list of those who are at least serious enough to pay out $4.10 or more.** I believe this would be helpful to a proposed group in developing a program for source materials, original or otherwise, among the German-Russian communities here in the United States. I would appreciate your commenting on whether your mailing lists would be available to a serious minded group in setting up some type of charitable corporation in this regard. In a lengthy letter to Miller on 24 May 1968, Height had the following comments of interest in this connection; Yes, I have discovered a number of people in my mailing list that seem genuinely interested in additional materials on the Volga settlers. I have in fact supplied articles of interest to a number of these good people, among them students that are writing theses or dissertations. I shall send you a list of these, because I think they could form the nucleus of a research association for the study of Volga history. In a letter to Theodore WenzlaffI once suggested the title: AGRAR *He is referring to David J. Miller. **This was the price at which Height's translation of the Stumpp book sold at that time. 15 (Assoc. of German-Russian Authors and Researchers). Such an association could serve as a communications and information center, so that members would be able to discover where materials are available, what work is being carried on by certain researchers. A bibliography of works and publications could be issued (on mimeograph); also addresses of the members. This could be supplemented once a year. Holdings in institutional libraries could likewise be listed, so that members could obtain materials on inter-library loan. I feel that one such organization should deal with the Volga region, another with the Ukraine, but that there should be communication and co- operation between the two groups. I was of course elated to hear of your meeting with the Urbachs and the Werners. It seems to me that you already have a nucleus that might develop into a fruitful enterprise. I feel sure that you will be able to get many others interested. For me it is quite obvious that the "Volga" people have, on the whole, a much deeper interest in their past history than the "Black Sea" people. In another letter to Miller a few days later, 4 June 1968, Height comments further on these matters: I finally got around to drawing up a list of people who definitely seem to be interested in the study and research of the Volga colonies, ... Of course there are many more "Volga Germans" that have acquired a copy of the Stumpp book, especially from that American "Volga city" of Lincoln, Nebraska, but I have no indication that they are interested in doing research on their own. I may well have more names for you in the months to come. As I have already indicated, I am elated to hear of your plan to organize a research center for the study of the history and culture of the Volga Germans. Since I have a penchant for anagrams, may I suggest the title: Association of German-Russian-American Research, which would produce the anagram: AGRAR which is particularly appropriate, since the colonies were distinctively agrarian. I would imagine that one of the initial projects would be the compiling of a bibliography of materials available in this country. As time goes on, the members would endeavor to discover and obtain additional material for the central repository: This, I feel, would be an essential first step for any kind of research. As you know, much of the needed material is rare, out-of-print and almost extinct. Whenever works of this kind are discovered, copies of them ought to be made. It should also be possible eventually to get photocopies of works that are presently only available in certain German libraries. But this will take time and money. While my own field pertains to the colonies of the Ukraine, I shall be glad to help out whenever I can to further the interests of the Volga group. It is clear from these letters that Dr. Height was somewhat out of tune with the views of the others in at least two respects; (1) he was still promoting the idea of a society that was exclusively "an association of scholars"; and (2) he assumed that the proposed association was to be for Volga Germans only. In both respects the others were interested in a more broadly based society, such as was eventually established. New developments were under way. On 7 June 1968 Urbach wrote a note to Miller and Werner telling them that he had just returned from a visit to Lincoln and that he had some information for them. He suggested a meeting soon; Along with attending the ceremonies of the 50th anniversary of my University graduating class, we paid a visit to Mr. T.F.A. Williams and discussed with him important matters related to our Russian-German project. Also we stopped off for a day with Col. Theodore C. Wenzlaff at Sutton, Nebraska. I hesitate to attempt to enter into a detailed statement in this letter to you, but would prefer to do so at an early meeting with you gentlemen, possibly including other interested persons. If you two, with your wives, could suggest a convenient date and location for such a get-together that would essentially be the next step.. . . Soon thereafter a meeting of the Millers, Urbachs, and Werners was scheduled for 23 June, but other events interfered for that day and throughout the summer. In the meantime discussion continued by correspondence. On 19 June Wenzlaff wrote to Urbach: Frankly, I don't think we have yet hit on the right solution. The Nebraska Historical Society is interested in the history solely for their own purposes. What we need is an institution or association or something that is interested in the RG history for the purposes of collecting it, fostering it, preserving it and making it available to researchers. . . . You mentioned while here, that Mr. John Werner might be the one who could act as the 16 repository for this RG material. The more I think on this, the more I feel we might defeat our purposes by naming a person instead of some institution. . . . By the way, Prof. Height is of the opinion that your group in Colorado is set up in the interests of the VOLGA Germans exclusively. In a recent letter I corrected this erroneous impression. Urbach replied on 27 June: John Werner and his wife were in town one day last week and came out for just a short talk. You seem to have misunderstood me with regard to the connection I had in mind for him. Neither he nor I would favor a person to act as repository for the R.G. material, and I'm sure Miller would not. My thought about Werner is that he would be a fine person to take responsibility in connection with the operational management of the central repository, whether it be in an arrangement with a Historical Library with a heritage room set aside especially for our RG items, or in a separate house or building of some sort. We would want an incorporated group with a board of directors and a legal entity, but we will need someone to give special attention and service to it, and that is where I thought he would be especially valuable, since he reads and talks German, has a salesman experience, etc. His wife is a person with office experience for handling mimeograph, xerox, etc. and is interested in the project. John and I have this suggestion: that it would be helpful if some of us who have put thought into this could, in preparation for the meeting in August, put in writing (at least in outline form) our ideas regarding the organization of our Board and also the nature of the repository. We thought perhaps officers of the Board should be elected temporarily to carry through the preliminary matter of Articles of Incorporation, etc. I think Miller would be willing to give his time and legal experience to the drawing up of papers, etc. . .. I'm glad you set Prof. Height straight on his impression that our Colorado group is set up in the interests of the Volgars entirely. Indeed it is not. It just happens that we are in the midst of the folks whose ancestors came out here. . , . We ought to try to get Height out here some time to look over the lay of the land in connection with the project. There was a lull in activity then until 10 August when exchanges of letters began, involving Urbach, Miller, and Wenzlaff, to decide what would be a suitable meeting date, who was to be invited, and what was to be discussed. Some comments in these letters give us an insight into the thinking of these men at that time. On 13 August Miller wrote to Wenzlaff, sending copies to Urbach and Werner; If we can agree on a date the week of the 9th other than the 10th I could make it. It was my thought that we should agree on the name of the proposed society.... I would suggest the International Society for Germans from Russia. . . My idea is that a formal legal organization is a prerequisite. We should also work out a depository and I think a research committee ... I have a list which came from Dr. Height and some that I have developed on my own and I would like to send out notices of the meeting to approximately twenty-five people in the hopes that perhaps ten of them would find it possible to attend. My thought was that we would have a small group of perhaps five of us meet in the afternoon of the day agreed on to go over the proposed Articles of Incorporation, determine upon a name and make recommendations to the larger group. On 18 August Urbach addressed a letter to Wenzlaff, Werner, and Miller regarding two persons that he thought should be honored as honorary board members of the proposed society. The persons were Thomas F. A. Williams, an attorney of Lincoln, Nebraska, and his deceased wife. Dr. Hattie Plum Williams. The letter described the careers of the Williams' and their worthiness to be honored in this way. On 20 August Wenzlaff wrote to Miller, giving him the names of two persons that he thought should be invited to the meeting. Finally, on 21 August, Urbach wrote to Wenzlaff telling him the date of the proposed meeting: He [Miller] told Werner that Sunday was O.K. for him, so yesterday John and I took the responsibility and set Sunday, September 8th at 2 p.m. as the date and hour for our meeting to be held here at Windsor Gardens with the smaller group as a committee, made up of you two, Mr. and Mrs. Werner, Mr. and Mrs. Miller, Ted and myself, and possibly one or two others laying the groundwork for the items to be discussed at a larger meeting in the evening, say about 7 p.m. It is estimated that 30 persons, more or less, will be invited to the evening discussion, open to all who have an interest in the project. If you have any whom you would like to invite you are in- 17 deed welcome to do so. ... On 23 August Mrs. Urbach sent Miller a list of nineteen persons, whom the Urbachs wished to have included in the list of invitations for the evening meeting of 8 September. This indicates that the other members of the organizing group had left the issuing of invitations for this meeting to Miller. A day or two later he sent out the invitations in the form of a "Memorandum to the German Russian Research Group" calling the meeting and explaining its purpose. It was to be an "organizational meeting" to create "an organization of the descendants of Germans from Russia." It would "consider articles of incorporation, by-laws, the selection of a name, and the creation of subcommittees." The organization was envisaged as "a historical or educational society" that "could sponsor research, make grants to various educational institutions in aid of research." A suitable name might be "International Society of Germans from Russia," although other names have been suggested. It should be set up as a non-profit organization, so as to be eligible for tax exempt gifts. An annual membership fee of at least $10.00 per family should be levied, "The board of directors should be representative geographically and occupationally." The articles of incorporation could provide for the collection of historical materials, the setting up of a central depository, and the appointment of committees for research, genealogy, and other purposes. Finally, there was an appeal for membership fees or a gift to provide money "for mailing, publication of lists, a newsletter, as well as filing fees, duplication of materials and the like," Those who could not attend the meeting were asked to write to indicate their interest. On the afternoon of 8 September a small group met at the Urbach home to plan for the evening meeting. Present were the Urbachs, the Millers, the Werners, and Col. Wenzlaff, as well as Mr. and Mrs. Henry J. Dietz of Greeley, and Chester G, Krieger of Denver. The latter was an important addition to the organizing committee; he was to play an important role in subsequent events. William F. Urbach presided as temporary chairman and John H. Wemer acted as secretary. The group agreed on recommendations to be brought before the general meeting in the evening and elected David Miller as chairman, John Werner as secretary, and Mrs. Urbach as treasurer pro tern. The organizational meeting which followed that evening at the Windsor Gardens in Denver was attended by forty-two persons. It was presided over by David J, Miller and its discussions ranged freely over a wide range of topics. The aims and objectives of the proposed organization were explained. There was great interest and enthusiasm. A motion by Chester Krieger, seconded by Theodore Wenzlaff, "that we establish an organization for German-Russians in the U.S.A. and Canada," received unanimous approval. Membership dues were set at $5.00 for an individual and $10.00 for a family. Thirty-seven of the forty-two persons present immediately paid membership dues. No agreement having been reached regarding a name for the society, this item was left for future consideration. Those who had been engaged for several months in discussing the idea of such a society were well pleased with the work accomplished that day. On 10 September Wenzlaff wrote to Urbach, "I feel that we have jumped the first hurdle in organizing a German-Russian association. And I feel the organization is in good hands with Dave Miller at its head. We are lucky that he is so interested." In an undated note to Miller a few days after the meeting, Mrs. Urbach remarked, "Bill and I are very pleased that you are accepting the chairmanship during this first year of organization. We thought you handled it in fine manner and you are certainly the one best fitted to pull things together." And from Franklin, Indiana, came a note of 28 September to Miller from Dr. Joseph Height, "Just received the report of the Organizational Meeting you held Sept. 8. Congratulations to all participants on making a fine promising start." An interesting sidelight on the events taking place in Colorado was a paragraph in a letter of 13 September 1968 from Joseph S. Height to Adam Giesinger: "It will no doubt interest you, my dear friend, to know that a German-Russian Research Group has been organized recently at Denver, Colorado, by an attorney of German-Russian ancestry named David J. Miller. I am enclosing a xerox copy of the memorandum I received a week or so ago. I might add that I was in large part responsible for getting this project under way, since I had been in contact with both Urbach and Wenzlaff. . . ." This was the first information that I received about the infant society. 18 CHRISTMAS IN THE NEW WORLD Rosina Kiehlbauch The following story of their first Christmas in the New World forms Part I of a trilogy of holiday recollections by Rosina Kiehlbauch whose parents immigrated from Neuburg and Neusatz. south Russia to Clear Lake in the Dakota Territory. Her reminiscences of Christmases during the next two decades will be featured in future issues of the AHSGR Journal. Eighteen hundred and seventy-four. In a sod house on the Dakota prairie, six-thousand miles from last Christmas in Russia, Johannes and Codray Kulbach were facing the holiday season with many misgivings. Since September, when they took up their Clear Lake homestead, these south Russian German immigrants had been so busy putting up a sod house in which to live and sod shelters for their farm animals and plowing fields that the trip to Yankton for holiday supplies and a few extra comforts for the long winter had been repeatedly postponed. What would they do about Christmas for their three little children? The demands of homesteading left no time for the pioneer parents to provide more than the bare necessities for pioneer life. There was still money in the black lacquer cash box. It had provided first class passage on the S.S. Brunswick from the old country. In the new country they had bought farm implements, a team of horses, and the necessary household furnishings. It wasn't the lack of money, it was the lack of time now that snow had come so early and the menace of a Dakota blizzard that made the two day trip to town hazardous even with good horses. What would they do about Christmas for their three little children? The demands of homesteading left no time for the pioneer parents to provide more than the bare necessities for pioneer life. During the weeks spent on the seemingly barren prairie, the immigrants had learned to solve all kinds of problems. Surely somehow they would also solve the problem of a tree and gifts for the children's first Christmas in the land of their adoption. Was it not for the children's sake that they had left their comfortable home in south Russia and come to America? They must not fail in this their first Christmas celebration. Johannes and his wife were courageous pioneers, descendants of liberty-loving Swabians, who almost a century earlier, rather than submit to compulsory military service in Wuerttemberg had immigrated to the wild steppes of south Russia and there, under the direct protection of the Russian Crown, had built their homes, tilled the soil, and kept the holy days of the Lutheran Church with appropriate celebrations. Surely God was a God of the prairies as well as of the steppes and if He marked the sparrow's fall he would also mark the little soddie so trustfully launched on the prairie's endless sea of grass. In the land of the Dakotas there was no cathedral with its familiar Advent services to remind old and young that the holidays were drawing near. The Church Almanac in which the homesteaders checked each day (there was no other way of keeping track of the days) showed that the Trinitatis Sundays would soon change to the Advent Sundays. In the old country this was the time for the housewife to think of holiday preparations such as baking Lebkuchen, Springerlei, and other Christmas goodies which improved with age. In 1874 there were no near, neighborly housewives who were also making Christmas plans and with whom one could exchange ideas; no shops to visit; no evergreens to conjure up pictures of holiday splendor; and nothing in the soddie with which to make fitting gifts. Fortunately the children were still so engrossed with their "bon voyage" presents that in spite of the snow, Christmas was not holding the usual importance in their childish thoughts and play. But when they helped their mother set up the Christmas twigs, the two little sisters were reminded of similar preparations for the holidays in Russia and asked, "Will Christmas come on the prairie so far from Russia and Grandfather and Grandmother?" It was more because of habit than of faith in what she did, that Codray had cut willows and arranged them in a crock on the kitchen window near the adobe stove. In fruitful south Russia, she, like her mother before her, had always cut peach or cherry twigs and by soaking them in warm water, had forced them to blossom for the coming of the Christ Child. On the Dakota prairie there were no fruit trees for Christmas bloom—only here and there a few willows by a shallow lake or slow-flowing creek. In this new country what outward signs for Christmas could they substitute for the dear, familiar symbols of old country Christmas celebration? It was clear to these pioneer parents that a prairie Christmas could not be an elaborate celebration like in Russia, but they were sure it could be a Christmas celebration nevertheless. They assured the children that 19 the Christ Child would come to good children no matter where they lived. Content that Christmas would come because Father and Mother had said so, the two sisters began to wonder what Kristkindle and Pelznickel would bring them if they were diligent and learned the lessons and did the tasks that Father and Mother set for them. From their superior knowledge of four and six Christmases they tried to impress upon their two year old brother all the joys of the holiday season. The children were delighted with the blooming of the Christmas twigs. To them it was one more assurance that Kristkindle was coming. What if, instead of flowers, the willows had produced soft, fuzzy buds that looked very much like fur-wrapped Indian babies clinging to their mothers' backs? These little "papoose willows" became a pre-holiday source of much pleasure and excitement. The problem of how to get a suitable Christmas tree was still unsolved but Codray's attempt to foster the Christmas spirit in America with willows so heartened the family that Johannes thought he'd try his hand with the pliable osiers. But how could one make a beautiful Christmas tree out of a straight, uninspiring willow? "Graceful as a willow wand" might serve the poet, but how could it serve the pioneer whose children expected that tree of all trees, a Christmas tree with many heavily laden branches? Johannes put on his Russian Peh and tall fur cap and went down to the lake shore. There he selected a straight, stout willow about the thickness of his thumb and hoped for inspiration. He took it to his workbench, bored holes into it about where branches could be and whittled down willow tips to fit the holes. In spite of the make-believe branches, it was only a bare, stiff, ungainly tree skeleton, but somehow there was an innate, sturdy courage about it and who could say that the Christmas spirit was not in its heart? Codray was completely surprised when her husband showed her what he had done out at the workbench, "Can we make a willow blossom like a Christmas tree?" he paraphrased apologetically. For a moment his wife was really dismayed by the unchristmas-like tree. But its meek, comical, scarecrow appearance touched her heart and its utter forlornness aroused her maternal instinct. She wanted something with which to cover its nakedness. "Of course we can make it blossom like a Christmas tree," she said, talking to keep up her courage until she could think of something to do. "We haven’t the abundance of Russia but hasn't God blessed all our efforts? Didn't we take what the prairie had to offer and make a warm sod house? Buffalo chips and prairie grass have furnished fuel, wild fowls and fish have been our food. Surely a Christmas tree is not impossible when the spirit of Christmas is abroad. Just come with me and we will make it blossom." And she led the way back to the house. In the soddie the homesteaders collected every scrap of plain paper they could find. Even the margins of the few treasured copies of the pioneer newspaper, the Dakota Freie Presse, were sacrificed. Codray went to the homemade cupboard and unwrapped her winter's supply of Frank's chickory. Many settlers used chickory as a coffee substitute. She soaked the brilliant red wrapper in water to extract the color. Into the red dye-bath she dipped the scraps of paper. When they were dry she cut the colored pieces into fringe and carefully, lovingly twisted them around each stiff, make-believe willow branch. All left-over scraps were fashioned into rosettes for ornamenting the tips of the branches. Such a Christmas tree as was "never seen on land or sea" began to blossom in the prairie soddie. The tree was its own inspiration for presents. A willow with a twisted root was fashioned into a hobby horse for little brother. But it looked so lonesome that Johannes made hobby horses for each of the girls also. Willow whistles and tops suggested themselves. Since Christmas and dolls are almost synonymous in the minds of little girls, dolls would have to be produced somehow. Dolls? Codray thought of cookie dolls. They would be novelties. But a novelty is usually short-lived and among children with good teeth and healthy appetites, edible novelties would not last long. Then, though their tummies might feel full, their hearts would be empty after Christmas day, Codray would have to devise more substantial dolls. Would the Christmas tree give the inspiration? After the children were asleep in their trundle bed, the parents brought the tree into the house and worked on their Christmas preparations. Their little willow emblem of Christmas stood up courageously and tried its best to fill the exalted position for which it was destined. Surely they could not fail the tree nor the children who placed such confidence in them. They had used willows for fuel, for fishpoles, for rabbit snares, for brooms, for baskets, and now for a Christmas tree. Why not willow dolls in keeping with their prairie Christmas motif? The young mother took a bunch of slender willow-tips and tied them together for the body of the doll. Her skillful fingers fashioned a cloth-covered head and her husband whittled the arms. When dressed "Willowminna Americana" was very intriguing indeed. To keep "Willowminna" from being lonesome, Codray started to make a whole family of willow dolls and a Russian "Ami" to help care for them. She clapped her hands with delight when her husband evened the tips of the willows and stood the dolls in a 20 row on the drop-leaf table. The little girls surely would enjoy dolls that could stand. As the homesteaders surveyed the row of dolls, they noticed that the oil in the glass lamp was getting low. They knew there would be no chance to replenish the one gallon of kerosene oil before spring. But this was Christmas. It would take another evening or two to complete the doll family and the willow trundle bed that Johannes had suggested. So the happy parents decided to work on and forget for the time being all the difficulties of pioneering. After the holidays they could conserve kerosene and use only the wild goose lamp, the prairie substitute for the whale oil lamp of New England's pioneer days. The wild goose lamp—a wick soaked in melted goose fat—was a greasy, sputtering, sooty affair at its best, but it gave sufficient light during the short evenings that the homesteaders allowed themselves for basket weaving, harness oiling, plowshare polishing, wool carding, and such other pioneer occupations which depended as much on touch as on sight. On the last evening of their Christmas preparations, Codray sat close to the brightly polished glass lamp and sewed up the little doll feather ticks and pillow cases which she and her husband had filled with wild goose feathers. Then from the tin foil which had been carefully saved from Johannes' tobacco, they shaped two little cups and two little saucers for a tea set, and covered a few nuts with the remaining tin foil. Fervently Johannes wished there were more nuts and candies. But in October, when, on one of the infrequent trips to Yankton, the storekeeper had suggested to the immigrant that it might be well to make some purchases for Christmas, Johannes could not take it seriously. Who can get into the Christmas spirit when days are warm and the sun is shining brightly? But because the storekeeper suggested it, Johannes made a few desultory purchases. He felt awkward about it for he and his wife had always gone to Odessa together for Christmas shopping. Now alone he did not know just what to buy. Of course, candy and nuts were essential to Christmas cheer so he bought some, thinking to get more when his wife would be with him on the next trip. But the early snows had prevented any more trips to Yankton. So, the few tin foil nuts and the red rosettes made from the paper scraps would have to make as grand a showing as possible on the Christmas tree. There would be no candles. Wild goose candles were out of the question and there was no tallow. Although it was late when finally the few nuts had been fastened on the tree the rosettes adjusted and the tree returned to the workbench yet Codray took time to set the sponge for the day-before-Christmas baking and Johannes laid the fire in the adobe stove, before they retired. The next morning after a breakfast of milk and "Gritz," Bevela and Katya, quivering with excitement, did the dishes to the tunes of "0 du froehliche" and "Von Himmel hoch" while their mother tended to the bread sponge. The singing was interrupted with many giggles and squeals of delight. For every time the dough gave a squeak as their mother worked it down, the girls had to join in and exclaim over how light and fine the Christmas goodies were going to be. The white flour was very low in the barrel, but since it was Christmas and there was so little with which to celebrate, Codray trusted that the good Father in Heaven would stretch the flour as He had the widow's supply of meal, and let them celebrate with extra goodies for the children and for the stranger who might come their way. What fun the two little sisters had putting raisin eyes on the dolls and animals and doves of peace that their mother made from dough. For the gifts that Codray desired to give and could not, she baked a dough replica and gave it in edible form. In the middle of the afternoon, when the little sisters felt they could no longer be on their best behavior, there was a loud knocking on the door and Pehnickel with book and switch came in. He questioned the little girls about their conduct and examined them in their ABC's, asked what church hymns they could sing, whether they were learning to read and write and had started the shorter catechism. Having received favorable answers and impressions, Peiznickel gave each a few candies and nuts and a dove of peace carrying a little willow twig in its mouth. Since they were such good, studious children he assured them, "Kristkindle will remember you on the morrow." Kristkindle came while the children slept. On Christmas morning the little willow Christmas tree had a surprising array of gifts. Some looked so good that the children not only wanted to, but could eat them. Everyone had been remembered. Even the dog. Watch, had not been forgotten. When the children took him his cake of bran, it looked so appetizing that they shared it with him. What a blessed Christmas morning. Cold and sparkling outside. Everything transformed with white shining brightness. The dry grass that had given the soddie a wild, shaggy look now made it look like a white loaf cake covered with cocoanut frosting. A few, large snowflakes lazily zig-zagged outside the 21 window. The children thought they moved slowly to get a glimpse of the Christmas cheer in the soddie. The children were delighted with their prairie Christmas tree. No one had ever seen such a tree. Nor such dolls! Dolls that could stand! Three hobby horses went a prancing! Father taught the children how to spin the tops and blow the whistles. Mother gave each a tiny willow basket of nuts, candy, and cookies. Nowhere in all "Kristkindledom" were there three happier children than in the soddie on the Clear Lake homestead. By eleven o'clock the Christmas wild goose was roasting merrily in the adobe oven. Toys were laid aside. Since they could not go to the usual eleven o'clock Christmas morning church service, the family gathered around and Father read the Christmas story and together they sang the Christmas songs. What a Christmas celebration! New world willow dolls, willow doll beds, willow whistles, willow tops, willow hobby horses, willow baskets, and a willow tree-a new world willow Christmas symphony, but the old world Christmas story and the old world Christmas songs. So it was "on Christmas day in the morning" out on the Dakota prairie in 1874. FROHE 22 PAGES FROM A PAIR OF VOLHYNIAN DIARIES In 1942 after Soviet Volhynia had been overrun by the German Reichswehr, Hertha Karasek-Strzygowski, an artist from Silesia was invited to come to the German village of Blumental near Zhitomir to capture the faces and the life stories of the Volhynian Germans living there. During several weeks among the Blumentalers, Mrs. Strzygowski kept busy making friends and sketches and recording the memoirs of those undaunted survivors of war, revolution, and famine. After her return home, the artist heard that all the inhabitants of Blumental had been moved once more, this time to the Wartheland. Young men left in the village had been drafted into the German army. Then all communication ceased. Mrs. Strzygowski had no idea what fate befell the people who had so impressed her with their courage and religious faith. In 1979 a collection of 'twenty of' her drawings and biographical sketches of a number of the Blumentalers were published in West Germany under the title Wolhynisches Tagebuch (Volhynian Diary) described as "one of the most moving volumes that has been published so far on Germans from Russia. "An illustration from the volume appeared on the cover of the winter 1979 issue of the Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, and a full review of Wolhynisches Tagebuch by Emma Schwabenland Haynes was printed on pages 38-9 of that edition. The Journal attracted the particular at tent ion of a new member of the AHSGR, Waldemar Bohn of Cleveland, Wisconsin, who saw something familiar in the tranquil face on the cover. After reading the review by Mrs. Haynes, Mr. Bohn realized that the cover sketch was a portrait of his own grandmother with whom he had spent much of his youth in Soviet Russia. What follows below is Grandmother Luisa Bohn's own story, "He Who Has Never Eaten his Bread with Tears . . ." as recorded by Hertha Kardsek-Strzygowski in Wolhynisches Tagebuch (Marburg, West Germany: N. G. Elwert Verlag, 1979) and translated from the German by Sally Tieszen Hieb, and a continuation of her story and his own by Waldemar Bohn as told to Doris Losey and Rosie Utecht. An interesting further note to the memoirs includes the reaction of the artist, Mrs. Strzygowski, who in a recent letter to Mrs. Haynes describes her "great delight" at the "wonderful effect" of the Journal review. "For me that was the most happy news," she writes of the discovery of a descendant of Luisa Bohn and the knowledge that at least one of her dear Blumentalers was saved from oblivion. She would be equally pleased to learn of the existence of other descendants of persons she would have met in Blumental — and asks members of the Society who know of such persons to contact her through Mrs. Haynes. Future issues of the AHSGR Journal will feature more of Mrs. Strzygowski's poignant portraits in word and crayon. "He Who Has Never Eaten His Bread with Tears . . ." Hertha Karasek-Strzygowski Translated by Sally Tieszen Hieb After the German occupation [ of Russian Volhynia in 1941 ] the residents of Blumental were once again allowed to conduct their Sunday worship services regularly. Religious services which for years had been held in secret and not without trepidation could now be held freely and in the open. I noticed how happy the people were because of this; the older folk especially felt as if they were once again free "to be able to live as Christians." I was eager to see the meeting house. But how was I to find it? Grandmother Fenske had only indicated its general direction and had added, "You'll recognize it when you see it. It is the loveliest and cleanest house, and there are many flowers in front of the building, and Auntie Bohn's room has the large loom in it." And so I went in the direction she indicated toward the collective and found the house, even though it was hardly distinguishable from the other houses in the collective. Perhaps I recognized it because it was somewhat larger, and the flower-surrounded entrance was carefully sprinkled with a light-colored sand, and the windows were polished so clean. It was cared for by Luisa Bohn, Grandfather Wenzler's sister. Directly to the right of the hall she had a small room and an even tinier kitchen. Here I found her before a mound of tobacco leaves which she sorted and tied together for the collective. She was very excited about my visit. Oh if only she'd known that I were coming. She would have polished the floor, swept the entrance, and there would still have been a garment in the chest, one of handwoven fabric - one from before! She kept wiping the table and the bench with her apron even though the small kitchen was singularly clean, and there wasn't a spot on her carefully mended dress. 23 She led me into the next room. This, too, was clean, but very small; the worn weaver's loom all but filled the entire room, leaving space only for a small bed, a chair, and a chest. A piece of coarse linen was on the loom; it appeared to be a bed sheet. But the shuttle lay empty beside it. "We still have nothing from the new harvest," said Frau Bohn apologetically. "But later, in the winter there will be much work again. Since we cannot buy anything, we cultivate small plots of flax next to our houses. Some of the people have one sheep and they bring wool to be woven. Their clothing is all worn out, and the chests are empty. But things are going to get better now. . ." She supposed I had come to see the church? Yes, it was really fortunate for everyone that worship services could once again be held and church holidays celebrated openly and without fear. Farmer Burchard or Farmer Bohn alternated in conducting the services each Sunday, but soon the day would come when the pastor from Zhitomir could come for worship services, to celebrate Communion and to give counsel and comfort to many. This winter, for the first time in many years, they would be able to celebrate Christmas properly with a Christmas tree, carols, and a church service. The room wasn't large enough to hold all those who wanted to come. At last now they would be able to sing the lovely Christmas carols together which for years they could sing only in secret within their own families, or alone, each for himself, in great fear of deportation. She opened the door to the left of the hall; the sun flooded through the polished window of this spacious white-washed room. The crucifix gleamed brilliantly on the white covered table in the middle of the room, and the worn leather Bible in front of it shone a dark brown. It was, no doubt, one of the very old Bibles which had survived the many years of persecution in a safe hiding place, perhaps one which their forefathers had at one time brought from their homes on the Journey to the East, and in which they had often searched for comfort in their many periods of sorrow. To the right and to the left were simple wooden benches separating the men and women, and on the wall at eye level once again I saw Bible verses framed with flowers painted in the gayest of colors, just like those in Grandmother Fenske's room, The Volhynian village of Blumental as it appeared to the artist Hertha Karasek-Strzygowski in 1942 when she visited the German-occupied Ukraine. 24 "The old church which we had before the Bolsheviks, that was beautiful," said Auntie Bohn. The men of the village had built it themselves, and had erected a wooden clock tower beside it. The entire village was proud of it. The pastor from Zhitomir came twice a year in those days, in spring and in fall, and for weddings, to serve Holy Communion, and for confirmations. During the rest of the year, the choirmaster officiated at the church services, the funerals, and the many baptisms. Later, under the "new regime" he was no longer allowed to do this. Then aged Farmer Burchard conducted the services. However, this soon became such a heavy burden that he could no longer continue alone. So the older farmers agreed to share in these duties and carry part of the burden. So it went until the year 1936. Then the church was torn down by the Bolsheviks and the beautiful heavy beams were used to erect a clubhouse at another site. The church was never again rebuilt. From then on it was possible for them to meet only secretly to sing their songs of consolation and hope and to hold services only now and then. They preferred to gather at Grandfather Wenzler's because he was too old to be deported if it were discovered services were being held there. For this same reason, only very old men and women performed baptisms. Later everything was forbidden, even funeral services. "Ach," said Frau Bohn, "one couldn't live or die as a proper Christian; one could pray only privately and in secret, each for himself." I then sketched Luisa Bohn in her small kitchen. Her serene, motionless face, framed by a shawl, radiated a pleasant calmness. There was not one trace of hatred or rancor in it, and the melancholy tension around her mouth always dissolved into a warm smile. At my request, she humbly told me about her life. It was as though she were reading from a book, a story which had taken place a long time ago: She was the youngest sister of Grandfather Wenzler and had had the same kind of difficult youth as he had had — one of hard work. She married Farmer Bohn when she was eighteen years old. They owned their own beautiful farm. God granted them eight children, boys and girls who were alert and healthy. These children were their greatest joy. During the first world war she, along with her husband and eight children, was deported, as were all German Volhynians. They were sent to Vologda. They were not so fortunate as many from their village who were sent farther to the east to Samara, Saratov, and even to the Caucasus where they could work in German settlements for daily wages. She herself worked with her husband and older children in a paper factory. She remembered those days well: when they left for work in the early dawn they dared not forget their axe because of the wolves. Evenings they all returned home weak with hunger. After three years they were allowed to return to Blumental. But they found their farm devastated and destroyed. All the farming implements were gone. So they had to start all over again as did all the others in the village. But that didn't discourage them. They were one of the few families whose children had withstood all the years of hardship without illness or death. They were thankful and felt fortunate to be able to work and rebuild with their eight growing children. Soon they prospered again. For several years they could work unhindered. But during the period of collectivization their farms were taken away from them. As was true of many of their neighbors, they too, had to leave their home and move into a small collective farm house. To keep from starving they had to go do work in the collective. Even though it no longer was their own farm, they labored just as diligently because of a deep gratitude that their immediate family was still together as before. But soon thereafter, in 1936, something dreadful occurred. All eight children, who were now adults, were deported, all in a single night! They were allowed to take with them what they wished ~ that is, what they could carry. Years later the parents received news from one daughter — a single communication from Kazakhstan. The remains of this yellowed and creased letter Frau Bohn kept safe in her hymn book. I could scarcely read a single word of the letter; it was illegible because of the many tears shed over it. She had no information at all concerning the other children; she never heard from them. Only she and her husband were left behind. Then one night in 1937 he also was summoned with the last of the men. As she and her husband tearfully said their farewell, the guard asked, "Why are you weeping? If he is innocent he'll return by tomorrow." Of what were they guilty? Hadn't they always worked hard and paid their taxes promptly, lived peaceably and followed God's precepts? But in the year 1933 during the great famine, relief money had come from Germany. Her husband had reported the eight marks he'd received. In the eyes of the Bolsheviks that was sufficient cause for him to be considered a Hitler sympathizer. So he also never returned; she never heard from him again. Even during the most deeply moving parts of this story when my crayon did not want to respond because of my thumping heartbeats, her face remained calm and self-possessed. No word of accusation passed her lips, no complaint of all these difficult events. These heavy blows were, "Trials which God the Lord 25 sent," trials which she accepted from God's hand without complaining and attempted to overcome with humility. In all these lonely years of deepest distress she lived quietly alone in the collective farm house, helped the neighbor women with their gardening, nursed the aged and the ill, did various work for the collective, and during the winter wove at her loom for her friends. And so she kept body and soul together. Now she cared for the prayer house, decorated the Communion table with her flowers every Sunday, prayed, sang, and waited - for her eight children and for her husband, of whom she quietly said, "They've all disappeared like a rock which falls in the water." Deeply moved, I said good-bye to her. In leaving I once more cast a glance into the twilight filled room in which worship services could once again be held. Only then did the motto, decorated with particularly attractive floral ornamentation, on the middle of the wall strike me. I read: "He who has never eaten his bread with tears, who has never sat on his bed throughout the sorrowfilled nights, weeping, He knows You not, Heavenly Powers." Waldemar Bohn, an AHSGR member from Cleveland, Wisconsin, poses with the portrait of his grandmother, Luisa Wenzler Bohn, which appeared on the cover of a recent issue of the AHSGR Journal. Waldemar Bohn's Story As told to Doris Losey and Rosie Utecht 1 will start my story when my great grandfather immigrated to the western Ukraine in Russia and settled down in the wilderness like many of the immigrants in this country settled and started their lives the same way. My grandmother, Luisa, nee Wenzler, Bohn was about eight years old when her father moved out to the Ukraine. I never learned from her where in Germany they came from. Maybe I will sometime in the future. I learned from my grandmother the way they established their farm and cultivated the land and made it grow and became prosperous farmers. They had to start out in dirt houses and cut the timber and the brush down, and start a life. From then on things got better. 26 Then the Bolshevik Revolution came up and all the people were disposed of and liquidated. My parent's property was liquidated in the 1930's and we were run off of our property. My father, Theodore Bohn (born in 1898), went to the city of Zhitomir, in hiding. He worked in a gravel pit and lived with a Jewish family. A bus load of police came one night, surrounded the house and arrested him. He refused to join the collective farm, so they put him in jail. He became sick in jail. He was unable to get around anymore so after five months they let him out and he came home to the farm. In two weeks he died. This was in 1933. So we grew up somehow under the circumstances and lived through the war and when the war was over we were scattered all over the world. After my father died, my mother and the family went back to the city of Zhitomir where he used to work. After we had to leave the farm we lived with a Jewish family on the outskirts of the city of Zhitomir, She found herself a job in construction, building a big post office building and she worked there for three years. My oldest sister and my younger brother and I lived there and the rest of the family lived on the farm with my mother's half-sisters. After the job was done on the post office, there was no more work. This was in 1936, one of the famine years. It was getting very rough so my mother looked for ways to make a living so we could stay alive. We searched around and found a place along the river Dnieper, in the region of Taurian, the town was called Rohatchik. We moved .there in the spring so there was plenty of food available on the market and it looked very good. But that spring when the rains didn't come, and nothing grew, the people withheld everything from the market and we couldn't buy anything. So mother decided if we were going to die of starvation, we wanted to die at home, not in a strange place. She sold some of my father's clothes to get enough money for the trip back and we moved back again that next fall. When we came back, we went to the farm of my mother's half-sisters and the farm was gone. The farm buildings were torn off and the aunts had been placed in different homes. So that night we slept on a pile of straw that was left on the place. In the morning we went to my uncle's to investigate what had happened. From then on my mother had to find a way for us kids to survive. She went to a collective farm and asked for a job and they hired her there. She worked during the fall and earned money or earned some food for us. But then we didn't have a place to live, there was no possibility of finding a home for the winter. My uncle didn't have any room either, so we lived in a shack owned by him. My mother went back to the town where she used to live and found an old Ukrainian home where the owners had died of starvation. The home was coming apart and had to be repaired. So my mother and her brother asked if they could repair it for the survivors of the owners. They were allowed to fix it up and that is where we stayed over that winter. Then Mom had to look for work. On her father's place she was born and raised, they had a big government farm. She asked if she could have a job there and they hired her and she worked there as a cook; she milked cows, fed animals, and did other work that had to be done. She earned money and food for us kids to survive. After a few years, that farm was dissolved and moved to a different place and the land automatically went over to the collective farm. Then Mother had to go and apply for membership to that farm so that we could stay there. She also had the opportunity to buy her father's house, which that government farm was on. It was her father's house and she asked for it. They gave her permission to buy the house back. She and my uncle both worked on that place and with the money they saved, they were able to buy the house. So we had our own house. We'd had to move out of the other one because the owners wanted it back and then mother had to go to the collective farm and work. We kids had to go to school in the winter time, and in the summer time, we also helped on the collective farm. My oldest sister and I were herding livestock. My sister was herding pigs from the collective farm and I was herding young stock. So we also worked for our family, so that we would have enough food for the next winter. In the winter my sister and I had to go to school. At those times Mom had to work alone, and so we started out and made a living from then on. Mom bought a little calf and we raised our own cow. We were permitted to have a cow on the collective farm, a few rabbits, and some sheep. We had a little land to raise some vegetables and potatoes of our own near the house and then things were getting a little bit better for us. Afterwards, in 1937 I believe, or 1938, Stalin passed a law and all of the houses had to be removed from the country side into the towns near the collective farms. So we had to tear our house down and move it to town and build it up again ourselves. There was no help provided from the government. You had to see to it that it was done yourself and we managed to do it. Some neighbors helped and we built the house in 27 the town and lived there. We didn't have to walk so far to work on the collective farm. So in a way, it was better. Then all of a sudden, the war broke out in 1940 and the Germans occupied the Ukraine and we lived under the German occupation. They allowed the farms to be divided up. But afterwards U didn't work, so we had to go back to collective farming. Then they promised that after the war it would he divided up for private farming and the war never came to an end. Finally the Germans retreated and we were ordered to move back likewise. It was at this point we were given the choice of moving out with hand baggage on-trucks or use the horse and wagon. So we chose the horse and wagon and moved back all the way to Germany, as is explained a little further on in the story. My grandmother told me the story of how my great-grandfather emigrated out to the Ukraine, and to go back a little bit into that story, she remarried again and I had a step grandfather named Grasse, and I want to tell you about the story of what life was with him. When 1 was still at home, I started going to school in a German school, that was, I believe, in 1934 or 1935, and after that they closed all the German schools in the surrounding area and we had to start out in the Ukrainian school from the beginning again. A couple years later, my step grandfather needed someone to help him. His children were grown up and he didn't have any grandchildren. Two of his sons were sent out into Kazakhstan, deep into Russia in 1936 or 1937, and he was all alone with Grandma. He came out and asked my mother for one other children. I was the most eligible to go because I was the oldest boy. My mother didn't want to let me go but she made the sacrifice and I went. So I lived with my step-grandfather about 300 kilometers away from my mother's place. I lived with them for two years, and had to start from the beginning again in a German school because over there they still had German schooling. After that they closed them up over there too, and I had to start over in the Ukrainian school again. To tell a little about the collective farm life in Russia, everyone had to work. There are two types of farms — one is a collective farm and the other is called a government farm. The government farm pays wages and the collective farm pays farm products to the workers. We were on a collective farm. The job is rated by working day. You barely earned enough to survive. In the spring when the crops grew again, those were used for supplements for survival and we all stayed healthy and none of us got sick. Even the youngest did not die. He grew up until he was twenty-five and that is when his time came and he had to die. I suppose that is how it is in life. About three years later, one night, the Russian Secret Police came into the village and they arrested over thirty-five men. Most were of German descent and my grandfather was one of them. I remember the night when they came (usually that was done at night, never in the day time) and they arrested him. They came in and searched the whole house, tore everything apart; nobody knew what they were searching for. When they were done they told my grandfather to get dressed and come along. The next morning we learned that thirty-five men were taken out of the town, and a couple of days later, my grandmother tried to find out where they took them to and they sent her to the county seat. She went there and tried to bring him some food and they told her that he was there and she should leave the food and he would get it. But she could not hand it to him personally and that was the end, the last that we ever heard of him and all of the thirty-five men that were taken that night. He was seventy-three years old. And so I was left with my grandmother alone, and when all of these men were taken out of the village, they brought in outsiders. I believe the reason was to run the business of the town and the collective farm in a different way than it was run by the native people who actually established it and built it and contributed to it. It wasn't done the way the local government wished, so that was one way of eliminating some people and bringing in outsiders and they accomplished what they wanted to. So we had a little two room house that I lived in with my grandmother and they put a family of nine people in with us. They were of Russian descent and my grandmother, who spoke hardly any Ukrainian or Russian, could not communicate with anybody very well, and the little food that we harvested from our garden and prepared for the winter, they helped us consume in a short time. Starvation was in store for me and Grandmother, so she decided to leave the house and moved in with a neighbor lady, Frau Weiss, who spared a room for us and shared some of her food with us so we could survive the winter. The next spring my grandmother decided that we move back with my mother, back where I came from, where my mother used to live. We lived there all together again until the war broke out in 1940 and the Germans occupied the Ukraine. Then my grandmother moved into the house of one of her sons which had been previously occupied by Russians. The son also had been moved out deep into Russia with many other German people. We lived there during the German occupation and when Germany retreated, we 28 were ordered to retreat also. We had two choices: to move out with horse and wagon or be loaded up on trucks and moved out behind the front somewhere. We chose to move out with horse and wagon and so on the 11th of November,, in 1943, we left the Ukraine. We retreated about 200 kilometers behind the front line and waited there to see what would happen. The front came closer and we had to move on again. And so finally, by Christmas time, we came into Poland with the horse and wagon. In Poland they loaded us on trains and moved us farther into Poland which was first occupied by Germany. This was western Poland and they moved us to the small city of Michaelovo with the train and there we stayed for another six weeks. Then when the front moved closer we had to move out again. They loaded us on the train and moved us farther into Poland. They took everything from us, our cows, and a team of horses. They took us in a quarantine camp for a period of time, I believe it was in February or March, and from there we were moved out and divided in Poland among people who were resettled by Hitler — people also from Bessarabia who were of German descent, and were put on Polish farms at that time, and that's where we lived in 1944. There was barely room or food, and that is where they put us. We lived there until the front broke through again. The Russians broke through on the Weichsel river and then the fleeing started again. By that time the Germans managed to make a German citizen out of me because they needed me for the draft. The naturalization office was housed in a railroad train, which went from place to place. So I received the order to appear for naturalization and I was given a certificate of citizenship. A few months later I received a telegram to be drafted into the German army. When I arrived at the point of draft, there were about 5,000 men there registering. About 14 men of the 5,000 were nowhere on the lists and so they decided, because we were not on the lists for the draft, they would send us home again. We were lucky to be home, and meanwhile, when the fleeing started that I mentioned, my mother, brothers, and sisters were already moved onto a narrow track railroad which was supposed to take them into Germany. They took only people with hand baggage. My family did not want to leave the belongings they still had left in Poland so they didn't go with the train; they just stayed there. When I came back, I didn't find them, so I went to the Poles and asked them and they told me that they were still there, so I found them. They stayed there and didn't have any place to go so I asked my mother what she had in mind to do and she said, "What can you do? I have a mind to move into one of the empty houses where the people fled; that would be it." And I asked her what she thought the Russians would do if they came again and found us. She said, "Well, I never thought about it." So it made me a little angry but it didn't help, so I decided quickly to go back to town. I went to one of the big farms that was run by the Bessarabians, the German people there, to ask for a team of horses. The farmer, Jacob Schaub, was ready to flee. He had seven teams hitched up for themselves and the others he left behind. I knew many of the Polish people who had worked on that farm and I went to them and one of them told me there was a team left there and I should harness it up, get the wagon, and take my mother away and that's what I did. In this way we got into Germany, with that team of horses. When we came into Germany, somehow mysteriously we drove into the city of Berlin — we weren't supposed to come in, but nobody directed us. We had started out early in the morning and over night there was a bombing going on and when we stopped the night before in a town, we thought it was right in the town. It was so severe that the windows were shattered and jumping open in the basement of the houses. In the morning I went out and looked for the bomb craters behind the houses but I couldn't find any, so people told me that it was about twenty-five kilometers away. So when we got up and drove into Berlin, the police first wanted to send us back, but it was too late, as we were too far in already. So they directed us into the railroad station, Koppenek, which was also a fire station. The trucks were out fire fighting so they put the horses and wagons in the fire station. We had to stay there for three days until we got clearance to go on again. After three days we moved out with that team of horses and it took all day to get out of the city because the streets were blocked because of the bombing and the houses were burning. So we drove from morning until night and you could see the destruction. Houses were burned out, the streets and surroundings were also burning, and then towards evening, when it started to get dark, we finally made it out of the city. We drove into the middle of the night and came into a village called Nostdorf. A lady we met in Berlin, who knew people of that town told us if we didn't know where to go, we could go along with her and we would be sure to find a place. So we did that. She was welcome, but we were strangers and we had to stay and wait for the mayor, or the "Burgermeister," of that town, until he found a place for us where we could stay. So they divided us up; the team of horses and I were put in one place, and my mother and brothers and sisters in another place. A couple of weeks later I was working there with the horses for this one lady — her husband and son were in the army and her horse had died and she needed her work done. She told me that the mayor was 29 asking how come I wasn't in the army. I told her that I didn't have to serve and that I had an army pass. So the mayor gave me the order to report immediately to the induction center. At that time I didn't know or realize how long the war was going to go on, and not getting any advice from anybody, I reported to the army. Three days later I found myself in the German army. I had basic training for two weeks and they then transferred me to the Signal Corps, I became a new Signal Corps trainee, otherwise I probably would have been sent to the front. We had divided into groups and one night we started going across the fields to the woods. At one point, at dawn, I looked up and saw, in the village, a Russian flag. A kind of cold chill came over me. How would we get past it? There were about fifty men in the group. Our whole company marched three days in order not to fall into Russian hands and be put into prison. Our leader said, "We are going singly across the highway." At a distance of about 500 feet there was a Russian tank and a guard next to it. But it seems he didn't pay any attention to us. We had no arms anymore. So we just crossed the highway and went into the woods again and then we stopped. The leader said, "This is a far as we can go as a group. Now we have to split up singly and everyone is on his own. Whoever can go home, go home, and who can't, go to prison, American or British, whoever would be in the next village." There were three of us from the Ukraine, one was from Galicia. We three decided to march into town and when we came into the town, there were American soldiers there and it was just at dawn when we came in. We crossed the railroad track, and finally we saw a couple soldiers on the street, so we walked towards them. After awhile we looked back and a black boy was behind us with a pistol. I don't know where he came from, but he didn't say anything. He didn't bother us; he kept going. When we came to the soldiers, they searched us and after a while they told us to go out on the highway and keep on going in that direction to a camp. The camp was supposedly about thirty kilometers away. So we kept on walking and there were a lot of soldiers walking, but no guards. Nobody bothered us. We just were on our own and kept on going and finally it started to get dark and some of the guys started lying down on the side of the road for rest and some American soldiers came along with a jeep and started chasing everybody off and hollering, "Schnell, comrade, schnell comrade." So we wondered what the heck was going on. They hurried us along and apparently the Russians were following us. Anyhow we kept on going and came to a camp. Actually it was not a camp, just a piece of pasture and a couple of tanks with lights on and a few soldiers; that is all there was to it. The camp kept on filling up, and I became an American prisoner on 5 May, 1945. The war ended 8 May 1945. After five days, when I was an American prisoner of war, the British took over the camp. Then about four weeks later, when Germany was divided up, because the Western allies wanted part of West Berlin, they had to give up so much territory of West Germany, about 150 kilometers, and that's how the prison I was in fell into Russian occupied territory and the British moved all prisoners out. They moved us back to their zone in northern Germany on 2 July 1945, On the way to that camp, somehow it happened that way, I was involved in a bad accident. I was run over by a big army truck so I was put in the hospital and that is how I happened to stay in West Germany, A young guy named Gerhard Anders from Silesia was on the truck with me. He lost part of one finger of his right hand and his ankle was crushed and became stiff. After we recuperated we worked for that hospital. It had been a military hospital and it became a civilian hospital afterwhile. It wasn't too good foodwise; rations were very scarce, so we decided to go to a farm. We checked around and found a farmer who was in need of help. He hired us and we had to agree to stay for one year. Gerhard found his parents and he was allowed to leave before his year was up, but I was to stay. I stayed for seven years and then that farm was divided up under the Land Reform. I met my wife, Anna Kutschke, in 1948, while I was working with her mother on this farm in West Germany at Kreuzfeld near Malente, Schleswig-Holstein. We were engaged in May 1949 and married in May 1950, Anna was working in a hospital for the Red Cross at the time. Then I was labeled a displaced person because I was a German but from the Ukraine. I had a chance to go to the United States on an open policy for displaced people, so my wife and I decided to go. We felt we were foreigners in Germany. Our place of birth was also gone and we felt like strangers, so we wanted to go to a place in the world where all people of all nationalities can make a home. So we applied. A church handled the sponsorship and it took about a year after we applied for it that things started rolling. We had just about given up. We thought nothing was going to happen anymore. Then finally, after things started rolling, it took about two weeks and we were gone. We went into a camp for two weeks and then we were loaded on a ship, the General Muer. 30 Johanna Bohn, eldest sister of Waldemar Bohn, whereabouts still unknown. Born in 1923, Miss Bohn was among the German colonists in Volhynia who moved to Czechoslovakia during the German military occupation of the Ukraine. After serving as a domestic in Hamburg during the war, she was reheated into a foreign camp and has not been heard from again. It took ten days and we landed in New York harbor. It was pretty rough crossing the ocean on stormy seas, and we were on a troop transport. - It was too big; it was doing a lot of rocking. We had our daughter with us, who was eleven months old at the time. She enjoyed it the most. The boat was rocking and she was just thrown from one wall to the other, so she had the best time and the rest of us were all sick. Before leaving Germany we had been told that in New York our destination might be changed, with our approval. So our destination was to have been the state of New Jersey- When we came to New York they asked us if we would be willing to go to the state of Illinois. We were to work for a German couple. They were raising eight children and the lady was paralyzed and so we agreed to go there because we could speak the language and thought that it would be a good start. We came there and started working and liked it. After awhile things didn't work out too well and we couldn't agree, so we decided to leave. Then we found an Irish fellow, Bert McMillan in Danford, Illinois and we worked for him for six years. After that we decided to look for a piece of property of our own. We found a little farm, 136 acres, in Wisconsin, north of Howards Grove. We bought that to put our feet on and call our own and that is where we live today. I also work at the Kohler Company. We raised a family often children. Our oldest daughter, Barbara, who was born in Germany, passed away in the summer of 1979. The remaining nine children, ages thirteen to twenty-seven are: Berthold, who is married and in the Air Force at Hickham Field in Hawaii. Arthur, who is married and has one son, lives in Sheboygan. Bernadette is at school in Minnesota. Walter, Edmund, Christine, Theodore, Herbert, and Rose are au living at home. As to my mother, she was under British occupation when the war was over. The territory where she was also fell under the Russians and when the Russians came in, they ordered her to move back to Russia. She didn't want to go. She said, 'T don't know where my children are." So they toid her that her children probably all were back in Russia. First she didn't want to go but then she thought maybe it was true. She never knew where any of us were except for the three youngest ones she had with her. They loaded her on a train and moved her all the way to Siberia, and not to the Ukraine as she had been promised. All the people that were taken — there were thousands of them — were loaded up and moved all the way to Siberia. She was forced to work in a labor camp for twenty-nine years. For the first ten of her twenty-nine years in Siberia, she was not allowed to communicate with anyone on the outside. After ten years she was allowed 31 to write, so she wrote to the Red Cross and found my sister in West Berlin. It was possible to send visas and get people out of Russia. My sister tried to get my mother out of Russia from 1955 and succeeded in 1974, She is now in West Berlin and we visited her in 1974. At that time she told us what she all went through. Both my brothers died in the meanwhile. The oldest died on the way back to Siberia in 1946, and the youngest died in 1955 in Kazakhstan. The youngest sister who was with her, has lived with her husband and two children in West Berlin since 1974. My mother says life was so terrible when they were taken back to live in the camp. They had to work in the forest, loading logs with the other women. There was little food and clothing and it was almost unbearable. Many people died and froze to death during those times, but she made it through and had a chance to come out. She lived a hard life and if she wouldn't have come out when she did, she would be dead, as she was very sick. My oldest sister Johanna, who was born in 1923, is missing to this day. I will try to tell you a little bit of the story about her. When the Germans occupied the Ukraine in 1940, many of the young people were ordered to go voluntarily to Germany or to German occupied Czechoslovakia or Poland, or they would be taken by force. So some of the young people of our town volunteered because they had a choice of where they wanted to go. It happened that many who did not volunteer were taken by force. So she went to Czechoslovakia and worked on a small farm for about a year. She wrote us a letter and said the farmer had a cow and a horse; that's how he worked his fields. After a year, she came into a training camp. From that camp they sent her to a school where she learned housekeeping and cooking. Then she came to a doctor's household near Hamburg and she worked there until the end of the war. When the war ended, afterwards they told me — because I stayed back and I wanted to find out where she went and what happened to her — that she went to a foreign camp and from then on we lost all track of her. We never heard what happened to her, where she went, or if she was taken back to Russia. We never found her again, A second brother, Berthold, who was born in 1930, died on the way back to Russia in a very horrible way. He was crushed by a train and he died without medical assistance because there was no doctor. My youngest brother; Theodore, born in 1932, died in a construction accident in 1955. My youngest sister, Irene, and my second youngest sister, Ida, both live in West Berlin. My mother lives with Irene. When we were fleeing from Russia to West Germany, it was winter and it was hard to find feed or food, for animals or people. Everybody was on their own and had to take whatever they could find. If you didn't take care of your animals, you didn't get very far. The team of horses we drove with was a young team and they were only shoed on the front; the back hoofs were bare. We had to keep them going constantly in the track like In a wagon train. There was just one wagon behind the other and there was no way out. If you got pushed out, it was hard to get back in again. So you had to stay in line and feed the horses as you traveled, whenever you stopped for a couple minutes. You also had to find some water for them too, and take care of them. 1 kind of have a liking and a love for horses so we cared for them and they brought us all the way into Germany and my mother told me the rest of the story of what happened to the team. It was quite an ordeal after the war was over, but somehow they fell into somebody else's hands, and that was the end of that team of horses we used to move to Germany with. When I worked on the farm in Germany I also had a team of horses which I cared for and worked with. I am an animal loving man so I always take good care of them and am good to them, A little interesting item about Russia: I remember back in the 1930's, it was so easy to get married or divorced. People got married by sending in a post card. Just write down the two names and send it in to the Clerk of Courts or to your county seat and you received a marriage certificate — you were married. And the same way it was with divorce. It is very difficult to get a divorce today in Russia compared to previous times. How much truth there is to it, I don't know, but I guess they still do things their way and it depends, 1 suppose, how local laws are enforced, We were in Germany in 1979 and I had a chance to visit my aunt, who was my father's youngest sister. She came out of Russia two months before we visited there in May. We didn't have much time to visit, but we spent a few hours with her and she came out with her youngest daughter, her husband, and two children. They still were in a camp and the West German government supports those people; they get money and they send them to school. They want them to learn the German way and the German language — not like we used to speak it in the Ukraine but in the way it is spoken today in Germany and to familiarize themselves with the German system. So they send them to school for eight months, they pay their way, and they get a lot of money from the West German government. They really appreciate and like it, A lot that came out earlier are already established and built their own houses and settled in them. They are really 32 grateful and they try to get more people out of Russia, and once in a while you hear of a relative coming out. But there are still many relatives from my father's side and also from my mother's side in Russia, in Kazakhstan. We do not communicate much with them nor do my relatives in West Germany because they are sometimes afraid, because mail is censored. The two brothers of my father have passed away since my mother came out of Russia, but all the children and the grandchildren still live there in southern Siberia on the Chinese border which is Kazakhstan. And now a little about religious life in the Ukraine. Our forefathers were very religious, church going, God fearing people and when I was small I can remember we had a little church m the town. Sundays my parents always, as long as it was possible, attended church but that didn't last too long. The churches were closed up and religion was prohibited in open meetings. Our religion and assembly were prohibited so people worshipped in their homes, whenever it was possible, in secret. Freedom of worship was not allowed as before. After the Germans occupied the Ukraine, then religious freedom was allowed again. So people gathered in houses, or wherever churches were preserved and not torn down, and held religious services on Sundays and holidays. The religious life kept flourishing again. Sometime ago I read in the Sheboygan press about the possibility of starting a chapter of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia in Sheboygan. I said to my wife that we should to and see what that is all about. Through the efforts of Ronald Ertel of Sheboygan, the president of the national organization was here in Sheboygan to organize a chapter, which we immediately joined. Approximately forty people came out for the initial meeting and the group has since received its official charter, presented to then Vice President Carl Weber, at the national convention in Seattle, Washington last summer. There are now thirty-five chapters in the organization scattered throughout the United States and Canada. The local chapter meetings, usually held the fourth week in the month, offer a variety of programs, such as memorabilia night when various items from Russia were displayed, or a dinner of ethnic foods prepared by members, interesting speakers, or an opportunity to learn ways to research your family tree. There is also a move among this ethnic group to learn more about their heritage. The national organization prints a quarterly Journal. In the first one that came out this year, I noticed a picture on the cover and it looked very familiar, but I couldn't place it. I knew I had seen the face somewhere but I still wasn't certain where, so I started reading an article inside the Journal, and finally I realized it was my Grandmother's picture from the Ukraine. The sketch had been done by a German artist in 1942. This artist was very interested in the life of Germans from Eastern Europe and she came upon the village of Blumental in Volhynia, where my grandmother lived at that time. They invited her to come back there and do their story and she drew some pictures. This book came out last year. It contains twenty pictures and is available in Bonn, Germany. I would like to say here that America is still the greatest country on earth; here there is freedom and people can express themselves. This is the most important thing in the world that a person can possess. But along with this freedom comes responsibility also. Ewald Grasse, stepson of Luisa Wenzler Bohn, who immigrated to the United States or Canada sometime around 1920-1925. 'Waldemar Bohn seeks information concerning his whereabouts. 33 WE SING OUR HISTORY Lawrence A. Weigel In the collection of folk songs none are of greater interest and value than those which tell the history of a people. We are fortunate that the history of "Unser Lait," the Germans from Russia, has been recorded in our songs. Recently finding seven additional songs which deal with the deportation of our people was a collector's dream come true for me. These songs were given to me by our own Mrs. Emma Schwabenland Haynes, who received them in Germany in 1970 from a woman who is a member of the Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Russland. According to Mrs. Haynes, the songs had been smuggled out of the Soviet Union by an elderly man who hid them in his underwear. Dr. Matthias Hagin likewise sent me copies of four of these songs about the time I received them from Mrs. Haynes, One of the songs deals with the Volhynian Germans when they were deported during World War I. The others deal with the deportation of the Volga Germans during World War II. There were no notes, but fortunately on the bottom of each song the date when the words were written down was given and three of the songs indicated a melody to be used. The melody referred to was the "Stenka Razin" melody. Mrs. Haynes told me that Stenka Razin was a Russian bandit who lived from 1630-1671 and who carried on marauding expeditions on the Volga. Eventually Razin was captured and taken to Moscow where he was horribly tortured and put to death. He remained something of a folk hero and a song was written about him which is still popular in Russia today. The tune was widely used by German colonists (and other people) when writing songs such as these. I obtained the Stenka Razin melody from Dr. Joseph S. Height, Later from one of our AHSGR members, Elaine De Boer of San Jose, California, I received a tape on which the song about the famous bandit is sung by a Russian choral group. The song I have selected from among the seven deportation songs uses the Stenka Razin melody and is entitled "Unsere Heimat liegt jetzt ode" ("Our home now lies deserted"). It was written down (aufgeschrieben) in 1956 in Nishni-Tagil. The author, however, remains unknown. This past summer I was visited by Waldemar and Maria Fritzler from West Germany who had lived through the 1941 deportation. They told me that they were present in Russia when at least one of the seven songs was composed. There seemed to be some question, however, just who the author of "Unsere Heimat leigt jetzt ode" is, The words express the despair of our people as they were driven from their home, and then the hope that all will be well, and that they will be able to return to their home on the Volga again. We know, of course, that this dream has never been realized. UNSERE HEIMAT LIEGT JETZT ODE The music score did not scan in a readable manner. It has been deleted and the words typed in. Unsere Heimat liegt jetzt oede An dem schoenen Wolgastand Wo wir Deutschen Kolonisten Einstmals werden hingesandt The spacing and lines of the following page is not as in the original. It could not be corrected. 34 1. Unsere Heimat liegt jetzt oede, An Our home now lies deserted, By the dem schoenen Wolgastrand. Wo wir beautiful Volga shore, Where we Deutschen Kolonisten Einstmals German colonists Once were sent, but wurden hingesandt. live no more. 2. Damals lag das Land noch wueste, Und In those days the land lay waste And was not bewohnt von keinem Mann. Doch unsere inhabited by man. The German colonists Deutschen Kolonisten Machten sich gleich worked hard To make this a better land. fleissig dran. Since then, years have passed, Which 3. Seitdem sind verflossen Jahre Die we can still count today, And instead of man jetzt noch zaehlen kann. Und a deserted steppe A flourishing land anstatt der oeden Steppe Sah man now lay. jetzt ein bluehend Land. Nineteen-hundred-forty-one Came the news 4. Neunzehnhunderteinundvierzig Kam die Kund in every home That we Germans must move in jedes Haus Dass wir Deutschen muessen on From our Republic we must roam. wandern, Aus der Republik hinaus. 5. Noch heute kann ich mich erinnern, Wie Today, I can still remember aufgeregt die Menschheit war. Als man es How disturbed people can be las in Deutscher Zeitung, Wo der Eriass As they read in the German newspaper, verkuendet war. The announcement of the decree. 6. Am Sonntag abend, als die Sonne Am As the sun, on Sunday eve On the Horizont noch blutrot stand, Verliessen horizon shone blood red We left with wir auf Ochs und Wagen Das Dorf, dort oxen and wagon From Hussenbach; it Hussenbach gennant. was sad. 7. Seit dieser Stunde sind wir Armen Since this hour we poor people, Have left our Getrennt von Heimat, Freund, und Freud friends, joy, and home. And in the evening Gedenken wir bei Abendstunden An die hours, Remember the good times, as we vergangene schoene Zeit. roam. 8. Und unsere Maenner, Vaeter, Soehne, Sie And our men, fathers and sons, This place mussten auch aus diesem Ort. Und viele they too had to leave Many have given their liessen schon ihr Leben Im Lager bei der lives. In camp, by Swerdlowsk, we grieve. Stadt Swerdlowsk. Many a child will tearfully ask, "Where 9. Manches Kind wird weinend fragen; is my father dear?" And the mother has "Wo bleibt denn der Vater mein?" Und die to tell him, "He died; he is no longer Mutter muss ihm sagen: here." "Er wird schon laengst gestorben sein." Do not despair in this situation. This 10. Nur nicht verzagt in dieser Lage! war can't last an eternal time. Some day Ewig kann der Krieg nicht sein. we will happily say: Einmal werden froh wir sagen: "Sweet home you again are mine." "Heimat, du bist wieder mein!" From our home into the distance, They 11. Aus der Heimat in der Ferne Aus der sent me, and other men. In our home, in Heimat musst ich gehn. In der our home, We will all meet again, Heimat, in der Heimat Gibt’s ein frohes Wiedersehen! Note: The melody shown above is from Dr. Joseph S. Height's song book. Folksongs of our Forefathers. The English translation of the verses is by Lawrence A. Weigel. 35 NOT FAR FROM ORENBURG Vladimir Schevelyov and Abraham Warkentin Translated by Donald H. Darner The following account of a visit to the Mennonite villages near Orenburg on the Ural river appeared originally in the 4 June and 11 June 1980 issues o/Neues Leben, the weekly newspaper for Germans in the Soviet Union, published by the Moscow offices of Pravda. It must be understood that this description of Mennonite religious life as it exists in the Soviet Union today has been filtered through the sensibilities of representatives of an atheistic society. For a brief description of the same villages from the perspective of a member of the AHSGR who visited them in the summer of 1973 see Peter J. Klassen, "A Visit to a Russian Collective," AHSGR Work Paper No. 17 (April 1975), pp. 1-2. Our journey took us through villages whose wide streets were lined with birch and acacia trees. The sturdy and roomy houses built for large families with many children and with grandfathers and grandmothers give evidence of solidity and durability. Here live the descendants of the Mennonites who came to Russia approximately 200 years ago, The Beginning It is very easy to see how this all came about by doing research and consulting reference books. The religious sect of the Mennonites - the name comes from the founder of the sect, Menno Simons, - was established in the first half of the sixteenth century during the struggle of the people of the Netherlands against the Spanish monarchy and the Catholic Church, Their teachings forbade the practice of violence and the use of force. The only weapons allowed to the Mennonites were moral force and moral example. The Mennonite congregations sought to separate themselves from the wicked and sinful world. "Mixing," the mingling with persons of other beliefs was forbidden with threat of punishment. Dancing, the reading of worldly books, colorful clothing, and excessive drinking and eating were forbidden. The ministry of the Mennonites was successful and attracted many converts in a number of countries. The Mennonites appeared in Russia at the end of the eighteenth century. Catherine the Great in a special decree observed that she saw it as her duty to invite into her" abundant and peaceful kingdom the Mennonites who because of their religion had been persecuted elsewhere. They were offered special privileges. In 1789 the first group of over 200 families settled in the area of Chortiza, an island in the Dnieper river. This adventure was accompanied by agricultural success and they continually prospered. Ten years later, in 1800 Czar Paul I decreed that in addition to their existing privileges they were to receive additional advantages to stimulate even greater enthusiasm for work and industriousness in their economy. New settlements arose in southern Russia. The scarcity of land in this somewhat heavily populated area, forced many Mennonite families to head east to Turkestan and Siberia, For example, the Mennonites from Chortiza bought land in the province of Orenburg, We read that in 1894 they acquired 24,688 dessiatines of land at thirty rubles per dessiatine from the Deyev brothers, free men. In 1897 they purchased 968 dessiatines of land at thirty-five rubles per dessiatine from the Bashkirs Bakayev and Sarybayev. On these two pieces of land they settled 444 landless families in fourteen newly-founded villages during the period from 1894-1901. In order to reach their destinations over great distances with their families, possessions, and livestock, they had to overcome great difficulties. There awaiting the settlers was vast emptiness, a harsh climate, and non-Christian neighbors who did not understand the Russian language. To these Mennonites the steppes of the Orenburg area must have seemed like the end of the world. Today there is no problem in visiting these places where the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the original settlers live. The trip from Orenburg to the district of Rrasnogvardeyski, Alexandrovka, and others takes only a few hours of time and very little trouble, "I Believe in Science" As we traveled along the village streets we went past clubs, bookstores, kindergartens, and saw pictures of the honored workers that hung on the headquarters building of the kolkhoz. At first it appeared that nothing remained from previous times. The life style of Soviet society was evident in the daily lives of the people. In the middle school of Podolsk in the district of Krasnogvardeyski, we had the opportunity to see on 36 the blackboard how philosophical questions were being asked. One question asked, "Do you believe in God? Do you believe in the power of prayer?" Here are a few of the answers: "According to the believers, God is a person like all mortals, but free of sin. It follows then that he was discovered by man." "I do not believe in prayer, but I believe in science. If people only prayed, there would be no houses, no food, or machines." "Religion forbids smoking and drinking. But one can avoid them without religion. I know people who do." Still one meets other viewpoints. One person stated, "With the existence of the usual scientific methods one cannot prove the existence of God. He is eternal and had no beginning. If he were created by man, he would not be God. When the Lord comes to earth to take his children, those who did not believe on his existence will remain on earth, and from there be led into hell. And I don't want to be among them." The answers of the children indicate once more the acute difficulties of propagating atheism in this area. Living Together — Overcoming Isolation Many economic and political officials, teachers, and educated and uneducated farmers discuss these problems with real dedication. Our conversation with the people indicated that they felt the ethnic and family traditions of the Mennonite way of life had sent down deep roots. Ivan Belyayev, secretary of the party committee of the Karl Marx Kolkhoz, district of Krasnogvardeyski, states, "We must continually remember that before the revolution the Mennonites sought to isolate themselves from everything in the sinful world that was contrary to their beliefs, so that they could remain separated in their religious communities. Since then conditions in the country have worked against isolation. In the Mennonite villages today there are believers and non-believers living alongside one another. Even within families there are differences. The parents are believers, while the children are not. The wall that once divided the Mennonites from the outside world is being destroyed by the life style of the kolkhoz. On our collective many nationalities, German — Russian, and Bashkirs - are working together. Also people of different religious beliefs are working side by side, including both believers and non-believers." Nicholas Wiebe, director of the Kolkhoz Progress, Alexandrovka district, states, "We have developed the tradition of rewarding good work with tourist travel. Our farmers in the kolkhoz have traveled to middle Asia, the Baltic Sea, and the Ukraine. Such tourist trips are often received by farmers who are believers. This widens their outlook, and allows them to look beyond their present existence." The prayer house in the village of Podolsk has a large room with German sayings on the wall such as Gott ist die Liebe. ("God is love"). A few guitars and mandolins are standing in the corners. We started to discuss television. An old man shook his gray head and said, "I do not watch TV. I have other ways of spending my time. Of course there are programs one can watch. That is not a sin. But there is the temptation to watch further after your program is finished. People are weak and cannot bring themselves to shut off the set." We told the director of the middle school in Podolsk about this conversation. Woldemar Janzen responded, "It is known that Mennonites avoid television. They also do not allow their children to watch. Imagine the following incident; In competition a Mennonite receives for his good work a television set as a prize. What should he do with it? Give it to a neighbor? Sell it? Those answers will not do. He has received it as a reward for his good work, and Mennonites pride themselves in their work. The television set remains in the house. After a time, the set is finally turned on, at first for only a short time. One sees such worthwhile programs! There's 'World of Animals,' and the 'Traveler's Club.' Then one 'forgets' to turn off the set, so the next program will be watched. After awhile it develops into a necessity. This contributes to the spiritual and cultural development, in addition to positive economic development." People Trust One Another The dairy complex is the pride of the Karl Marx Kolkhoz, with its carefully watched herd, scientific rations, cleanliness, and good organization. Milk production is the highest in the district and ranks with the best in the general area. Johann Martens, leader of the dairy complex told us, "Our economic success is directly related to the morale of the collective. Do the people trust one another? Are they concerned about the general welfare of the community? Is originality and initiative given enough encouragement? Without this there would be difficulty in making the economic system work. Yes, perhaps it would be impossible. 37 Here is an example: A large number of cows are tended to by the milkers who work as a group. Their wages are figured as a group. They must trust one another completely. Another example, the milkers have only one job and that is to milk the cows. The other tasks such as cleaning stalls, feeding, and so on are done by other people. So everything is done on time. Another thing: we work in two shifts from 5 a.m. to 1 p.m. and 1 p.m. to 9 p.m. The workers are bussed to the dairy from the outlying villages. If a snow-storm is raging a bulldozer is sent along to clear the way. Every worker of the complex understands that chores are done at the proper time without any delay. The dairy complex also offers the opportunity for creative use of free time. In the Red Corner there is a television set, and newspapers and magazines are available. In the club room films are shown to groups, Whether a person is a believer or non-believer, regardless of his ethnic origins, each person takes pains to see that the economic organization functions properly. Their work is characterized by bonds of trust and mutual aid, The Normal Course of Events Nikolai Petrov, Communist party secretary of the Kolkhoz Progress told us, "The income of our farmers on the kolkhoz is rather high. Almost all of them have solid, comfortable homes of their own. They privately own more than 200 cars and 600 motorcycles. Everyone sees that a higher standard of living can be achieved by working hard. When a worker reaches retirement age, he and his family will be taken care of. For example, the central complex of the kolkhoz has a home for the aged, where elderly women can live out their last years at the expense of the kolkhoz. Certainly man does not live by bread alone, People who have to be worried about getting the necessities of life often turn their hopes toward supernatural powers. But the knowledge that things will run their natural course and that everyone's welfare will be taken care of leaves no room for such beliefs or superstitions. The situation also has another aspect. A higher standard of living also destroys many evils that the isolation of women and the inconsistency of family life have fostered — all those things that can lead to religiosity and fanaticism. In our kolkhoz there is no lack of husbands. After their military service has been completed almost all of the men return home. The same can be said for those who graduate from schools of higher education. Even when our girls marry someone from outside of the kolkhoz, they usually decide to settle down here." By the Sweat of his Brow This biblical saying is interpreted by Mennonite preachers in the following manner; A Mennonite can only be a farmer. Every trade, every craft, and every form of business enterprise is undergirded by this fundamental principle. All are dependent on agriculture according to the Mennonites. Because of this parents in religious families do not want their children to attend schools of higher learning or technical schools. They are of the opinion that schools of higher learning have inherent dangers built into them. They feel that when their children graduate, they will not return to the family, and to farming, the only worthy profession. This position can be refuted by the logic of daily living. The spiritual development of the child starts as early as kindergarten. In the kindergarten of the school in Podolsk, musical training is already part of the program. The children learn songs and poems in both German and Russian. A broader education is being given in this school by the teachers who have these Mennonite students. Every effort is being made to convince the parents that this education will be better for the children. They ask the parents for cooperation and trust. In some of the schools that we visited, this attitude is bearing fruit. Ten years ago about thirty per cent of the children did not pass the fundamentals of the tenth class. Today there are only a few who do not pass and this is often because of illness. The graduates of these schools attend schools of higher education and technical schools in Orenburg and other cities. A good number of these students come from families of believers. Also noteworthy is the fact that more than twenty specialists from the Karl Marx Kolkhoz have been hired in supervisory positions in the district. Among them are Jacob Reimer, who is second secretary of the party of the Krasnogvardeyski district; Andreas Unger, who is chairman of the executive committee in the same district; Martin Penner, who is first secretary of the party committee in Novosergiyevski; the economist Peter Penner works today in Kuibyschev; Chemist Peter Gorzen works in the research institute in Perm. Not Only by Prayer Woldemar Dyck, director of the house of culture in Podolsk remarks, "Last year our kolkhoz was victorious in the contest for amateur artists. All of our leaders are highly qualified. Our music teachers and 38 choir and band directors are very carefully selected. That has a special significance for us. If musical training was neglected in the school and club, the believers would become restless and unhappy. The atheists too adhere to the old traditions of their fathers and grandfathers and only in the congregation and in the prayer house can these musical urges be satisfied." The same holds true for the study of the German language. The language in the school is vigorously promoted. Poems and songs in the German language are used at activities in the club. One cannot accuse us of trying to suppress the language of our ancestors. It not only is used in prayer, but also in religious verses and hymns. The Past and the Future In one of the rooms of the house of culture in Podolsk the exhibits for a future museum of local history are being preserved. These include the fossilized remains of a shellfish found in 1939 near the dairy, an old spinning wheel, a Singer sewing machine, and wooden shoes that until recently were worn in winter and summer by both young and old in the Mennonite villages. An Essential Hypothesis On our trip we became convinced that most of the local economic leaders and party officials make allowances for the peculiar mentality of believers, their sensitiveness and touchiness. In the many conversations that we had with believers, not once did they complain about encroachment on their rights. The portraits of the best workers, be they atheists or believers, are displayed on the honor roll on the front page of the newspapers of the district. No discrimination is made between atheists and believers in the awarding of bonuses — whether in money or goods — nor in cases where workers have to be penalized. In short, everything is done fairly. This creates a moral climate that is good for economic development — and also for communism (as well as atheism). Of course it would be misleading to report that everything is perfect here. In the corridor of the school in Podolsk there was a display case with reproductions of paintings depicting the role of religion in the development of man. The display was well done except for the caption which read, "The History of Human Stupidity." No doubt the believers saw this as insulting derision and were offended. It is to the credit of the director of the school, Woldemar Janzen, that he did not hesitate to correct this faux pas. He listened to our discussion of the matter, remained silent for a while, and then stated that it would be corrected. Positive in Every Respect Recently in the area of Orenburg many Mennonite congregations have become registered. Before this, because of many local conditions, they had not been registered. Official registration of the congregations has been a positive influence on life in the villages in every respect. Almost all of the members whom we met spoke about registration with obvious satisfaction. According to Sergei Iskovskich, secretary of the party in the district of Alexandrovka, "An unregistered congregation violates the law concerning religious cults. Such a situation always has bad consequences. Registration offers an opportunity for the congregation to come under the protection of the laws and creates an official status for it. Observance of the law on the part of the state as well as on the part of believers normalizes relations and protects the religious freedom of the believers." Abraham Krocker, chairman of the Karl Marx Kolkhoz, told us, "Several years ago a critical situation developed during the sowing of grain on the kolkhoz. Time was running out and there was a critical shortage of labor. The holiday of Lenin Subbotniks was near I decided to speak to the leader of the registered Mennonite congregation. '] know,' I said, 'that Mennonites do not work on Saturdays, but the situation is critical. Please help the kolkhoz.' What do you think happened? They pitched in — to a man! If this had happened earlier before the registration, I think they would not have listened to me and responded as they did." Good Will and Unity As our journey through the area around Orenburg was coming to an end, we attended a wedding- On the stage of the house of culture in Zhdanovka, in front of an overflow crowd, J. Savazky, secretary of the vil- 39 lage soviet, was asking, with earnestness and warmth, if Olga and Peter were prepared to seal their bond for a lifetime. Everyone in the room followed the ceremony with great attention and voiced their hearty approval. In the house of culture and at the banquet later, everyone felt exceptionally happy. The guests gave their gifts and best wishes to the bridal couple and sang songs in both Russian and German. Many good luck toasts were given, some filled with advice: "Be kind to one another and give in when it comes to small things." "Always be in good spirits and you and your children will be well spoken of." "There can be no harmony in the family without mutual respect and understanding." Nicholas Wiebe, the director of the kolkhoz, said, "I'm pleased that the young couple wants to work on our kolkhoz. The more young people we have, the stronger our economy will be." It was a splendid wedding! To us it had still another importance. Among the guests we met people whom we had seen in the prayer house several days before. Together with other guests they congratulated the bridal pair and sang songs. To us it was a good sign that the believers felt just as much at home at a wedding conducted by Soviet customs, as they would have felt at a Mennonite wedding. They obviously shared the spirit of good will and unity around them, wishing the couple and their future children good luck, health and happiness — here on the patch of earth where they will live. 40 CHANGES IN LAND OWNERSHIP IN FRANZFELD/ODESSA 1806-1822 Adam Giesinger When the German Black Sea colonies were founded, the Russian government gave each village community a tract of land which was to be divided equally among the settlers in the village considered suitable for farming. Only able-bodied married men, or widowers or widows with grown-up children, were eligible to receive land. Single men or women, arriving without parents, had to become hired help for a landowner or in an artisan's household. Ambitious single men tended to overcome their handicap by finding a wife en route to Russia, some of them at quite an early age, or by marrying the first available landowner's widow, whose land needed a man to farm it. Each landowner in a village was called a Wirt and his landholding, along with a farmyard in the village that went with it, was called a Wirtschaft. A Wirtschaft could not be sold or transferred without the permission of the authorities and, on the death of the owner, had to pass undivided to his youngest son; or to another son, if the youngest was unfit to farm it; or, if there were no sons, to the first male that married into the family. Not all families that settled in a village were given land. Some were artisans, who did not want land; others were considered unfit to operate a farm and were expected to make a living as day laborers; still others did not arrive in the village until after all the land had been divided. Such landless families were given a village lot to live on and were called Anwohner or Kleinhdusler. Because of the high death rate in the early years and because of the difficulties some of the immigrants encountered in adjusting to farming under the unfamiliar conditions, landholdings frequently changed hands. Sometimes colonists sold their land in a particular village only because they wanted to move to another village, where they thought life would be more congenial for them. For most German Black Sea villages information regarding such changes in land ownership in the early years is not available, but we have it for Franzfeld, on the Dniester west of Odessa. According to Keller,1 Franzfeld was founded by thirteen German Lutheran families from Hungary, who arrived in Russia in 1805-1806, but in the following years it received a large influx of Catholics, which eventually made it a Catholic village. It is a fortunate circumstance that Bishop Anton Zerr, a native of Franzfeld, after retirement from his see, wrote a family history,2 in which he gave some interesting additional information about the early days of Franzfeld. Putting together the information in Keller and Zerr, and using also Stumpp's monumental work on German emigration to Russia,3 we can prepare a definitive list of the primary landholders in Franzfeld and the changes in ownership that took place from 1806 to 1822,4 and some later ones. Adopting the numbering of the landholdings (Wirtschaften) as given in Keller, we have the following list;5 1. Theobald Becker(b. 1780), a Lutheran from Weiher/Bruchsal, Baden, via Hungary, was given the land in 1806. In the spring of 1814 he sold it to Georg Heissler (b. 1781), a Catholic from Niederhochstadt/ Landau, Palatinate, who moved over from the neighboring colony of Kleinliebehtal. Becker moved to Neu-berg. 2. Konrad Gotz (b. 1778), a Lutheran from Enzweihungen/Vaihingen, Wuerttemberg, via Hungary, was given the land in 1806. He died in 1812 and his land was taken over by Johannes Heer (b. 1793), eldest son of Martin Heer, who married the widow. 3. Martin Heer (b. 1766), a Lutheran from Altensteig/Calw, Wuerttemberg, via Liebling, Banat, Hungary, was given the land in' 1806. He was mayor of Franzfeld in the early years. In 1839 he sold his land to a Catholic and moved to Sarata in Bessarabia, with his sons Martin and Gottlieb. Another son, Christian, moved to Neuburg in 1818. 4. Bartholomaus Uhl, a Lutheran from Ottweiler/Trier, Saar, via Torschau, Batshka, Hungary, was given the land in 1806. He died soon after and his widow, Barbara Uhl (b. 1767), took over the land, which she soon passed on to her son, Marzell Uhl (b. 1788). In 1818 Marzell sold out to a Catholic, Peter Matery (b. 1781) from Steinweiler/Germersheim, Palatinate, who acquired this as a second landholding to pass on to one of his sons. (He owned also No. 14.) Marzell Uhl moved to Neuburg. 5.Peter Heissler (b. 1790), a Catholic from Neeweiler/Weissenburg, Alsace, (or Niederhochstadt/ Landau, Palatinate?), was given the land in 1807. (Obviously, he married young to become eligible for land.) 6. Christian Schmidt (b. 1771), a Lutheran from Brittheim/Bolingen, Wuerttemberg, via Hungary, was given the land in 1807. In 1820 he turned over his land to his son, Christian Schmidt (b. 1801). The 41 Schmidt family left Franzfeld in 1844 to go to Sarata, Bessarabia. 7. Andreas Hetterle (b. 1780), a Lutheran from Unkenbach/Kirchheimbolanden, Palatinate, via Torschau, Batshka, Hungary, was given the land in 1807. 8. Georg Bailer (b, 1754), a Lutheran from Mariental/Rockenhausen, Palatinate, via Sekitch, Batshka, Hungary, was given the land in 1807. He turned it over to his son-in-law, Jakob Wohlgemuth (b. 1785), from Illingen/Vaihingen, Wuerttemberg, via Hungary, who sold it in 1815 to Johann Steiert (b. 1791), a Catholic from Neeweiler/Weissenburg, Alsace, who came to Franzfeld from Kleinliebental, In 1843 Steiert moved to Krassna, Bessarabia. 9. Nikolaus Frank (b. 1765), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, was given the land in 1808. In 1813 he turned it over to his son-in-law, Joseph Braun, Jr., (b. 1790) from Selz, Alsace. Nikolaus Frank himself married the widow Christina Lutz and took over the Lutz landholding (no. 34). Joseph Braun shot himself in 1832. 10. Nikolaus Mastio (b. 1781), a Catholic from Oberlauterbach, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. In 1816 he sold it to Kornelius Fix (b. 1788), the son of Jakob Fix (no. 35) from Neeweiler/Weissenburg, Alsace. Mastio moved to Selz. 11. Joseph Zerr (b. 1781), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in 1831. 12. Johann Fix (b. 1790), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, inherited the land on the death of his father in the fall of 1811. His father, whose name is not given, received the land from the crown in 1808. 13. Franz Heissler (b. 1780), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 14. Jakob Eckstatt (b. 1768), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. The same year he turned it over to his son-in-law, Peter Matery (b. 1781) from Steinweiler/Germersheim, Palatinate. In 1818 Peter Matery also acquired landholding No. 4. 15. Johann Fix, a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in the spring of 1811 and the land was taken over by Rudolf Merdian (b. 1776), a Catholic from Knittelsheim/Germersheim, Palatinate. 16. Philipp Nold (b. 1780), a Catholic from Sahnbach, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 17. Anton Zerr (b. 1787), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 18. Franz Fix (b. 1781), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in 1817 and Johann Wolf (b. 1794), a Catholic from Waldbrechtsweiler/Rastatt, Baden, came from Kleinliebental to marry the widow and take over the land. 19. Johann Michael Zerr (b. 1783), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 20. Georg Zerr (b. 1757), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in 1812 and the land passed to his youngest son, Johannes Zerr (b. 1791). 21. Kaspar Deck (b. 1759), a Catholic from Winzenbach/Weissenburg, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in 1817 and the land passed to his son, Johannes Deck (b. 1800). He sold it in 1819 to Anton Wolf (b. 1796), a Catholic from Waldbrechtsweiler/Rastatt, Baden, who came from Kleinliebental. The Johannes Deck family moved to Josephstal. 22. Jakob Uhl (b. 1779), a Lutheran from Ottweiler/Trier, Saar, via Torschau, Batshka, Hungary, received the land in 1806. He died in 1813 and his widow married Friedrich Landsiedel (b. 1791), who took over the land. In 1815 Landsiedel sold out to Karl Frank (b. 1791), a Catholic from Ottersheim/ Germersheim, Palatinate, who traded this farm in 1822 to Georg Uhn (b. 1774) a Catholic from Salmbach, Alsace, for No. 43. Friedrich Landsiedel moved to Neuburg. 23. Johann Kaiser (b. 1761), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 24. Nikolaus Braun (b. 1770), son of Joseph, a Catholic from Selz, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. 25. Joseph Braun (b. 1767), a Catholic from Selz, Alsace, was given the land in 1808. He died in 1834 and the land passed to Peter Zerr, son of Anton (No. 17). 26. Johann Georg Binder, a Lutheran from Wuerttemberg via Hungary, was given the land in 1806, In 1810 he sold it to Johann Mock (b. 1773), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate. The Binder family moved to Peterstal. 27. Jakob Rheide (b. 1768), a Catholic from Kirchheim/Heidelberg, Baden, was given the land in 1809. He was the first teacher in Franzfeld. In 1814 he moved to Selz as teacher, leaving his land to his step-son, Georg Adam Rissling (b. 1789). Jakob Rheide died in Selz in 1827. 42 28. Jakob Bischof (b. 1765), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, was given the land in 1809. He died in 1812 and Johannes Brust (b. 1781) came from Selz to marry the widow and take over the land. 29. Jakob Braun (b. 1782), a Catholic from Selz, Alsace, was given the land in 1 S09. He died in 1812 and Anton Blattner (b. 1790), a Catholic from Schaffhausen/Weissenburg, Alsace, came from Grossliebental to marry the widow and take over the land. 30. Christian Schmierer (b. 1773), a Lutheran from Bammental/Heidelberg, Baden, was given the land in 1806. In 1810 he sold it to Michael Kohler (b. 1770), a Catholic from Sandhausen/Heidelberg, Baden, and moved to Worms. 31. Andreas Merdian (b. 1765), a Catholic from Knittelsheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, was given the land in 1809. From 1816 onward he gave half of his land to his son, Rudolf Merdian (b. 1794), who was his heir. 32. Philipp Jobb (b. 1764), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, was given the land in 1809. 33. Georg Fischer (b. 1778), a Lutheran from Neckartailfingen/Nuertingen, Wuerttemberg, was given the land in 1806. In 1810 he sold it to Franz Leibham (b. 1776), a Catholic. Fischer moved to Worms. 34. Georg Lutz, a Catholic, was given the land in 1809. He died in 1813 and the land was taken over by Nikolaus Frank (b. 1765), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, who married the widow. At the same time Frank turned over his own farm (No. 9) to his son-in-law, Joseph Braun. 35. Jakob Fix (b. 1756), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace, was given the land in 1809. He 1821 he turned it over to his son, Georg Fix (b. 1789). 36. Biedermann (first name not known), a Lutheran who came via Hungary, was given the land in 1806. In 1810 he sold it to Joseph Schaub (b. 1779), a Catholic from BuehI/Weissenburg, Alsace. 37. Joseph Rissling (b. 1774), a Catholic, was given the land in 1809. He died in 1815 and the land was taken over by Michael Stengler (b. 1783), a Catholic from Mariental/Hagenau, Alsace, who married the widow. 38. Maria Frank (b. 1758), a widow from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, a Catholic, was given the land in 1809.1n 1816 she turned it over to her son, Jakob Frank (b. 1788). 3 9. Daniel Bischof (b. 1778) was given the land in 1807. In 1810 he sold it to Joseph Derzapf (b. 1770), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate. Bischof moved to Neuburg. 40. Andreas Schnepf (b. 1754), a Lutheran who came via Hungary, was given the land in 1807. In 1810 he sold it to Jakob Merdian (b. 1768), a Catholic from Knittelsheim/Germersheim, Palatinate. Schnepf moved to Gluckstal. 41. Anton Laufer (b. 1751), a Catholic, was given the land in 1809. In 1810 he sold it to Johann Wagner (b. 1788), a Catholic from Neeweiler, Alsace. Laufer moved to KIeinliebental, where he died in 1811. 42. Konrad Busch (b. 1760), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, was given the land in 1809.1n 1820 he turned it over to his son-in-law, Michael Fix (b. 1798), brother of Johann Fix (No. 12). 43. Georg Ulm (b. 1774), a Catholic from Salmbach, Alsace, was given the land in 1809. In 1815 he traded it to Karl Frank (b. 1791), a Catholic from Ottersheim/Germersheim, Palatinate, for farm No. 22. A study of these changes shows a number of social phenomena that were characteristic of the settlement era: 1. Some of the German immigrants took a long time to settle down in Russia. There was much wandering from village to villages in the early years. Lists of founding families, such as given in some books, are therefore not nearly so definitive as is sometimes assumed. 2. A minority religious group in a village tended to move to another village where its faith predominated. After the shaking-down process, the villages were far more homogeneous religiously than they had been at the beginning. 3. Young single men among the immigrants tended to marry at an early age to become eligible for land. Often they married land-owning widows some years older than themselves. 4. When a landowner died, his land was inherited by a son or son-in-law or by the new husband of the widow. This was in accordance with the Russian law for the foreign colonists. 43 Notes 1. Conrad Keller, Die deutschen Kolonien in Suedrussland, Band I, (Odessa: Verlag von Stadelmeier, 1905), has a chronicle of Franzfeld on pp. 254-305. The second edition of Anthony Becker's translation of this work, recently published by AHSGR, has the chronicle on pp. 201-238. 2. Anton Zen, Einwanderungsgeschichte der Familie Zerr in Russland (Odessa: Buch und Notendruckerei des Klemensvereins, 1914). 3. Karl Stumpp, The Emigration from Germany to Russia in the years 1763 to 1862 (Lincoln, Nebraska: American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, 1972). 4. Zerr, pp. 96-107, gives information about ownership changes. Unfortunately the numbering of the landholdings in his list is different from that in Kellei, which causes some problems in identification. 5. The landholdings are numbered as in Keller, pp. 255-256, or the Becker translation, second edition, pp. 203-204. The names listed by Keller are in most cases the owners in 1816, as one can see from the 1816 census list in Stumpp, pp. 569-571. The dates of birth, ancestral homes, and some other information are from the village lists in the Stumpp book, supplemented by some details from lists in Zerr, pp. 69-94. CHRISTMAS CUSTOMS AMONG THE GERMANS FROM RUSSIA According to folklorist Peter Sinner, the following customs were observed among the Germans in colonies on the Volga during the holiday season: On 6 December, St. Nicholas Day, children in Catholic villages receive nuts and gingerbread. Villages along the Karaman river are visited by "Der Hoizpicker" who appears dressed in rough cowhide and wearing a pair of horns. On Christmas Eve "Der Peiznickel/' that is St. Nicholas in a sheepskin coat worn inside-out, makes his rounds of the Lutheran colonies. With a rattling chain in his left hand and a whip or stout rod in his right, he goes from house to house punishing sinners of every sort, young and old. "Das Christkindchen," a more harmless visitor, also makes the rounds that night. It is said that on Christmas Eve at midnight domestic animals can speak with human voices. Village wells are visited during the witching hour too, for it is believed that then the water is turned to wine and has magical powers. On Christmas morning the villagers take little cloth-covered bundles of sweets to their godchildren. This is the great festival for children. New Year's Eve is the time for divining weather. Twelve slices of onion are prepared and salted. These predict the amount of rainfall (hence the prosperity) of the months of the coming year. Also on that evening people in the villages open books at random attempting to fathom their fate and get a glimpse of what the new year has in store for them. The young people spend all of this night out in the streets of the village. Translated from "Das Volksleben der Wolgadeutschen," Das Neue Russland (Berlin: Gesellschaft der Freunde das neuen Russland in Deutschland, 1926) page 13. CORRECTION The Fall 1980 issue of the AHSGR Journal (Volume 3, Number 2) describes the general history of the Germans from Russia, Our Colonies by Alexander Klaus, as "written in Russian and printed in Odessa in 1885." (See third full paragraph on page 43.) It should have stated that the book was written in Russian in 1869 and that the German translation appeared in 1887, 44 ADDITIONS TO THE LOAN COLLECTION The German Colonies in South Russia 1804 to 1904 by Rev. Conrad Keller. Translated from the German by Anthony Becker. Second edition of Volume I, with some revisions by Adam Giesinger, published by the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, Lincoln, Nebraska, 1980. 240 pp. In his Foreword to this second edition of the book. Dr. Giesinger writes as follows: Dr. Becker's translation of the first volume of Keller has now been out of print for some time, but inquiries for it are still frequent. In view of this, but mainly because of the basic importance of this work, the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia, with Dr. Becker's permission, decided to reprint this translation. We offer it herewith to the many members of our Society who are interested in this pioneer work on the Black Sea Germans. Although it was written primarily for the people of the Liebental district, near Odessa, who were celebrating their centennial in 1904, Father Keller's first volume has information of interest to all Black Sea Germans. It provides a description of the geographical features of the region; quotes a lengthy extract from Tsar Alexander's decree of 1804 regarding foreign immigration to the region; gives a list of all the German mother colonies, Lutheran, Catholic, Mennonite, and Separatist, founded there from 1787 to 1852; describes the administrative arrangements made for their government; gives biographies of some of the leading personalities among the early administrators appointed by the Tsar; and outlines the regulations issued by the central government for the guidance of both administrators and colonists. It describes as well the progress in education, agriculture, industry, and trade, and the part played by the Black Sea colonists (in a non-combatant capacity) in the Russo-Turkish War of 1828 and the Crimean War of 1853-56. Of special interest to descendants of Catholic colonists is a section on the spiritual administration of Black Sea Catholics before the formation of the Diocese of Tiraspol in 1856. For the Liebental district specifically there is a section on all the colonies of the district, Lutheran and Catholic, with interesting statistics for the year 1858. Finally, for the four Catholic colonies of this district, Kleinliebental, Josephstal, Mariental, and Franzfeld, there is an account of their hundred-year history, including for each village a list of the founding families, biographies of the parish priests who served them, and a year-by-year chronicle of events through the century. The many descendants of Black Sea Germans in the United States and Canada owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Becker for making this translation available to us. He translated and published this work as a labor of love, at a time (in 1968) when it was still far from clear that our people were really interested in the history of their forefathers in Russia. As the growth of our Society clearly demonstrates, interest in this history is growing at an accelerating rate. There is therefore no doubt that Dr. Becker's pioneer work will receive increasing attention and appreciation in the years to come. We have taken advantage of this reprinting of the translation to correct typographical and other errors that have been found in the first edition. We have also revised the wording of a number of passages that readers have found somewhat obscure. Note: This book is available from AHSGR, 631 D Street, Lincoln, NE 68502. The price is $10.50 to members and $ 11.50 to non-members plus $ 1.00 per copy for postage and handling. Grandfather Stories by Lester Harsh. Booklet prepared for distribution by the author, McCook, Nebraska, 1980. Reviewed by Nancy Bernhardt Holland. An unassuming spiral-bound booklet. Grandfather Stories contains eighty-one pages of informal anecdotes, recollections, and musings intended primarily for the author's own grandchildren. In an informal and colloquial style the author recollects experiences and people from his childhood, his student days, his tenure as a state legislator, and mostly, from his days as a Nebraska farmer. He introduces his grandchildren to a number of individuals in the small rural community of Bartley, Nebraska who serve as examples of the pioneer virtues of industry, frugality, neighborliness, and uncomplaining endurance in the face of deprivations. The first few pages of the booklet provide a short history of the Harsh family from its origin in Mundelsheim near Stuttgart, through a sojourn in southern Russia (Hoffnungstal) to a new life on a homestead in Nebraska. For the most part the work consists of an amusing retelling of the minor occurrences of a cheerfully uneventful life. One has the sense in reading the booklet that one is spending an afternoon with a 45 mild-mannered old gentleman who's in the mood for spinning yarns about the good-old-days; nothing of any particular significance emerges, but a pleasant time is had by all. A copy of the booklet has been donated to the Society Archives by the author. The book is also available for purchase from AHSGR 631 D Street, Lincoln, Nebraska 68502 at $5.00 for members of the Society plus $1.00 for postage and handling. All proceeds from the sale of the book are being donated to the AHSGR Foundation by the author. Early Days in Old Mission compiled by the Class of 1980. Cashmere, Washington: Cashmere Public Schools, 1976. Reviewed by Nancy Bernhardt Holland. A bicentennial project undertaken by students in the Cashmere public schools under the direction of their teacher, Richard D, Scheuerman, Early Days in Old Mission is an attractive twenty-eight page booklet chronicling the history of a small orchard-ringed town in a picturesque valley of Washington's Cascade Range. After a brief geological introduction, the booklet launches into a short account of the first residents of Cashmere, members of the Wenatchee tribe. Chapter II describes the first contacts both pacific and violent between these natives and the white invaders, some of whom came brandishing crucifixes, some side-irons. Chapter III details the arrival of the first permanent white settlers beginning with Alexander Brender, an East Prussian who settled at what was to become the town of Mission a decade later. (Owing to confusion with several other towns, the name was changed to Cashmere in 1906.) The final chapter describes the arrival of later settlers lured to the area by the burgeoning production of fruit and related industries, Among the ethnic groups establishing themselves were the Armenians and the Germans from Russia who share a paragraph on page 24. The booklet ends with a description of the churches and schools of the town and the progress that has been made by the assorted group of natives and immigrants working in concert. Although the volume draws on printed sources, much of its liveliness owes to the emphasis on letters and private files and on interviews with fifty pioneers. The project not only resulted in a readable history of Cashmere, but obviously provided an opportunity for the fruitful interplay of the young with the old that strengthened the sense of community. The project earned Mr. Scheuerman, who wrote up what the students brought in, an award as "Outstanding Leader in Secondary Education" in 1977. The booklet contains a wealth of interesting old photographs. A copy of the booklet has been donated to the AHSGR Archives by Mr. Scheuerman. Human Capital: The Settlement of Foreigners in Russia 1762-1804 by Roger P. Bartlett. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980, xvi, 358 pp., maps, documents, notes, bibliography, index. Reviewed by Adam Giesinger. This work is the result of extensive recent researches in Soviet archives and libraries on a subject of great interest to the members of this Society, for the period that it covers is that during which the Volga Germans and the earliest Black Sea Germans settled in Russia. Although it is not exclusively a work on the German settlements, approximately half of the narrative portion of the book is devoted to them. The main facts in their story are well known to us, but Dr. Bartlett gives us new insights and new details that add significantly to our knowledge. The book deals at length with the genesis of Catherine's manifestos of 1762 and 1763 and of the Guardianship Chancellery set up to supervise the settlement of foreigners. It describes the recruitment procedures that were used to bring Germans to Russia in the 1760's, the preparations made for their settlement, their transportation from Germany to St. Petersburg and from there to the Volga, the founding of the Volga colonies, their difficult early years, and finally their development to a relatively prosperous state by the end of the century. It mentions briefly also the German colonies founded in other parts of Russia during those years: the St. Petersburg, Yamburg, and Belovezh groups, Sarepta, Riebensdorf, and Hirschenhof. Somewhat later the coming of both Khortitsa and Molochna Mennonites is mentioned, and they are praised as "the best and most successful of all the peasant farmers of southern Russia," but there is no new information about them. More interesting, because it does contain information not previously published, is the section on the arrival of a Swiss immigrant group led by Escher, later settled in Zurichtal, Crimea, and the much larger groups brought to Odessa in 1803-04 by a German-speaking Lorrainer named Ziegler. Those who came to Odessa, in particular, receive detailed attention. There is also a good description of the work of Samuel Contenius and of the Due de Richelieu in connection with the early German Black Sea settlements. There is a discussion of the 1804 decree of Alexander I changing the immigration rules so as 46 to improve the quality of the immigrants. Unfortunately, apart from the occasional mention of later events, Dr. Bartlett does not go beyond 1804. Since the major influx of Germans into the Black Sea region came after 1804, particularly in the years 1807-09, 1814-15, and 1817-19, this book covers only the beginnings of Black Sea settlement. Those of us who have a special interest in that later migration hope that Dr. Bartlett will continue his researches through that period and give us another book. Although the preface informs us that this study is concerned with "one basic category; those who settled in the Russian Empire in response to the Imperial Manifestos of Catherine II, published in 1762 and 1763, and subsequent similar legislation," the book goes much beyond that. It describes the extensive internal migrations, from the older parts of Russia to the newer, that took place throughout the eighteenth century. It tells us about the early settlements of Armenians, Greeks, Serbs, and Montenegrins in southern Russia, most of them during the reign of Elizabeth but some as early as Peter the Great. Even for the reign of Catherine it does not confine itself to the immigrants that came in response to the manifestos of 1762 and 1763. Several groups that came after 1762 were refugees from oppressive Turkish rule: Moldavians, Vlachs, Greeks, Nogay Tatars, and others. It is unlikely that the manifestos had much to do with attracting these to Russia, for they were not given the privileged status bestowed by the manifesto of 1763 but received only the kind of settlement terms given to internal migrants. Of the immigrant groups discussed in the book, only the Germans and the small numbers of French and other West Europeans that came with them to the Volga, and later the Swedes, who founded a village on the Dnieper in 1782, and the Bulgarians, who began to arrive in Odessa in 1801, received the special privileges of the manifesto. The distinction between the two types of settlers is somewhat obscured by the treatment given in this book to the foreign immigration of this period. Whether Catherine intended it or not, her immigrations and settlement policies did make the Germans an almost unique group among the foreign settlers in Russia. Of the others, only the Bulgarians, who established fifty-two colonies in southern Russia, mainly in Bessarabia after 1815, were given the same privileged status, and these were significant in numbers only in Bessarabia. The treatment that Dr. Bartlett gives to non-German foreign immigrants to Russia during the eighteenth century is timely and worthwhile, but the information that he was able to gather about some of them is somewhat sketchy. In addition to group settlements of the various peoples, he describes a variety of urban and entrepreneurial settlements of foreigners in various parts of Russia. Although many of the foreign entrepreneurs were mere adventurers, whose enterprises generally failed, they were an interesting phenomenon of that period. There are references also throughout the book to special skills and talents brought to Russia by immigrants of a variety of origins. In Appendix I there is a document of great interest to us, the official English-language version of the manifesto of 1763, which Dr. Bartlett found in the Central State Archive of Ancient Documents in Moscow. This was prepared by Catherine's officials, in a rather quaint and awkward English, for use in recruiting English-speaking immigrants for Russia, an enterprise that had negligible success, [Editor's Note: The document is reproduced below.] Other interesting documents in the appendices are an example of an advertising broadsheet used by Beauregard in recruiting immigrants in J 765, a report of 1764 in an English newspaper regarding the activity of Russian recruiting agents in England, information regarding 235 French families recruited for Russia in 1765-66, contracts with German immigrants who settled in the Belovezh villages, and the immigration regulations based on the decree of Alexander I of 20 February 1804. Voluminous notes provide detailed information regarding the sources of Dr. Bartlett's material. These and a lengthy bibliography will prove valuable to future researchers in this field. Scholars interested in this era of Russian history will find this an informative book. Many others will find in it absorbing reading, Note: A copy of Human Capital has been placed into the AHSGR Archives. The book is available from Cambridge University Press, 32 East 57th Street, New York, N.Y. 10022. The price is $45.00. Printed below, courtesy of Professor Roger P. Bartlett of the Department of Russian Studies of the University of Keele, United Kingdom, is the official English-language version of Catherine's 1763 manifesto inviting foreign settlement along the lower Volga. According to Professor Bartlett, "On the 24 July (0. S.) 1763, the Senate received a decree from Catherine appointing G. G. Orlov President of the Chancellery of Guardianship, and forwarding the manifesto for publication. The Senate ordered the manifesto to be printed 'as in the Russian, so in all foreign languages, that is German, French, Latin, Polish, Italian and English/ and its dispatch to government offices within the Empire and — through the College of Foreign Affairs — to ministers abroad." The original document reposes in the Central State Archive of Ancient Documents in Moscow. 47 Translat. BY THE GRACE OF GOD WE CATHERINE THE SECOND; EMPRESS AND SOLE-MONARCH OK A L L R U S S I A S , of Moscovia , Kiovia , Uladimiria , Novogardia, Czarina of Casan, Czarina of Astracan, Czarina of Siberia, Lady of Pseovia, and Great Duchess of Smolensko, Duchess of Estonia, Livonia, Corelia , Tueria, Ingoria, Permia Viatka, Bolgaria and others, Lady, and Grand Duchess of Lower Novagardia, Pzernigovia, Refania, Roftovia, Iaroslavia, Belooseria, Udoria, Obdoria, Condinia and of the the Northern Coasts Dominatrice, and Lady of the Land of Iberia, the Czars of Cartalinia and Gruzinia as likewise of Cabardinia, the Duckes of Czircassia and of the Mountains, and many others, Heir, Successor, Lady and Ruler. hereas we knowing the vast Extent of Lands in our Empire, find amongst the rest a great many very advantageous and convenient Places for the settlement and Habitation of Mankind, which remaine yet uncultivated, and amongst which many have unexhaustable Treasures of divers metals hidden in the Bosom of the Earth, and they having Woods, rivers, Lakes, and Seas belonging to Commerce, enough, are very convenient for the increase and augmentation of Manufactures, Fabricks, and other Works. This induced us for the benefit of all our faithfull subjects to issue out a Manifest the 4 day of December 1762 past, but having declared therein Our Will and Pleasure tending to those Foreigners, who are desirous to settle themselves in Our Empire, in Short; We, in addition thereto, order to be made known to all of the following ordinance, which we do most solemnly constitute and command to be observed. I We allow and give Leave for all Foreigners to come into Our Empire and settle themselves wheresoever they shall desire in all Our Governments. II. Such Foreigners may come and appear not only in Our Residence to the appointed for that purpose Guardian – Office for foreigners, but even in other bordering City’s of Our Empire, where any one may find it more convenient, to the Governours, and where are none, to the Chief Commanders of those City’s. 48 III As amongst the said Foreigners, that are desirous to settle themselves in Russia, may happen to be such , who have not substance enough for to undertake the voyage, those may appear to Our Ministers or Residents, residing at Foreign courts, who will not only dispatch them forthwith to Russia upon Our own Cost and Expenses, but even supply them with money for their Journey. IV As soon as the said Foreigners come into Our Residence, and appear to the Guardian-Office, or in any of Our bordering City's or Towns, they are to declare their final Intention , whether they desire to list themselves for Trade, or Handy-Crafts, and be Citizens, and in which City they wish to be, or whether they desire to settle themselves in Colonys or by Places upon the free and convenient Grounds for Tillage and many other advantages ? which will be immediately resolved upon , and be allowed them according to their desire. As what tend’s particularly to those Places in Our Empire, where the said free Grounds fit for Plantations doly, that are to be seen in the following List, nevertheless there are a great many more vast spaces of Grounds, which do far exceed the above mentioned Number, supplyed with all other necessary’s for the sustenance of human Life, which we give Leave likewise to be inhabited by all, whosoever shall chuse for their Profit to settle themselves thereon. V. As soon as any Foreigner arrives into Our Empire for settlement, and appear’s to Our Guardian-Office, which is appointed for them, or in any other of our bordering City’s or Towns, he is to declare at first, as is prescribed in the 4. Precedent Article, his Intention, and then conformably to his Religion and its Rite to take the usual Oath of subjection and Fidelity to Us. VI. And to the end, that all Foreigners, as are desirous to settle themselves in Our Empire, may see, how far our good will extend’s to their Profit and Advantage, we do grant, that. I) All such Comers into Our Empire for settlement may enjoy the free Exercises of their Religion conformable to their Rites and Ceremonies, without any hindrance or molestation; and that those, which are desirous to settle themselves not in the Cities or Towns, but separately in the open Fields, in Colonys or by Places, may build themselves up Churches with steeples for Bells, and keep as many Parsons and Clergymen as will be needfull, excluding only building up Monastery’s: admonishing however hereby, that none of the divers Christians dwelling in Russia presume under what Pretence soever it be, to persuade or turn any one to his Religion or community, under Penalty of suffering the Rigour and severity of Our Laws, except the Mahometans of different Nations dwelling near to the Borders of 49 Our Empire, whom we do allow in a decent manner to be persuaded to embrass the Christian Religions, but even to be made band-men to any one. A) Such Foreigners, as come for settlement to Russia, shall be exempt of all Tributs payable into Our Treasury and of all ordinary and extraordinary services or Duties, as likewise of giving Quarters to soldiers, and in short, they shall be free from all Taxes and Burdens as fallow’s, viz. Those which come over by many Familys and by whole colony’s and settle themselves on the open Fields or uncultivated Grounds are to enjoy the above said immunitys for thirty Years; but those, which desire to abide in the City’s, as alsos to list themselves for Handy-Crafts or Trade in Our Residence in St. Petersburg or in the adjacent places, in the Citys of Livonia and Estonia, Ingermandia, Cordia, and Finland, or in Our Capital City of Moscow, for five Years, and in the other Citys of Our Governments and Provinces, for ten Years; moveover to every one of them, who come into Russia not for a short time, but for to settle themselves, will be given free Lodgings for half a Year. 3) All those Foreigners, which come for settlement to Russia, shall according to their Inclinations, either to Husbandry, or any Handy-Craft, or the setting up of Manufactures, Fabricks or Works, receive all aide and Assistance therein, as also shall be given them for that purpose sufficient Lands, and all needful help and assistance proportionable to every ones Condition, observing in the meantime the necessity and advantange of erecting new Fabricks and Works, especially such as have not been hitherto established in Russia. 4) For the Building of Houses, and providing themselves with all Kind of Cattle needful in Husbandry, as likewise all necessary utensils for Tillage and Handy-Crafts, Provisions and Materials, shall be given them out of our Treasury a sufficient sum of money without Interest or per cent, upon Condition of paying back only the said sum, after the Expiration of ten Years, in three Years time by equal Parts. 5) Such, as have settled themselves in separate Colonys and Places, we leave their inner Jurisdiction to their own good disposition, so that Our Commanders shall no ways concern themselves with the Management of their Affairs; but in the rest they must submit themselves to Our Civil Law; and in case they should desire of Us, from themselves to have a proper Person appointed to them with a Safe- Gard of well disciplained Troops, for their security and safety, till they become well acquainted with the with the neighbouring inhabitants, it shall be granted to them. 6) Every one of those Foreigners, who are desirous to come and settle themselves in Russia, we do allow the Importation of their goods and Effects consisting in any thing whatsoever, without Toll or Custom, provided they be for their own use and not for sale: But in Case any one would import more Merchandizes, than he has need of, for sale, we give him Liberty to do it, allowing every Family the Import of such goods with out paying any Toll or Custom, to the Value of, and not exceeding three hundred Rubles, on Condition, that they remain in Russia no less than ten Years; otherwise they will be obliged at their Leaving Russia to pay down for the above said Merchandizes the usual Tolls and Customs of Importation and Exportation. 7) Such Foreigners, that have settled themselves in Russia, as long as they remain in the Empire, shall not be appointed to any Military or Civil – Duty against their will, except Land-Dutys, and even that after the prescribed Years of Respit be expired; but in case any one should desire of his own accord to enter into Our Military Service, and List himself for a soldier, such a one at his appointment into the Regiment shall receive a Reward of thirty Rubles above the usual salary. 50 8) As soon as the said Foreigners appear to the appointed Guardian-Office for that purpose, or in any other of Our bordering Citys, and declare their desire to go and settle themselves into the Inner Parts of Russia, they shall have Diet-money given them, as also free Horses to carry them to the intended Places. 9) If any of those Foreigners that have settled themselves in Russia – shall erect Fabricks or Works, and manufacture there such Merchandizes, as have not been made yet in Russia; We do allow and give Leave to sell and export the said Merchandizes out of Our Empire for ten Years, without paying any inland Tolls; Port – Duties or Customs on the Borders. 10) If any Foreign Capitalist will erect Fabricks, Manufactures or Works in Russia, We allow him to purchase for the said Fabricks, Manufactures, and Works a requisite Number of Bond – People and Peasants. 11) To those Foreigners which have settled themselves in Our Empire by Colonies or Places, we do allow and give Leave to appoint such Markets and Fairs, as they themselves shall think most proper, without paying any Toll or Custom into Our Treasury. VII. All the above said Avantages and Ordinance are to be enjoyed not only by those, who have settled themselves in Our Empire, but even by their Children after tem and their Posterity, though they might be born in Russia, reckoning the said Years, from the Day of their Ancestors coming into Russia. VIII. After the Expiration of the above said Years of Respit, all those Foreigners, who have established themselves in Russia, must pay the accustomed Taxes, which are very tolerable, and perform the Land – Duties, as Our other Subjects do. IX. At last, if any of the said Foreigners, which have settled themselves in Our Empire and are come under Our Subjection, should desire to go out of Our Empire, we give them Leave and free Liberty always to do the same, on such Conditions however, that they deliver, of all their wellgotten Wealth into Our Treasury, as fallows, viz: those that have lived in Our Empire from one to five Years the fifth part; from five to ten Years and further, the tenth Part; and then they may set out to any Parts, wither they have a mind, withour any hindrance or Molestation. X But in case any of the Foreigners, which are desirous to settle themselves in Russia, shall for some particular Reasons demand besides the prescribed Conditions, other Privilages more: Such may adress themselves either in writing or Personally to Our appointed Guardian-Office for Foreigners, which will circumstantially represent it to us, and then according to the Conjunctures We shall give a more favourable Resolution there upon, which they may expect from Our Equity, Given at Peterhoff the 22. day of July 1763. and of our Reign the Second. The Original Her Imperial Majesty Signed (L.S) Printed in St. Petersbour at the Senate With Her own Hknd thus : th« 25. day of July 1763. CATHERINE. 51 A LIST Of the Lands in Russia, which are free and convenient for Plantations. i) In the Government of Tobolsk in the Land of Barabin , are Some hundred thousand Desiatins (*) of Grounds, which are very fertile und convenient for Plantations, having woods , Rivers and Fischerics enough. a) In the Said Government under the jurisdiction of the Fortress of Ust- Kumenegorsk all along the Rivers Uba, Uloc, Bcrcf^wka, Gluboca, and other Rivulets, which fall as well into the Said Rivers, as into, the River Inilch, are likcwifc very advantageous Grounds for Plantations. 3) In the Goveriimcnt of Aftracan from SaratofF up the River Volga, in the Territory of Rasdory, where the River Karaman in its Current dividcth itfelf into two Parts near the River Tclaufica, are besides Sufficient Corn-Lands 5478 Desiatins of meadow-Ground, and 4467 of Woods for Fcwcl and fit for building of Houfcs. Adjoining to the Territory of Zaurnorsko Rwoik, are 810 Desiatins of meadow-Ground and 1131 of Woods, Near the Rivulet Tishan, are 469 Dcftatins of meadow-Ground and 496 of Woods. Near the Rivulet Wertuhany are 2979 Desiatins of meadow-Ground and 3607 of Woods fit for Building. Near the Rivulet Irgife, are 5418 Desiatins of meadow-Ground, and 1711 of Woods. Near the Rivulet Sanzalcy, ate 1789 Desiatins of meadow-Ground and 1711 of Woods. Near the Rivulet Bercfowka, are 1325 Desiatins of meadow-Ground and 1606 of Woods. Near the Rivulet call’d the litte Irgife, are 731 Desiatins of meadow-.Cround and 712 of Woods. From Saratoff down the River Volga below the Rivulet Muhar Tarlick, are befides fufficient Corn-Grounds, 6366 Desiatins of Meadow-Ground, and 943 of Woods for Fewel and fit for building of Houfes. By tho Rivulet Befimianna, are 962 Dedatins of Meadow-Ground, and 609 of Woods. Along the Rivulet called the litle Tarlick. are 3509 Desiatins of Meadow- Ground and 840 of Wfoods. At the Rivulet Called the great Tarlick, are 4122 Desiatins of Meadow- Ground and 840 of Woods. ):( ):( (*) A Sesiatin is a Piece of Ground of 36 Perches, 2 Yards in Length, and of 13 Perchse 3 Yards and and a half in breadth. 52 Between the Rivulets call'd the great Tarlick and Kamifchew Bujarack, are 3433 Desiatins of Meadow-Ground and 1828 of Woods. Near the Rivulet Kamifchew Bujarack. are 1751 Desiatins of Meadow- Ground and 2254 of Woods. Along the Rivulet Eruslan, are 1744 Desiatins of Grafs-Ground, and 523 of Woods. At the Mouth of the Rivulet called the Lower Eruslan, are 1770 Defiatins of Meadow -Ground and 1104. of Woods. Near the Rivulet Jablonnoy Bujarack are 4003 Desiatins of Meadow-Ground and Woods. And in all there are above 70000 Desiatins of Such Grounds, which are convenient and fit for plantations. 4) In the Government of Orenburg along the River Sacmara, forty Werft diftant from Orenburg and below the River Samara within three hundred Wcrft of the faid City to the River Canel, .as also below the Town Samara along the River Volga as far as the mouth of the Rivulet Irgife and up the faid Rivulet, are so much very fertile and convenient Grounds for plantations, as will be enough for some thoufands of Family to Settle themfelves upon. 5) In the Government of Belogorod in the Diftrict of Waluy along the Rivulets Jurawka, Derkul, Bitka and Oskul, are free Grounds and meadows enough for the Plantation of some hundreds of Houses, which consequently may be of great advantage to the new Colony's The AHSGR Archives and Historical Library housed in the Greeley (Colorado) Public Library contains in addition to maps, manuscripts, and documents, several hundred books which may be checked out to members of the Society through Interlibrary Loan. Members of the Society may request any volume in the AHSGR collection from their own local libraries which will then order the books from the Greeley Library and check them out to the member requesting them. No more than three items will be loaned at one time. Materials may be checked out for a period of one month. Members will be required to show a current AHSGR membership card when requesting items and will be charged for return postage at the library rate. A fifty page Bibliography of the AHSGR Archives and Historical Library provides a short description of each item in the AHSGR collection. Copies of the bibliography are available at two dollars each (plus fifty cents for postage and handling) from AHSGR, 631 D Street, Lincoln, Nebraska 68502. 53 DAVID MILLER GIVES BOOKS TO OUR ARCHIVES Emma Schwabenland Haynes David Miller has donated twenty-eight valuable books to our Archives in Greeley. Most of them were collected while Mr. Miller served on the legal staff of General Clay, Office of the Military Government of the United States in Germany. We had originally acquired five of them in xeroxed form, but Mr. Miller has now provided us with the original copies. These are: 1. Foe11, Johann. Das uebertunchte Grab. (Written under the pseudonym of Rev. Kern and published by Carlo von Kuegelgen.) Berlin: Nibelungen Verlag, 1934. 179 pp. The memoirs of a Black Sea clergyman who was arrested in 1930 and served a prison sentence on the White Sea Canal and in Siberia. 2. Leibbrandt, Georg. Die deutschen Kolonien in Cherson und Bessarabien . . . Stuttgart: Ausland und Heimat Verlag, 1926. 197 pp. This book is based upon the reports of 1848 of German colonies in the Ukraine. 3. Schulze-Moelkau, Rudolf. Die Grundzuegedes wolgadeutschen Sfaatswesens im Rahmen der russischen Nationalitaetenpolitik. Munich; Reinhardt, 1931. 151 pp. diagrams. A very important book contrasting the government of the Volga Germans under the tsars with the new system of the Autonomous Republic of the Volga Germans. 4. Stach, Jakob. Grunau und die Mariupoler Kolonien. Leipzig; Verlag Herzel, 1942. 81 pp. Contains much useful material on the history of the German colonies near Mariupol on the Sea of Azov. 5. Stenzel, Johannes, Wolgadeutschen Predigten und Lebenserrinerungen so wie Lebensbilder von der Wolga. Berlin: By the Author, 1923. 160 pp. A book of sermons and an autobiography of a Volga German pastor who fled to Germany after World War I. Other books which we did not have before include: 1. Adamic, Louis. A Nation of Nations. New York: Harper Bros. No date but around 1940. 399 pp. Contains a chapter on Americans from Russia, including Germans from Russia. 2. Der Adventbote. Organ der Siebenten-Tag-Adventisten. Vol. 6, No. 7, Moskau: H. J. Lobsack, 1928. A periodical of the Seventh Day Adventists in Moscow. (It was probably discontinued the following year.) 3. Boje, Walter. Heinrich Lorgast. , . Berlin: Hellmut Reichel, 1943, 169 pp. A novel written by a German prisoner of war who was interned in Balzer on the Volga during World War I. 4. Geissler, A. Das Land ohne Gnade. Berlin: Drei Tuermer Verlag, c. 1933. 283 pp. A novel of the Russian Germans. 5. Goetz, Karl. Die grosse Heimkehr, (The Great Ho mecoming), Stuttgart: EngelhornsNachf. About 1941. 247 pp. Experiences of the Volhynian Germans when they were brought back to the Reich during the Hitler regime. 6. Haarmann, Hermann. Das Engels Project. Ein Antifaschistisches Theater. Worms: Georg Heintz, 1973. 145pp. The story of antifascist German emigres to the Soviet Union in 1936-1941. They started a theatre in Engels in the Volga German Republic. 7. Hoerner-Heintze, Suse von. Weit warder Weg. Leipzig: Hase and Koehler, 1942. 648 pp. A novel about the early experiences of Volhynian Germans and their fate in World War II, 54 8. Hoff, Charlotte. Acht Jahre in sibirischen Gefangenschaft . . . Wuerttemberg: SiebenzeIIer Mission, 1928. 64pp. An account of the experiences of a German missionary when she was imprisoned in Siberia from 1914-1922. 9. Kraft, Siegfried. Die Russland-deutschen Fluechtlinge des Jahres 1929-1930 und die Aufnahrne im deutschen Reich. Halle: Martin Luther University, 1939. 99 pp. A doctoral thesis on Russian German refugees in 1929-1930 and their acceptance in the German Reich. 10. Krupinski, Kurt von. Die Sowfetunion in Spiegelbild der Rueckkehrer. Berlin: Otto Stollberg, no publishing date but before World War II. 143 pp. The Soviet Union as pictured by people who returned from there. 11. Mueller-Hennig, E. Wolgafcinder im Baltenland. Berlin: Junge Generation Verlag, 1938. 187 pp. The experiences of Volga German children who fled to the Baltic in their attempts to reach Germany after World War I. 12. Obst, Erich. Russische Skizzen. Berlin: Verlag Kurt Vowinckel, 1925. 251 pp. A picture book with description of northern Russia, the Ukraine, the Volga, and the Caucasus. 13. Ponten, Josef. Aufzur Wolga. Koeln: Hermann Schaffstein Verlag, 1931. 77 pp. The coming of German settlers to the Volga. 14. Ponten, Josef. Auszug nach Wiesenbellmann. Leipzig; Verlag Adam Kraft, n.d. 63 pp. A fictional account of the founding of a daughter colony on the east side of the Volga. 15. Ponten, Josef. Wolga Wolga. Stuttgart: Deutsche Veriag Anstalt, 1930. 320pp. Part of this novel has been incorporated in the book Im Wolgaland. 16. Ponten, Josef. Der Zug nach dem Kaukasus. Stuttgart: Verlags Anstalt, 1940. 270pp. The journey of German settlers to the Caucasus. 17. Porzgen, Hermann. Ein Landohne Gott. Frankfurt/M: Societats Verlag, 1936. 161 pp. A German journalist tells of his trip through Russia. The section on German colonists on the Volga from page 61 to the end is particularly interesting to members of our Society. 18. Schleuning, Johannes. A^m Leben hat ein Ziel. Witten: Luther Verlag, 1964. 632 pp. An autobiography of the life of Rev. Johannes Schleuning with particular attention paid to the events of 1914-1920 in Russia. 19. Schmidt, David K. Als Evangelist in Russland, USA und Deutschland. Giessen: Brunnen Verlag, 1969. 88pp. The author is a Volga German who left Russia after World War I and conducted religious meetings in the USA and in Germany. 20. Seltmann, Lothar von. Tagebuch vom Treck der Wolhyniendeutschen. Potsdam: Ludwig Voggenreiter Verlag. Second edition, 1944. 80 pp. The trek of the Volhynian Germans back to German territory in 1939-1940. 21. Weibel, Waiter. Russland, Munich; Delphin, c. 1916.96pp. Pictures of 205 Russian scenes with accompanying comments. 22. Weidman, Adolf. Bericht von den kaukasischen Fluechtlingen in Brasilien. n.p., n.d. but probably around 3968. !03pp. Describes the coming of Volhynian Germans to Russia, their migration to the Caucasus and eventual settlement of some of them in Brazil after World War II. 23. Zabel, Eugen. Sakuska, Russische Erinnerungen und Eriebnisse. Dresden: Carl Riessner Verlag, c. 1921 157pp. Memories of and experiences in Russia. 55 ARRIVAL DATES IN NEW YORK OF STEAMSHIPS GIVEN IN WORK PAPERS I5 THROUGH 24 Emma Schwabenland Haynes This is a continuation of the list of ships given in Journal Vol. 3, No. 1 (Spring 1980). All ships left from Hamburg, Germany, and arrived in New York with the exception of the S. S. Assyria (Work Paper 17) which came to Baltimore. Vessels going to South America are not given. WORK PAPER 15 WORK PAPER 17 S.S. Moravia S.S, Frisia Departure; 30 October 1884 Departure: 13 June 1877 Arrival: 14 November 1884 Arrival: 26 June 1877 S.S- Polynesia S.S. Gellert Departure: 28 March 1888 Arrival: 14 Departure: 27 June 1877 April 1888 Arrival: 11 July 1877 S*S. Hungaria S.S. Suevia Departure: 27Aprill888 Arrival: 15 Departure; 4 July 1877 May 1888 Arrival: 18 July 1877 S.S. Rhaetia S.S. Lessing Departure; 21 October 1888 Departure: 11 July 1877 Arrival: 5 November 1888 Arrival: 25 July 1877 S.S. Columbia Departure; 8 May 1890 S.S. If order Arrival: 17 May 1890 Departure; 18 July 1877 Arrival; 1 August 1877 S.S. Augusta Victoria Departure: 15 May 1890 Arrival: 24 May 1890 S.S. Pretoria Departure: 8 May 1898 S.S. Normannia Departure: 22 May Arrival: 21 May 1898 1890 Arrival: 31 May 1890 S.S. Furst Bismarck Departure: 19 S.S. Scandia May 1898 Arrival: 27 May 1898 Departure: 30 May 1890 Arrival: 10 June 1890 S.S. Fuerst Bismarck Departure: 14 July 1898 Arrival: 22 July 1898 S.S. Columbia Departure; 5 June 1890 Arrival: 13 June 1890 S.S. Polatia Departure: 24 July 1898 S.S.Augusta Victoria Departure; 10 Arrival; 5 August 1898 July 1890 Arrival: 19 July 1890 S.S. Brasilia S.S. Patria Departure: 17 October 1898 Departure; 3 April 1898 Arrival: 1 November 1898 Arrival: 18 April 1898 S.S. Assyria Insert after Schwindt on page 53 of Work Paper 15. Departure: 24 October 1898 DEINES Arrival: 13 November 1898 Christoff27 Catherina 27 Elisabeth 1 Georg 1 month S.S. Pretoria Departure; 1 November 1898 S.S. Pennsylvania Arrival: 14 November 1898 Departure: 25 April 1898 Arrival: 2 May 1898 S.S. Brasilia (according to Morton Alien's Directory of European Departure: 30 August 1899 Passenger Steamship Arrivals). Arrival: 13 September 1899 S.S. Sorrento S.S. Patria Departure: 27 April 1898 Arrival: 16 Departure: 10 September 1899 May 1898 Arrival: 22 September 1899 S.S. Pretoria Departure: 9 October 1899 Arrival: 20 October 1899 S.S.Augusta Victoria Departure: 19 October 1899 Arrival: 30 October 1899 56 S.S. Fuerst Bismarck Departure: S.S. Scandia 20 April 1899 Arrival: 29 April Departure: 7 May 1892 Arrival; 1899 20 May 1892 WORK PAPER 20 WORK PAPER 22 S.S. Pennsylvania Departure: 24 S.S. Moravia June 1900 Arrival: 6 July 1900 Departure: 6 April 1898 Arrival: 26 April 1898 S.S. Pretoria Departure: 1 July 1900 Arrival: S.S. Bulgaria 14 July 1900 Departure: 10 April 1898 Arrival: 28Apritl898 S.S. Patricia Departure: 26 August 1900 S.S. Suevia Arrival: 7 September 1900 Departure: 16 April 1893 Note: This ship had no name in Work Paper 20, but I was eventually Arrival: 1 May 1893 able to find it. S.S. Russia S.S. Augusta Victoria Departure: Departure: 23 July 1890 30 August 1900 Arrival: 8 Arrival: 5 August 1890 September 1900 S.S. Rugia S.S. Belgravia Departure: 21 September 1890 Departure: I November 1900 Arrival: 6 October 1890 Arrival: 14 November 1900 S.S. Patricia S.S. Fuerst Bismarck Departure: 7 Departure: 3 November 1901 November 1900 Arrival: 16 Arrival: 18 November 1901 November 1900 S.S. Palatia S.S. Patricia Departure: 17 November 1901 Departure: 18 November 1900 Arrival: 2 December 1901 Arrival: 3 December 1900 S.S. Pretoria S.S.Graf Waldersee Departure: 25 Departure: 1 December 1901 November 1900 Arrival: 10 Arrival: 16 December 1901 December 1900 S.S. Wieland S.S. Phoenecia Departure: 4 July 1886 Arrival: 16 Departure: 30 December 1900 July 1886 Arrival: 14 January 1901 S.S. Godeffroy S.S.Patricia Departure: 6 January Departure: 15 November 1877 1901 To South Africa Arrival; 19 January 1901 These people evidently did not get off the boat in England and transfer to a ship sailing to North America. Perhaps they went to S.S. Barcelona South America or perhaps they really did go to South Africa. Departure: 12 January 1901 Arrival: 25 January 1901 S.S. Saturnus Departure: 3 January 1878 To Insert after Reisenauer on page 78 of Work Paper 20. South Africa See note above. ROTH John 29 (from Dobrinka to Hebron, N.D.) Margaret S.S. Wieland 25 Rochus 2 Departure; 22 May 1878 Arrival: 5 June 1878 S.S.Phoenicia Note: The Eisels (p. 47) got sick and came on a later ship. The Departure:'30 March 1901 Diecks (p. 47) and the Joosts (Josts) (p. 49) were from the colony Arrival: 15 April 1901 of Norka. S.S. Armenia S.S. Frisia Departure: 1 June 1901 Arrival: Departure: 13 November 1878 17 June 1901 Arrival: 27 November 1878 Note: Names of passengers on this ship are incomplete, but they S-S. Deutschtand Departure: 25 were given in the second issue of Clues for 1980. July 1901 Arrival: 1 August 1901 WORK PAPER 23 S.S. Patricia Departure: 3 November 1901 S.S. Suevia Arrival; 18 November 1901 Departure: 6 September 1876 Arrival: 21 September 1876 S.S. Palatia Departure: 17 November 1901 S.S. Frisia Arrival: 2 December 1901 Departure: 22 November 1876 Arrival: 8 December 1876 57 S.S.Svevia S.S. Westphalia Departure; 22 Departure: 16 May 1877 June 1881 Arrival: 6 July 1881 Arrival; 31 May 1877 S.S. Wieland S.S. Wieland Departure; 27 July 1881 Arrival: Departure: 6 June 1877 11 August 1881 Arrival; 19 June 1877 Note: The Erdman family should be called Rathke (p. 78), And the S.S. Wand following sentence should be, "Johann Rathke and family were Departure: 19 October 1881 from Rosenberg, Russia." Arrival: 2 November 1881 S.S, Pommerama Departure: 20 S.S. Polarw Departure; 2 June June 1877 Arrival: 3 July 1877 1886 S.S. Herder Note; The Groth, Zeiler, and Brehm families came on the S.S. Suevia, Departure: 31 October 1877 leaving Hamburg on 4 June 1886 (listed below). Arrival: 17 November 1877 S.S. Suevia S.S. Pammww Departure: 4 June 1886 Departure: 7 November 1877 Arrival: 17 June 1886 Arrival: 23 November 1877 Note; The Jacobs (Jacobi) and Leil families (p. 80) did not sail on S.S. Gellert this ship. Departure: 6 June 1886 Arrival: 19 June 1886 S.S. Wieland Departure: 14 November 1877 S.S. Sorrento Arrival: 28 November 1877 Departure: 16 June 1886 Arrival: Note: The Uhrich family, which is given for this ship, should be 1 July 1886 called the Ehrlich family. S.S. Hammonia Departure: \ S.S. Gellert August 1886 Arrival: 13 August Departure: 5 May 1880 Arrival: 1886 19 May 1880 S.S. Wieland WORK PAPER 24 Departure: 15 August 1886 Arrival: 28 August 1886 S.S. Lessing Departure: 23 April 1879 S.S. Rugia Arrival: 7 May 1879 Departure; 19 September 1886 Armal; 2 October 1886 S.S. Leasing Departure: 11 June 1879 S.S. Frisia Arrival: 25 June 1879 Departure: 25 September 1878 Arrival: 9 October 1878 S.S. Gellert Departure; 4 June 1879 S.S./.essmg Arrival: 18 June 1879 Departure: 24 November 1880 Arrival: 10 December 1880 S.S. Silesia Departure; 22 December 1880 S.S. Silesia Arrival; 6 January 1881 Departure: 22 December 1880 Arrival; 6 January 1881 S.S. Cimbria Departure: 18 May 1881 S.S.Lessing Arrival: 1 June 1881 Departure: 20 December 1876 Arrival: 6 January 1877 S.S. Herder Departure: 25 May 1881 S.S. Frisia Arrival: 9 June 1881 Departure: 22 November 1876 Arrival: 8 December 1876 S.S. Lessiftg Note; This ship has been given before. Departure; 1 June 1881 Arrival: 16 June 1881 58 CHANGES IN LAND OWNERSHIP IN FRANZFELD/ODESSA 1806-1822 Adam Giesinger...... 41 .45 ADDITIONS TO THE LOAN COLLECTION Reviews by Adam Giesinger, Nancy Bernhardt Holland, and Emma Schwabenland Haynes ...... 56 ARRIVAL DATES IN NEW YORK OF STEAMSHIPS GIVEN IN WORKPAPERS 15 THROUGH 24 Emma Schwabenland Haynes COVER: Sketch for a medal commemorating -the Manifesto of 1763 found among the personal papers of the Empress Catherine II in the Central State Archive of Ancient Documents in Moscow. The accompanying Russian text reads as follows: Project for a medal marking the invitation of foreigners to Russia for settlement. On the first side: the portrait of HER MAJESTY, with the usual subscription. On the obverse (depicted): the Goddess of Earth or Fertility, sitting on a hillock and having on her head an urban crown, leans on a shield with the coat of arms of the Russian Empire; in her right hand she holds a key, and with her left orders Mercury, who has in his hand a palm branch, as a sign of tranquil and peaceful co-habitation, to lead the newly-arriving foreign immigrants to the places assigned to them for settlement. At the feet of the Goddess lies a cornucopia, representing outstanding wealth in all products of the earth. In the distance may be seen on one side a settler tilling the soil, on the other a new town which is being built by a river. With this the inscription: She Adds New Subjects. Beneath; The invitation of foreigners for settlement in Russia, 1763. The document, which appears as the frontispiece to his volume Human Capital: The Settlement of Foreigners in Russia 1762-1804, was provided by Professor Roger P. Bartlett, The book is reviewed in this issue of the AHSGR Journal.