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Morality and State in the Fichtean Political Philosophy Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades ISSN: 1575-6823 ISSN: 2340-2199 [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla España Morality and State in the Fichtean Political Philosophy Arrese Igor, Hector Oscar Morality and State in the Fichtean Political Philosophy Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. 21, núm. 41, 2019 Universidad de Sevilla, España Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=28265032003 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivar 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto LAS IDEAS SU POLÍTICA Y SU HISTORIA Morality and State in the Fichtean Political Philosophy Moralidad y Estado en la filosofía política de Fichte Hector Oscar Arrese Igor 1 Centro de Investigaciones Filosóficas, CONICET , Argentina Abstract: e philosophy of history of 1804 and 1805 enables Fichte to place his natural right, developed previously at Jena, against a diachronic background. is means that Fichte does not reason merely synchronically from a timeless conception of society and state. From a synchronic viewpoint, Fichte cannot solve the problem of the control of political power because he has to draw on the assumption of a virtuous ephorate. is assumption is not consistent with the Fichtean ideal of a philosophy of right completely independent from moral considerations. us, the control of government is possible only if at least a group of citizens can go beyond the mere rational egoism. is new Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de temporal conception of the state leads Fichte to think that the problems of consistency Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. of his theory of Jena are unavoidable, given that a society integrated by egoist individuals 21, núm. 41, 2019 cannot be sustained. However, his later philosophy of history enables Fichte to state the Universidad de Sevilla, España inexorable annihilation of this type of community and gives place to an ensuing epoch, when citizens are not self-interested anymore. Recepción: 28 Agosto 2017 Aprobación: 28 Febrero 2018 Keywords: Fichte, Right, Egoism, Citizenship, History. Resumen: La filosofía de la historia de 1804 y 1805 permite a Fichte ubicar a su derecho Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/ natural, desarrollado previamente en Jena, en el marco de un trasfondo diacrónico. Esto articulo.oa?id=28265032003 significa que Fichte no razona meramente de modo sincrónico, es decir a partir de una concepción atemporal de la sociedad y el Estado. Desde un punto de vista sincrónico, Fichte no puede resolver el problema del control del poder político, porque debe recurrir al supuesto de un eforato virtuoso. Este supuesto no es consistente con el ideal fichteano de una filosofía del derecho completamente independiente de consideraciones morales. Por lo tanto, el control del gobierno es posible solamente si por lo menos un grupo de ciudadanos puede ir más allá del mero egoísmo racional. Esta concepción temporal nueva del Estado lleva a Fichte a pensar que los problemas de consistencia de esta teoría son inevitables, dado que una sociedad integrada por individuos egoístas no es sostenible. Sin embargo, esta filosofía tardía de la historia permite a Fichte afirmar la aniquilación inexorable de este tipo de comunidad y da lugar a la época siguiente, en la que los ciudadanos ya no son auto-interesados. Palabras clave: Fichte, Derecho, Egoismo, Ciudadania, Historia. During his time at Jena, Fichte tries to elaborate a eory of Right, without drawing on moral assumptions, in line with the Kantian idea of a form of government which could be applicable even to a people of devils. is implies that Fichte builds his theory on the assumption of the universal egoism. 2 e reason for this project lies in the Fichtean search for the conditions of self- consciousness, which is understood as the attribution to oneself of the capability to act in the sensible world. 3 Furthermore, Fichte explains self-consciousness from the recognition of the other, because he cannot do so from the relation between subject PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto 79 Araucaria, 2019, vol. 21, núm. 41, ISSN: 1575-6823 / 2340-2199 and object, which is characteristic of the relation of knowledge. 4 e type of intersubjective relationship that makes self-consciousness possible is that in which the other summons the I to free action, namely, to self- determination. 5 us, the other conveys to the I the concept that he or she has of him or her, which is the idea of a rational being. But this communication is possible only if the other acts in a certain way, that is, according to some formal conditions. e most important of these rules consists of the delimitation of a space of action identical for the I and the other. e principle of right, as Fichte names this fundamental rule, implies that the I is free to respond or not to the summons of the other because otherwise the I would not retain his or her sphere of free actions, and that principle would not be valid. 6 Given that the I remains free to respect the sphere of actions of the other or not to do so, it remains definitely open to the possibility that the I impinges upon the capability of agency of the other and eventually the conditions of his or her self-consciousness. As a result, Fichte deems it necessary to introduce a third instance that must settle the conflicts that may arise between the I and the other, which is the state. In order for this political community to fulfil its function, it must be designed as a set of rules that are meant to control egoists and not virtuous citizens so that they do not put in danger the freedom of the others. is is the aim of the social contract, in all its levels and dimensions. For this reason, the property contract, which is the first moment of the civil contract, aims only at each citizen engaging in refraining to interfere in the sphere of actions of the others. 7 In a second moment, Fichte suggests the necessity of complementing this first contract with the contract of protection, which requires the positive engagement in defending the citizen whose property is in danger. 8 In order to give effect to the contract of protection, the citizens must enter in the contract of unification (Vereinigungsvertrag) to constitute themselves in a community. 9 is requires, in turn, the signature of the contract of submission (Unterwerfungsvertrag), through which everyone engages in obeying the government as subjects 10 . As a consequence, everyone accepts in advance paying the penalties that they would receive in the case of infringing upon the former contracts in terms of the contract of expiation (Abbüssungsvertrag). 11 In the following section, I will try to show that Fichte does not succeed in sustaining the project of a theory of right without taking into consideration the moral philosophy, but he must draw on moral assumptions in order to sustain the civil contract. 1. e Control of the Government in the Natural Right of Jena e moral and psychological assumption of universal egoism leads Fichte to necessarily restrain popular participation in the government, thus taking a definitely anti-Rousseauian turn. 12 e government must PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto 80 Hector Oscar Arrese Igor. Morality and State in the Fichtean Political Philosophy concentrate all the power in its hands and make impossible all forms of civil participation in the making of decisions that are relevant to common life because otherwise the people would fall into an inevitable social fragmentation and a war of all against all. is requirement is materialized by the submission contract, by virtue of which each citizen confines him or herself to the domestic and private dimension, limiting him or herself to fulfil the role allotted in the social division of labor as centrally planned by the state. Nevertheless, the problem presented by this model of the exercise of power is the control of who makes the decisions. Fichte establishes the ephorate as a mediation to solve the task of monitoring who must control the citizens. 13 e ephors do not have coercive power over the government, even though they can proclaim an interdict and call it to a popular assembly in order to submit the government to a political judgment. 14 However, the ephorate must be composed of citizens chosen by their peers because of their virtues and wisdom (i.e., for not being egoists). e reason for that is that should the ephors be self- interested, they would reproduce the problem of the control of the ephors, who, in turn, must control the government and must do so with the citizens. 15 Here, Fichte finds one of the limits or blind spots of his theory because he must draw on ethical assumptions in order to build a theory that is meant to be independent of moral considerations. ese limitations acquire dramatic touches when Fichte must face the possibility that the ephors do not result in being as virtuous as expected and become corrupt themselves or are threatened by the government, because the armed forces must be only in the hands of the person who steers the state, according to the assumption of universal egoism. Fichte tries to solve this eventuality by resorting to the possibility that some citizens rebel against the authorities and the ephorate itself. ese rebels are the “natural ephors”, that is, citizens with a sense of justice that drives them to jeopardize their lives in order to preserve the common freedom and property.
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