CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix

LIST OF TABLES xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xii

1. Ready To Go: An Industry in the Making 1

2. Ready-made: The Structure and Development of the Industry 1850–1914 20

3. Made-to-measure: Structure and Strategy 1914–1940 53

4. Unsuited to Change: Strategy and Structure 1940–1970 91

5. The Cutting Edge: The Technology of Tailoring Production 107

6. A Stitch in Time: The Organization of Production and Work 130

7. Tailor-made: The History of Trade Unionism among the Leeds Clothing Workers 154

8. Engendering Work: The Division of Labour in the Leeds Tailoring Trade 172

9. Suitable Improvements: Upgrading Resources in the Leeds 194

10. Redressing the Balance: Women Workers and the Leeds Clothing Strike of 1970 209 viii Contents 11. An Industry in Tatters: The Decline of the Leeds Clothing Industry 226

Conclusion 248

APPENDIX 255

BIBLIOGRAPHY 307

INDEX 325 1 READY TO GO: AN INDUSTRY IN THE MAKING

THE manufacture of cloth as a central element in the process of indus- trialization has been well explored by historians. The industry that created garments from that cloth has, by contrast, been largely over- looked. The place of in people’s lives has fascinated social histori- ans, and the changing nature of attire and material culture have engaged historians, yet the way in which the production of costume was organized—especially, surprisingly, during its expansionary period from the mid-nineteenth century—has been neglected by historians of busi- ness. The garment trade has featured in recent discussions of industrial policy, especially in the context of ‘flexible specialization’, but the back- ground to its emergence in the 1980s and 1990s as a prime example of the effectiveness of niche marketing is neglected.1 The ‘clothing industry’ encompasses a range of products and a variety of manufacturing forms. Such a heterogeneous structure has been and remains a feature of an industry influenced to an unusual extent by shifts in fashion. What is particularly challenging for the historian of business is to identify strategy and structure within such a dynamic and locationally diverse industry. One possible approach is to analyse a core component of the trade during a period of transformation, while recognizing the limited opportunities for generalizations from such an investigation. Accordingly this study focuses on the production of men’s tailored outerwear () during the period in which the wearing of such garments became ubiqui- tous among British males of all social groups. The democratization of men’s apparel was a process associated with rising real incomes and changes in manufacturing and marketing of suits from the late nineteenth century. The large-scale production of men’s tailored outerwear became located in a number of British cities including Glasgow, Leicester, Colchester, London, and Leeds, but only the latter specialized in tailoring, which became a staple trade of the city during the inter-war years.

1 For discussion of flexible specialization see Michael J. Piore and Charles F. Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity. (New York, 1984). 2 An Industry in the Making The as the symbol of mass male clothing provides the key to the growth of the industry. Until the second half of the nineteenth century, woollen tailored garments were confined to the elite wardrobe. Working- class attire was more commonly constructed from cotton or a mix of cotton and other fibres.2 From the 1850s the style of men’s tailored outer- wear for all social classes began to converge. The growing popularity of the two- or three-piece business suit reflected a new male image of sobri- ety. The market for both ready-made and made-to-measure suits was also stimulated by rising real incomes and the expansion of white-collar occu- pations. Large-scale production of ready-made suits was augmented from the turn of the century by the impact of wholesale bespoke manufacture, which allowed a measured suit to be made and sold at the same price as its ready-made equivalent. It was in the production of wholesale bespoke suits that the Leeds industry specialized. Wholesale bespoke tailoring appealed greatly to working men because—for an affordable price—it allowed them to dress like gentlemen. It is not clear why—apart from the powerful force of emulation—they would wish to do this. For the lifestyle of manual workers, the tailored woollen suit was neither a comfortable nor a practical garment. Yet memories and visual sources show that most working men wore a suit for much of the time. Evidence from the foot- ball terraces from the 1920s onwards confirms this. The suit formed the basis of most male wardrobes from the 1920s to the 1960s. It became a powerful means by which the sense of place in modern society was acquired. All fighting men at the conclusion of both world wars were rewarded with a suit. This suggests that the ownership of such a garment had a special meaning in twentieth-century society. The demob suit was also a clever marketing strategy. The universal nature of suit-wearing was both a reflection of social and cultural change from the late nineteenth century and an outcome of innovation in - ing. The control of retail outlets by manufacturers was an essential part of making the connection between production and consumption. The manufacturers of suits came to control the market for their product. The multiple tailors—as the manufacturing retailers were known—were inno- vators, but their approach was also a component of a more widespread marketing revolution. Occupational change and rising real incomes generated demand for standardized products distributed through multi-

2 See Beverly Lemire ‘Developing Consumerism and the Ready-made Male Clothing Trade in Britain, 1750–1800’, History, 15 (1984), 21–44, and Sarah Levitt, ‘Cheap Mass-produced Men’s Clothing in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries’, Textile History, 22 (1991), 179–92. An Industry in the Making 3 ple stores. The making of suits on a large scale and the scientific approach to manufacture confirmed the suit as part of the mass culture of the early twentieth century in which the need to conform was paramount. The manufacturers and sellers of suits played their part in the promotion of conformity. The suit was a universal feature of demotic dress for forty years from the 1920s despite its inappropriateness for many people and purposes. By 1960 a return to unstructured clothing for the working class began. This trend soon spread to other social groups. The move to less in the 1960s and the reversion to lighter fabrics in less constricting styles were practical responses to changes in working-class lifestyle. The period of the suit can therefore be seen as a temporary irregularity in the history of demotic dress. From the 1960s the suit was no longer a democratic garment, yet the multiple tailors resisted the trend away from its popu- larity. For them, suit-wearing was an integral feature of modern society. Without it society would be undermined. Yet, manufacturing tailors who failed to respond to the move towards more informal and less structured clothing from 1960 went out of business. Those who recognized the new trend either diversified into retailing or moved into the production of upmarket suits. This marked a return to the suit as an elite garment or as working apparel. By the 1980s the suit had become a component of niche marketing rather than an item of mass distribution. The purpose of this study is to place the growth of the tailoring indus- try from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries, and its decline thereafter, within the context of technical, structural, and strategic developments. The growth of the trade took place in two distinct phases. In the later nineteenth century technical and organizational changes in manufacturing formed the basis of the industry’s growth as production expanded in connection with a complementary workshop sector. Further expansion in the inter-war years, when the majority of the nation’s suits were produced in Leeds, rested heavily on innovation in marketing. Thus the principal producers of menswear became its predom- inant retailers also, so that for several decades from the 1930s over 60 per cent of all suits sold in Britain were made and marketed by a handful of Leeds ‘multiple tailors’. The gains derived from an emphasis on retailing strategy sustained the industry well into the 1960s, and beyond the point at which manufacturing itself ceased to be profitable. Despite the support provided by a sound structure of retailing outlets, and the long-term financial contribution that these provided, the manufacturing business of the multiples inevitably declined in the face of foreign competition that 4 An Industry in the Making accelerated from the 1970s. In a number of respects the tailoring industry followed the route of much British manufacturing decline since the Second World War. Employer insensitivity to changing demand and dogged pursuit of a strategy that minimized investment in skills and tech- nique permitted high levels of productivity in the context of ‘style monot- ony’, but were clear weaknesses in the context of both cheap imports and competition from more demand-responsive producers. Inadequate and inappropriate government policy merely compounded the problem. This book is organized around a thematic analysis of the structure of clothing production and its managerial strategy, the core of which was profit maximization through cost containment and intensive working practices. A hard-working yet poorly paid and inadequately trained labour force provided the support for such a strategy. The hierarchical gendering of the clothing labour force was a crucial element in the long- term maintenance of worker exploitation. Machining, performed largely by women for low wages, was the core activity within clothing produc- tion. Men comprised less than 20 per cent of the clothing labour force, and for them pay and conditions were substantially better. The unequal gender relationships that persisted within the tailoring workplace were maintained by the actions of both employers and trade unionists. The relationship between employers and male workers was characterized by both conflict and collusion during the period covered by this study. This book therefore attempts to integrate a business history of the industry with issues that have emerged through an analysis of gender relations at work. It is argued that because both the structure of the industry and the strategy pursued by employers were so dependent on a workforce whose gender was critical to the way it responded to the work process, then an understanding of gender inequalities in the workplace which informed this response is vital. The structure of the book thus combines an exploration of strategic decisions with an examination of issues of social relations within production. The Leeds tailoring industry was composed of hundreds of firms of varying size and longevity. Detailed information about many of these businesses is contained in the Appendix. The text makes reference to particular firms where appropriate, but because the emphasis is the industry as a whole, detail is kept to a minimum. The Appendix should be consulted for the information on specific cases. The focus of the book is the period after 1914. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the early stages of the development of the Leeds industry before the First World War. The expansion of the trade in the late nineteenth An Industry in the Making 5 century required a symbiotic relationship between factory and workshop. Until the turn of the century, the workshop sector was largely controlled by Jewish tailors, the majority of whom had migrated to Leeds from eastern Europe between the 1860s and the 1880s, while most of the were owned by gentiles. A shift in the pattern of demand for men’s tailored outer- wear from cheap ready-made garments to medium-priced made-to-measure suits, together with technical changes, served to undermine the position of the Jewish workshop after 1900. By 1914 the factory had absorbed most of the production processes and the role of a number of immigrant Jewish tailors was poised to assume new and much greater significance. In Chapter 3 this significance is identified in the context of a discussion of industry structure and strategy from 1914 to 1940. The combination of a potentially huge market for moderately priced measured clothing and new trends in retailing characterized by the multiple store created an opportunity of which a number of Jews made full use before and shortly after the First World War. Of the multiple tailoring businesses that dominated the national market for men’s outerwear in the inter-war years, a significant proportion was owned by Leeds Jews. Structural problems in the industry were perceptible as early as the 1950s. Chapter 4 considers the indications of managerial weakness in the local industry that nevertheless remained at the forefront of the nation’s tailoring trade until the 1970s. A shift in domestic demand towards less formal and less tailored dress, which was increasingly met by imported products failed to stimulate strategic change among manufacturers. For the multiple firms, a move out of manufacturing while preserving the more profitable retailing sector may have been an appropriate response. This strategy was pursued out of necessity from the later 1970s, but an earlier shift may have reduced inefficiency in the trade. By the 1980s the difficulties of the Leeds industry could no longer be ignored. The creation of a labour-intensive industry in the context of technical developments is explored in Chapter 5. It is argued that the rapid diffu- sion of the sewing-machine in the second half of the nineteenth century created a pool of cheap female labour which came to personify the low- skill, labour-intensive nature of the industry. There was subsequently less technical innovation in the (female) sewing room than in any other area of the production process. This can be understood in terms of the industry’s overall strategy to contain costs and specifically to maintain its dependence on low-cost labour. Chapter 6 extends the theme of the creation of a labour-intensive yet ‘mass production’ industry. It explores the organiza- tion of production and work in the industry including the ‘rationalization’ 6 An Industry in the Making of manufacture from the inter-war years, and attempts to resolve the contradictions involved in the processes by which clothing became confirmed as a low-waged, low-skill industry. The implications of these features for managerial strategy and gender relations in the workplace are drawn out. Chapter 7 traces the emergence of a national tailors’ union based in Leeds and explores the relationship between the National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers (NUTGW) and the employers’ federation, the Wholesale Clothiers and Manufacturers Federation (WCMF). The union was unusually well organized in Leeds, where a number of firms achieved 100 per cent membership. Episodes in the history of the union exemplify, and to an extent explain, gender relationships at work. Evidence of women’s relatively erratic relationship with the union suggests that female tailoring workers perceived the NUTGW as a male- led organization, serving the interests of men. That the union ultimately failed both the majority of its members and the industry itself is consid- ered in Chapter 8, which focuses on the connection between the actions of the union and the gendering of workplace relations. The gender divi- sion of labour that evolved in the tailoring trade, which allocated tasks to men and women in a hierarchical manner, was reinforced by the actions of the male-dominated trade union. The creation of women workers as low-paid and low-skilled labour formed a crucial component of employer strategy, and sustained profit levels for more than 100 years. It was a strat- egy that ultimately proved disastrous. The gendering of work in the Leeds tailoring trade, far from constituting an efficient distribution of labour, served to preserve poor pay and conditions of work for the female workforce and to discourage the investment in skills and technology that may have prolonged the industry’s survival. Chapter 9 considers efforts made to improve the industry’s perfor- mance through government-sponsored schemes to upgrade the skill of labour and to enhance productivity growth. In both cases, however, government action was strongly resisted by employers, and ultimately failed to reverse the long-term decline of the industry. Chapter 10 returns to the analysis of the relationship between gender and work and business strategy and the ultimately disastrous nature of this connection. The clothing workers’ strike of 1970, which centred on Leeds but reflected problems in the trade nationally, came to symbolize the response of women tailoring workers to several decades of oppression by both employers and the male-dominated union hierarchy. It also marked the conclusion of a long period in which the low pay of clothing workers of An Industry in the Making 7 both sexes supported an inefficient industry. Prolonged association with cost containment practices had created an industry characterized by low skill and low wages from which there was no escape. During the course of the strike, the employers came to acknowledge the justification of the workers’ case for improved remuneration, but considered the industry unable to support a higher level of pay for its labour force. In this chap- ter it is argued that the strike represented the poor relationship among clothing workers and between workers and the union, and that this comprised an element in the demise of the industry. The strike achieved its goal, to gain a more equitable pay increase, but in the absence of struc- tural changes in the industry, this served to accelerate the failure of many businesses. The decline of the industry, which gained momentum from the early 1970s, was almost complete by the late 1980s when only a handful of firms remained. Chapter 11 presents the case for managerial failure and emphasizes the failure to invest in the skills of the workforce, the failure to improve the quality of the product in the face of competition from cheaper and higher-quality garments from abroad, and even, ironically, the failure of the multiples to discard manufacturing. The Conclusion places the collapse of the Leeds industry in the context of British manu- facturing decline. The demise of the clothing trade reflected—in a pronounced way—a national trend. It is argued that the disappearance of the bulk of the Leeds clothing industry, like that of the Lancashire cotton industry, was inevitable and should not be regarded solely as a tragedy. Such a contraction provided the opportunity for expansion elsewhere. The response of the Leeds economy to the massive decline in tailoring production reflects a flexibility that has been its hallmark since the early nineteenth century. Leeds is widely acknowledged to have had a special place in the history of the clothing industry. It is the only British city where tailoring produc- tion became a staple trade. From the 1930s to the 1960s the Leeds multi- ple tailors—including Burtons, Hepworths, and Prices—produced about half of all suits bought by British men. At its peak in 1939 the manufac- ture of clothing and its ancillary industries employed upwards of one in four working people in the city and almost one in two working women. During the inter-war years the life of the city, especially its working-class districts, was dominated by the great clothing factories located in Harehills, Hunslet, and Holbeck and by the smaller factories and work- shops which became established in Sheepscar and Meanwood, in build- ings vacated by failed leather works at the turn of the century. The small 3 Ready-made clothing production can probably be traced to the earlier stimulus

MAP 1.1. Central Leeds in 1893. The main areas of clothing production are indicated. Sheepscar and the Leylands towards the right-hand side of the map (north) were the main locations of workshop and small factory production. On the right-hand side (east) is Burmantofts, where Montague ’s Hudson Road factory was later sited. On the left (west) is Meanwood, where small-scale tailoring production gravitated after the turn of the century. Park Square, where the majority of the earliest clothing factories were located, lies several blocks above the smaller of the central stations. 10 An Industry in the Making

FIG. 1.1. Wood Street in the Leylands provided homes and workshops for many Jewish immigrants in the late nineteenth century. Many houses in the area, including those in Wood Street, were demolished in the period of slum clearance beginning in the 1900s and gathering pace in the inter-war years. workshops in the North Street area continued to provide employment for many in insalubrious conditions. The Leylands had formed the hub of the Jewish industry in the second half of the nineteenth century, and despite urban clearances and structural changes in the industry this area contained many small tailoring enterprises until the 1970s. Although little now remains of the tailoring industry, the buildings of the city bear testi- mony to a trade which provided the focus of the working lives of many thousands of Leeds people during the course of the twentieth century. The ready-made clothing trade can be said to have developed in the context of rising demand during the eighteenth century.3 This offered an alternative to the craft workshop that existed in most towns and villages at that time.4 The high level of demand for cheap, ready-made military clothing during the Napoleonic Wars stimulated changes in the organiza- tion of the clothing trade and threatened the position of the skilled tailors. A system developed whereby cloth was given out from large ware- houses to small workshop owners, which employed cheap, often female, provided by the slave trade. 4 Beverly Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce: The English Clothing Trade before the Factory, 1660–1800 (Basingstoke, 1997), ch. 1. 5 Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce, 11–22. An Industry in the Making 11 labour to make what became known as ‘slop’ clothing.5 Thereafter the use of subcontracting and female labour spread to other sectors and, as the demand for cheaper clothing expanded, new forms of ready-made and bespoke tailoring production expanded. Typical of these was the substan- tial cloth merchant who diversified into garment production and retail- ing, providing inexpensive made-to-order clothing competing directly with the old craft workshops.6 The expansion of the ready-made sector during the 1820s and 1830s resulted in competition between producers of slop clothing and workshop masters and created a new hierarchy of labour within the trade. Such a hierarchy, which later became crucial to managerial strategy in the Leeds tailoring trade, was largely based on gender. Many men, but not all, dreaded women entering the trade and viewed them as instruments of capitalist deskilling.7 The economic problems facing the tailors in the 1830s resembled those of radical artisans in other trades, as subcontract- ing systems undercut the craft strength of the skilled man and intensified gender hostility. Early in 1834, 9,000 London tailors came out on strike for higher wages, a shortening of hours, and the abolition of piecework and homework. While the issue of female competition was not made explicit in strike literature, women’s slop employment was clearly at stake. Large numbers of women were used to evade the strike, and this ultimately defeated the tailors. The 1834 strike was decisive in breaking the craft control of the trade, and thereafter sweating, piecework and, inevitably, female employment increased dramatically. The slop trade proliferated, and even journeymen tailors found their position of privilege eroded as they were forced into the position of outworkers.8 This compounded the division of interest between groups of workers which employers were quick to exploit. The early expansion of ready-made clothing production which chal- lenged traditional tailoring practices was based on organizational rather than technical developments and was largely located in London. In the middle of the nineteenth century Leeds contained no more tailoring enter- prises than the typical provincial town, and was until then unaffected by

6 Ibid., and Barbara Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1983), 103. 7 Taylor, Eve, 108. 8 The growing numbers of such skilled workers, whose attempts to establish inde- pendent businesses led to the formation of the Operative Master Tailors of London, reflected a profound restructuring of the industry, as well as the fluctuating economic circumstances of the trade. M. Stewart and L. Hunter, The Needle is Threaded: The History of an Industry (London, 1964), 38–9. 9 Andrew Godley, ‘Immigrant Entrepreneurs and the Emergence of London’s East 12 An Industry in the Making

TABLE 1.1 Tailoring workers, 1851–1911

1851 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911

Leeds 964 1,038 2,006 4,888 15,629 19,813 23,542 Bradford 932 834 821 996 1,209 1,520 1,470 Halifax 570 557 374 377 500 506 508 Huddersfield 522 554 407 605 1,112 1,884 2,404 2,324 2,297 4,210 4,575 7,347 9,598 10,261 Norwich 749 788 918 1,456 2,106 2,280 1,952 Bristol 1,151 1,402 2,732 3,715 4,776 6,572 6,930 Essex 1,998 2,314 2,686 3,404 5,172 6,684 5,961 London 30,773 34,678 38,296 41,221 52,346 64,503 64,993 England and Wales 132,918 136,390 149,864 160,648 208,720 237,185 249,467 Source: Decennial Census, 1851–1911. the market changes that had resulted in the demand for ready-mades. The census of 1851 indicates that outside London, the industry was dominated by the port cities of Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, and Portsmouth, and the East Anglian towns of Norwich, Ipswich, and Colchester.9 The Leeds economy of that year revealed little proclivity for garment manufacture (Table 1.1). Yet the industry’s rate of expansion in Leeds from the 1860s was such that by the early twentieth century it had surpassed all other centres except London, and clothing producers had become the city’s major employers of labour10 (Table 1.2). The explanation for such rapid transformation in the absence of any tradition in the trade can be sought by adapting the framework offered by Michael Porter.11 Thus Leeds may have benefited from its ‘early mover’ status and from unusually favourable environmental factors. In this context a range of industrial, geographic, and demographic advantages may be suggested. Leeds’s position as the marketing centre of the West Riding woollen trade was clearly important

End as an Industrial District’, London Journal, 21 (1996), 39. 10 See census figures in Joan Thomas, A History of the Leeds Clothing Industry (Hull, 1955), 12. See also Stephen Caunce and Katrina Honeyman, ‘Introduction: The City of Leeds and its Business 1893–1993’, in John Chartres and Katrina Honeyman (eds.), Leeds City Business 1893–1993: Essays Marking the Centenary of the Incorporation (Leeds, 1993), and W. G. Rimmer, ‘Historical Survey’, Leeds Journal (1954), 391–4. 11 Michael Porter, The Competitive Advantage of Nations (London, 1990), 71. 12 The substantial Leeds Cloth Halls reflected the importance of Leeds as the market- An Industry in the Making 13

TABLE 1.2 Occupational structure of Leeds 1851–1911. Percentage of local labour force employed in the three main manufacturing sectors

Year Dress Tailoring Clothing Engineering

Female Male Total Female Male Total Female Male Total

1851 16.4 8.4 11.0 0.3 12.9 8.8 44.5 29.6 34.4 1861 16.6 6.8 10.0 0.6 18.0 12.4 39.3 23.7 28.7 1871 19.3 7.0 10.2 0.8 19.2 14.4 29.1 15.8 19.3 1881 23.2 7.7 12.4 0.9 18.9 13.4 30.0 11.2 16.9 1891 33.4 10.3 17.8 0.9 18.5 12.7 22.8 8.4 13.2 1901 35.8 9.5 17.5 1.6 19.7 14.2 17.0 5.9 9.3 1911 35.7 9.7 18.3 2.4 21.6 15.2 16.1 6.0 9.3 Source: W. G. Rimmer ‘Occupations in Leeds, 1841–1951’, Miscellany, Publication of the Thoresby Society (1967), between pp. 162 and 163. for the provision of cloth.12 The product of the local woollen industry was ideally suited to the manufacture of men’s outer garments, and a number of early clothing manufacturers in the town had origins in cloth produc- tion.13 The textile tradition of Leeds also offered relevant skills, networks, capital, and enterprise. An important concentration of and production had developed in Leeds from the early nineteenth century and several local headwear producers diversified into tailoring and other garment production during the 1870s and 1880s.14 Yet if local conditions and connections with the textile industry constituted important prerequisites, then other Yorkshire towns, such as Bradford, or even Halifax or Huddersfield, may be judged to have been equally well placed. None, however, possessed the fluidity of the indus- trial structure of Leeds nor its regional economic centrality. The econ- omy of Leeds has rightly been credited with a dynamism that

ing centre of the regional textile trade, and contemporaries believed them to be the founda- tion of the town’s commercial success in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. See Kevin Grady, ‘Commercial, Marketing and Retailing Amenities, 1700–1914’, in Derek Fraser, A History of Modern Leeds (Manchester, 1980), 179. 13 The firms of Barker & Moody and David Little provide examples of this. See Appendix for more detail and sources. 14 The firm of Buckley and Sons is an important example of this trend. See Appendix for more detail and sources. 15 Caunce and Honeyman ‘Introduction’, 3. 16 Ibid. 16. 14 An Industry in the Making encompassed both manufacturing and commercial activity.15 For many years it had operated as the hub of the wider regional economy in addi- tion to having a thriving local economy of its own. The mobilization of capital for manufacturing activity was facilitated by its range of banks and financial services. The organic structure of Leeds was a powerful source of development, and its long-term regional pre-eminence was based on its ability to shift investment into new fields, on the interaction of many diverse industries and firms, and on the flexibility of the economy as a whole. Its enthusiasm for progress and change in part accounts for the certainty with which the local economy embraced the opportunities offered by the new-style clothing industry.16 The collapse in the local linen industry in the later nineteenth century by no means heralded disaster for the Leeds economy. Instead, labour, capital, and premises were made available at a moment of particular expansion in clothing manufacture. The tradition of the local engineering trade offering practical support to textile and other Leeds industries was sustained in the context of the expanding clothing industry. Machine makers in Leeds and in the surrounding regions exhibited remarkable versatility in the nineteenth century.17 The Leeds engineering firm Greenwood & Batley co-operated with John Barran, the first manufac- turer of ready-made clothing in the town, in developing a mechanical bulk cutting device. Beecroft, also local engineers, produced a range of products for the clothing trade, often in consultation with manufac- tures.18 The firm of Bellow too came to specialize in clothing technology. Manufacturers of garments had no need to look outside Leeds for their machinery requirements. By the 1880s the town contained not only fifteen sewing-machine makers but also a range of engineering firms that developed and constructed techniques for the clothing industry as it progressed.19 If the development of the Leeds clothing trade was supported by a dynamic local economy and an advantageous industrial structure, it was further boosted by the migration of east European Jews. The expansion of the Jewish population of Leeds, mainly through immigration in the second half of the nineteenth century, had a major impact on the city’s clothing industry during its first expansionary phase from the 1860s. The

17 Although versatility can mostly be perceived as a strength, over-versatility was a potential weakness. It proved to be so in the twentieth century. 18 David Ryott, John Barran’s of Leeds, 1851–1951 (Leeds, 1951), 7. 19 Thomas, Leeds Clothing Industry, 15–16, Leeds directories. 20 Throughout the history of the Leeds clothing industry Jews were usually retained An Industry in the Making 15 Jewish community was instrumental too in the industry’s second distinc- tive growth period in the inter-war years, and continues to be well repre- sented among those firms that have survived to the present. The explanation for the enduring association of tailoring and the Jewish community is partly religious. The skills of Jewish tailors were typically sought by Orthodox Jews because of the biblical stipulation that garments should contain no linen.20 The Jewish link with tailoring was also related to the Jews being ‘a people accustomed to dispersal’ for whom the easy mobility of clothing production, because of its small capital and techni- cal requirements, was attractive.21 In 1900 Leeds had the largest provin- cial concentration of clothing manufacturing and the largest proportion of Jews in its population in the country; fifty years earlier, however, the town had been unremarkable in both respects. A number of Jewish names appear in the local directory for 1822,22 and estimates suggest that seventy Jews had settled in Leeds by mid-century. The total Anglo-Jewish population rose from 25,000 in 1815 to 35,000 in 1851, reflecting an immigration rate of no more than 300 per year.23 The majority of Jewish immigrants to England in the first half of the nineteenth century originated in Holland and Germany,24 and many of these had achieved some business and professional status.25 The Jewish community at this time concentrated in London and in a number of provincial industrial and commercial centres. Manchester contained the most significant concentration outside the capital. Birmingham was also important, and several Jewish textile merchants from northern Germany settled in Bradford.26 Jewish immigration from eastern Europe became more significant from mid-century. Descendants of Jews who had moved eastwards to escape the discrimi- nation prevalent in western Europe and the Near East during the later for the making of kosher garments. Apparently gentile machinists were considered to be inept at distinguishing cotton canvas from linen canvas. Mrs C. Watson and other oral respondents indicated this. 21 Anne Kershen, Uniting the Tailors: Trade Unionism amongst the Tailoring Workers of London and Leeds, 1870–1939 (Ilford, 1995), 8. 22 Cecil Roth, The Rise of Provincial Jewry: The Early History of the Jewish Communities in the English Countryside, 1740–1840 (London, 1950), 81. 23 V. D. Lipman (ed.), Three Centuries of Anglo-Jewish History: A Volume of Essays (Cambridge, 1961), 70. 24 David Englander, A Documentary History of Jewish Immigrants in Britain 1840–1920 (Leicester, 1994), 7. 25 V. D. Lipman, A History of the Jews in Britain since 1858 (Leicester, 1990), 14. 26 Ibid. 23. German Jews in Bradford formed part of a wider contemporary German mercantile immigration. 27 It is said that a number of Jewish migrants who came to live in Britain were duped 16 An Industry in the Making eighteenth century began to return westwards. The majority were destined for the United States of America, and thus adopted the route of many millions of contemporary non-Jewish migrants. Approximately 200,000, however, settled in Britain, some intentionally, some uninten- tionally, and a number apparently unwittingly.27 The majority of Jews who migrated to Britain and the USA during the second half of the nineteenth century began their trek in the area of Poland and Russia–Poland known as the Pale of (Western) Settlement, to which they had been confined from the early nineteenth century. The region encompassed the Ukraine, Belorussia–Lithuania, Polish territories added after the Napoleonic Wars, and parts of the Baltic provinces.28 Within this area, the bulk of the Jewish population found employment— often tenuous—in the tailoring trades. Poor and deteriorating living stan- dards, economic vagaries, and population growth from the early 1860s ensured the saturation of the tailoring labour market, and by 1880, when the Jewish population of the region had reached four million, almost two million existed without regular employment.29 Manufacturing in the Pale was small in scale, and turnover of firms was rapid. After the abortive revolt of Congress Poland against the Russian tsar in 1863, the plight of the Jews deteriorated further and escape to the west provided the only hope for survival or material improvement. A series of pogroms, which erupted in the wake of the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881, is frequently cited as the catalyst for the mass movement of Jewish people from the Pale, and there is no doubt that the rate of migration rose in the wake of such religious persecution.30 It should not be forgotten, however, that the onset of the exodus predated the pogroms, that the majority of migrants—to both Britain and the USA—originated from Lithuania and Belorussia where persecutory disturbances were relatively contained, and that out-migration should be seen as the response to a range of discriminatory and economic pres- sures.31 The May Laws of 1882, which restricted Jewish economic and domiciliary activity, compounded the intolerable circumstances of the Jews, whose westward movement was subsequently intensified.32 Further into believing that they had reached the United States. 28 Kershen, Uniting the Tailors,8. 29 Ibid. 10. 30 J. A. Dyche, ‘The Jewish Workman’, Contemporary Review, 63 (1989), 50, cited in Englander, A Documentary History, 21–2. 31 Lipman, A History, 43. 32 The 1882 May Laws forbade Jews to settle or own land outside urban areas or to engage in any business on Sundays or Christian holidays. In 1887 Jews—within the Pale— were forbidden to move from one village to another. In 1891 Jews who could not prove a right of residence were expelled from Moscow. Lipman, A History, 43. 33 Lipman, A History, 45. The Aliens Act was the outcome of the Royal Commission An Industry in the Making 17 pogroms from 1903 to 1906 coincided with a peak of Jewish immigration to Britain, which was temporarily dampened by the implementation of the Aliens Act 1905. The period from 1911 until the outbreak of the First World War witnessed a resurgence of immigration.33 In 1914 British Jewry totalled 300,000, of whom 180,000 were concentrated in London. The Leeds Jewish community grew very slowly before 1860 and gath- ered pace only from 1870. The influx was then such that, by the turn of the century, Jews comprised 5 per cent of the local population.34 It was, according to V. D. Lipman, ‘the outstanding example of growth through immigration’.35 By 1877, 2,250 Jews were living in Leeds, a figure that had risen to 2,500 by 1881, 6,000 by 1888, 10,000 by 1897, 15,000 by 1904, and to at least 20,000 by 1914.36 This comprised almost a quarter of English Jews who had settled outside London. The community was composed almost entirely of Jews from eastern Europe, a large proportion of whom originated from within a 75-mile radius of the town of Kovno.37 There can be little doubt that Jews from the Pale targeted Leeds specifi- cally in order to participate in what they correctly understood to be an expanding ready-made clothing trade. During the 1860s a handful of newly arrived tailors, including David Lubelski, Jacob Frais, and Solomon Camrass, all of whom achieved success in the trade, initially sought employment in one of the few Jewish workshops.38 Other early arrivals included Moyshe Goodman, who, aware of the opportunities of the clothing industry in Leeds, migrated from Kovno in 1866 and later encouraged others to do likewise. During the few years following his initial entry to the town, he made several journeys back and forth to on Alien Immigration, itself the result of an anti-alien, anti-Semitic campaign—and aimed to prevent unauthorized entry into the country, providing extensive powers of deportation for ‘undesirables’. Englander, A Documentary History, 248. 34 The comparable figure for London was 3%. Other dramatic rises but involving smaller numbers were found in the north-east of England and in south Wales. Lipman, A History, 50. 35 Ibid. 50. 36 Other estimates suggest a figure of 25,000 by 1914, and that figure remained constant through the inter-war years. Olivia Sandler, ‘Jewish Women in the Late Nineteenth-century Leeds Labour Market: A Study of the Influence of Race and Gender’ (MA thesis, , 1991), 6. 37 Anne Kershen, ‘Trade Unionism amongst the Jewish Tailoring Workers of London and Leeds, 1872–1915’, in David Cesarani (ed.), The Making of Modern Anglo Jewry (Oxford, 1990), 51. 38 At least two of these men, Solomon Camrass and David Lubelski, who had founded their own businesses by the end of the century, the firm of Camrass surviving until recently, were employed for a time by Herman Friend. See Appendix for further information and sources. 39 Kershen, Uniting the Tailors, 35–9. 18 An Industry in the Making Poland recruiting tailors from in and around Warsaw and Kovno. Such direct action became unnecessary after the mid-1870s as information about opportunities in the Leeds tailoring trade became widely diffused.39 Later nineteenth-century migrants continued to seek residence in both London and Manchester, drawn by the garment and other trades in those cities, yet the establishment of Jews in Leeds revealed both more perma- nency than that in London—which for many provided a convenient and cheap route to the USA40—and a faster rate of growth than that of its trans-Pennine rival. The Leeds Jewish community, composed almost entirely as it was of people from the same region with the same objec- tive—to become part of the town’s expanding wholesale clothing work- force—was from the outset more settled than that of other major concentrations.41 Leeds attracted immigrants as garment workers. For decades Jews were not found in significant numbers in any other industry.42 It is esti- mated that in 1891 two-thirds of the employed males of Russo-Polish origin in Leeds were tailors, and of the relatively few employed Jewish females, 70 per cent were tailoresses.43 The immigrant Jew did not enter the industry’s factory sector but instead concentrated in the growing number of Jewish-owned workshops which operated as subcontractors for the factories.44 At least 100 workshops were identified in the early 1890s which, according to Clara Collet’s calculations, employed 1,435 male and 447 female ‘Russians and Poles’.45 Available evidence suggests that the Jewish tendency to gravitate to the clothing industry in Leeds was related to aspects of the immigrants’ life in the Pale, and that such immigrants imported certain work habits and skills to Leeds which were shaped by these experiences.46 The ‘Russian’ system of tailoring, charac- terized by long and irregular hours and unsanitary conditions of work, was reproduced within the nascent Leeds clothing industry. Their expe- rience in Russia trained the Jews to accept the economics of severe

40 Andrew Godley, ‘Enterprise and Culture: Jewish Immigrants in London and New York, 1880–1914’ (Ph.D. thesis, London School of Economics, 1993), 233–4. 41 Kershen, ‘Trade Unionism’, 51. 42 Because of this it could be argued that Jewish workers became marginalized. Sandler, ‘Jewish Women’, 11. 43 Lipman, A History, 57. 44 In the 1890s most of the Leeds workshops were Jewish and all but one of the fifty- one factories were gentile. Lloyd P. Gartner, The Jewish Immigrant in England, 1870–1914 (London, 1960 ), 89. 45 Clara Collet, ‘Women’s Work in Leeds’, Economic Journal, 3 (1891), 468. 46 Sandler, ‘Jewish Women’, 55 and 59. 47 Joseph Buckman, ‘Problems of the Alien Economy of Leeds, 1880–1914’, unpub- An Industry in the Making 19 competition ‘enacted on the periphery of the larger scheme of things’.47 In Leeds, Jews revealed a marked preference to work with co-religionists in clothing production, and the distinct gentile and Jewish sectors that emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century remained entirely separate until the First World War. The operation of these two non-competing sectors generated the expansion of the industry. From the perspective of the gentile factory, the Jewish workshop constituted external spare capacity for the large firms,48 and evidence of the costly system of bribery ‘set up by the competitive scramble for survival amongst the alien masters’ indicates the power of the factory over the workshop.49 Without the demand for their work provided by the English factories, however, the expansion of the Jewish workshops would have been greatly limited. The expansion of the English factories would equally have been constrained without the skills and capacity offered by the Jewish workshop sector. Although Jewish exclusiveness and failure to pursue integration may have compounded capital shortages in the years before 1914,50 business strategies adopted mainly by Jews in the subsequent decades were to result in successes of a most impressive kind. The following three chapters explore the course of the Leeds tailoring trade in which the role of the Jewish community forms a central theme. lished typescript, loaned by Peter Kelley, formerly Director of the Leeds Industrial Museum, Armley, passim. 48 Part of the workshops’ role was to sew and that the factories were poorly equipped to do. The symbiotic relationship of the factory and the workshop is explored in Ch. 2. 49 Joseph Buckman, Immigrants and the Class Struggle: The Jewish Immigrant in Leeds, 1880–1914 (Manchester, 1983), 16. 50 Buckman, ‘Problems of the Alien Economy’, passim. INDEX

Abrahams, A. Ltd. 255 Pressers’ Trade Union 157–8, Abrahams, Gerald 222 159–61 Abrahams, S. 255 Associated Tailors 104 Abrahamson, M. & Co. 255 Atkinson, G. W. 258 accessories 21 Atkinson Rhodes & Co. 258 Adamson & Co. (Machines) Ltd. 114, 120, austerity, period of 95, 200 124, 125, 142–3 Australia 48–9, 81–3 administration 135–6 agents 42, 115 Bailey & Lockhart 259 Airedale Clothing Company 255 Bainbridge & Co. 83, 113, 137–8, 259 Albion Ltd. 40, 151, 213, 255 Baird, William 105 Albion Mills 214 band knife 21–2, 111–13 Albrecht, Martin 33 Barker, Charles 231, 260 Albrecht & Albrecht 42, 54, 113, 114, 256 Barker, Joseph 194–5 Albrecht, Walter & Co. 256 Barker and Moody 13, 33, 113, 260 Alexandre Ltd. 68–9, 72, 75, 102, 164, Barnes, Joseph & Co. 260 183–4, 191–2, 256 Barraclough & Binns 260 Aliens Act (1905) 17 Barran, John 14, 21–2, 33–6, 37–40, 42, Alvatex Clothiers (Leeds) Ltd. 257 78–9, 84, 87–90, 99, 100, 108, Amalgamated Society of Tailors 154 111–13, 114–15, 117, 119, 120, 121, Amalgamated Society of Tailors & 136–7, 144, 196, 244, 260–1 Tailoresses 159, 162, 166 basting 25, 110 Amalgamated Union of Clothing Baxter, Horner & Co. Ltd. 261 Operatives 156–7, 158, 159, 163 Beau Brummel 247, 260 amalgamations 101, 105, 156, 158, 159–62, Beecroft 14, 113, 115, 136 166 Bellow, Irwin 123, 125 American System of Manufactures 107 Bellow Machine Co. Ltd. 14, 113–14, Amies, Hardy 104, 125 120–1, 125, 136, 143 Amsterdam 83, 84 Benedict, A. & Co. 261 ancillary industries 7, 52, 226 Bennett, Samuel 262 Anglo-American Council on Productivity Bentley, S. J. & Co. 262 122, 123, 205 Berwin, B. Ltd. 79, 84, 121–2, 231, 247, anti-dumping laws 238 262 anti-inflationary policies 246 ‘Berbourne’ 79 anti-Semitism 16–17, 72–4, 157–8 Berwin & Berwin, see Berwin, B. Ltd. apprenticeships 190, 197–8, 235, 250 bespoke tailoring 2, 21, 32, 45, 47, 49, 58, aptitude tests 235 69–72, 74–5, 98, 101, 102, 104, 105, Armitage & Norton, Messrs, chartered 106, 111, 118, 126, 130, 131, 134, accountants 137 234; see also wholesale bespoke tailor- Armitage Bros (Leeds) 257 ing Armley Clothing Company 257 Birmingham 15 Arthur & Co. 42, 54, 114, 155–6, 176, 206, Black, Clementina 155 258 Black, N. & O. 263 artificial fabrics 97 Blackburn, William 36, 37–40, 42, 58, 69, artisans 11 77, 119, 169, 263 Associated Jewish Tailors’, Machinists and Blackburn, William (grandson) 53 326 Index

Board of Trade 28, 95, 97, 122, 158, 180, Camrass, S. & Sons Ltd. 113, 207, 214, 203, 207–8 218, 268 survey 28 Camrass, Richard 100 Working Party 201–2 Camrass, Solomon 17, 33–6 Boer War 48 Canada 48–9 Botterill & Seanor 264 capital 14, 22, 33, 40, 42, 45, 58, 59, 62, bottlenecks 21–2 68, 72, 81, 107, 119, 126 Boult Bros 264 assets 37, 58, 59, 60–2, 65, 78, 79 boys’ wear 33, 77, 97, 120–1, 131–4, 226, fixed capital costs 24 227, 230–1, 232, 243 cap-making, see hat-making Bradford 13, 15 Cardin, Pierre 104 Bradley, J. E. & Co. 265 Castle, Barbara 199 Bradley, R. G. Ltd. 69, 265 Castleford 87–90, 124–5, 214 branch factories, see satellite factories Castletex 269 Brayshaw, J. & Son 265 Caulton, Willliam 69, 269 Briggate 21 Cawood, Gibbs & Co. 269 Bristol 12, 186 censuses of production 29, 119 Britannia Clothing Company 265 Centaur Clothing Co. 105, 238–9, 247, 269 British Industries Fair Exhibition (1950) Central Wool Advisory Committee 54 114 Chamber of Commerce, Leeds 226, 228, British Productivity Council 122–3, 205 231, 238 British United Machinery Co. 119 Chatterton, Mr 121 Brook, Clifford 114, 126 City and Guilds 194–5, 199 Broughton agreement 145 Clark (Dritex) Ltd. 269 Brown, H. E. & F.J. of Bramley 247, 265 Claypit Lane, see Hepworth, Joseph Brown, M. & Co. 121, 213, 265 Cliff, S. H. & Co. Ltd. 270 Brown, R. B. & Co. 54, 113, 266 cloth 12–13, 47, 134–5 Buckley & Sons 13, 33, 105, 111, 266–7 Cloth Halls, Leeds 13 Burras, Peake Ltd. 69, 267 cloth merchants 11, 33 Burton, Montague 7, 22, 40, 42, 47, 54, Clothing and Allied Products Industrial 56, 58–63, 65, 68, 72–5, 77–8, 90–2, Training Board 199–200, 207, 235, 98–100, 102–3, 105–6, 113, 120, 122, 236 127, 131, 136–7, 139, 140–2, 145, Clothing Economic Development Council 152–3, 164, 166, 181–2, 185, 195–6, 232–3, 244 198, 203, 210–11, 215, 218, 223–5, Clothing Export Council 245 231, 232, 234–7, 241–7, 267–8 Clothing Industry Development Counsil Hudson Road factory 22, 40, 42, 52, 56, 201, 202–4 122, 127, 131, 140–2, 145, 166–7, Clothing Industry Working Parties 194 206, 210, 224, 225, 230, 231 Clothing Institute 123, 202, 204 Red Leader 142, 164 Clothing Manufacturers’ Federation of ‘Walker’s Thirty Shilling Tailors’ 58 Great Britain 190–1 Burton & Burton, see Burton, Montague Clothing Trades Advisory Committee 195, Burton’s, see Burton, Montague 197 business failure 7, 87, 94, 127, 228 trade 20, 22, 25–6, 33–6, 52, 184–5 button retailers 32–3 Cohen & Wilks 214, 217, 270 buttonholing 25, 107, 111, 113, 114, 115, Cohen, H. & Co. Ltd. 270 172–3 Colchester 1, 12, 47, 173 BY Clothes 231, 271; see also Corson, Collett, Clara 28 James Collier, John 149, 217 Collier, John Ltd. 102, 127, 210, 211–12, Campbell, J. & W. 268 215, 218, 223, 237, 242, 243–4; see Campbell, Stewart & McDonald 78, 97, also Price, Henry (and Prices Tailors 113, 114, 268 Ltd.) Index 327 colours 20, 53, 96 demob suits 2, 93, 96 Committee of War Cabinet on Women in democratization of male clothing 1, 20, Industry 180 21, 42 Common Market 241 Denmark 83 communism 166, 239 Department of Industry 207 Communist Party 142, 164, 220 design 96, 107, 237 competition 4, 7, 11, 18–19, 26, 32, 42, 49, of suits 96 62, 79, 90, 91, 92, 128, 159, 236–42, deskilling 126, 145, 147, 195 243, 248–50 developing economies 249–51, 252 from overseas producers 3–4, 84, development areas 196 100–1, 122, 170, 192, 200, 224, 226, Development Councils 126, 205 248–50 Dewhirst, I. J. Ltd. 100, 230, 242, 247, Conley, Andrew 163–4, 186 272–3 conscription 93, 169, 178, 186 distribution 10, 24, 45, 53, 74, 92, 97, consumer goods industries 42 115, 125, 137–8, 185, 244; see also Co-operative Wholesale Society 42, 144–5, retailing 271 distributive trades 99, 227–8 Corner, J. A. Ltd. 270 diversification 3, 11, 13, 49, 101, 105, 130, corporate clothing 230 226, 245, 247 corporate finance 58 Dixon & Gaunt Ltd. 273 Corson, James 231, 271 dollar crisis 95 Coss and Morris 40, 271 dollar machines 123 cost containment 4, 5, 7, 105, 108, 127, Douglas Bros 273 139, 147, 150, 153, 193, 195, 208, dowry scheme 195–6 209, 234 drapers’ shops 47 costing system 137 Driway (Raincoats) Ltd. 273 costs 24, 29, 65, 140, 143 dumping 241 cotton 2 Dunne Bros 273 clothing 21, 84 Dunne, W. 273 industry 140, 251–2 Durkopp conveyor 123–4 County Durham 99 credit 60 East Anglia 12 Cripps, Stafford 202 Eastwood, B. & Co. Ltd. 273–4 Cunningham & Liversedge 271 Ebblewhite & Co. 274 custom 139–40, 173, 182, 189, 191–2 economic change 20, 21 custom-made items 45 Economic Development Council for cutting 14, 21–2, 25, 100, 107, 111, 114, Clothing 206–7 115, 126, 127–8, 129, 131, 135, 139, economies of scale 74, 131–4, 135 149, 153, 156, 162, 168, 173, 176, edgebaster 113 179, 180, 182, 184, 186–7, 188, 189, Ellis, P. S. & J. Ltd. 274 190–2, 206, 211–12, 217, 223, 235 Ellis, William & Son 274 cutting rooms, see cutting Ellison & Co. (Leeds) 274 Elton, J. H. & Co. Ltd. 274–5 Dawson, Chas 272 Employers’ Federation 6, 84, 202, 217 day release 195, 197–8 employment, see work Dearborn machines 110, 114–15 engineering 14, 21, 52, 111, 113, 114, 115, 231–2 117, 120, 123, 124, 150, 152, 230 demand 4, 5, 10, 20, 27, 42, 45–7, 48, 49, entrepreneurship 33 54, 55, 81, 91, 95, 98, 99, 102, 105, equal pay 178, 181, 182, 184, 186, 188–90, 110, 222, 228, 241, 244, 245 211, 221 irregularity of 86–7 legislation 150, 152, 191, 223 seasonal 24, 27, 45, 47, 49, 69, 86, 201, Royal Commission on Equal Pay (1945) 204–5 188 328 Index

Europe 26, 48, 83–4, 101, 123, 225, 236–8, Galinsky, S. & Son 277 241, 242, 244 Gardam Bros 277 Eastern Europe 236–9, 241 Gasworkers’ and General Labourers’ European Community 249 Union 155 European Economic Community 101 Gateshead 69, 87–90, 100, 144, 191, 196 European Free Trade Area 101 Gaunt and Hudson 33, 277 European Union 249, 250–1 Gaunt Rowland Ltd. 278 Executex 231, 275 gender 6, 163, 170–1, 236 Exeter 12 division of labour 11, 25, 117, 152, 154, exports 33, 48–9, 79, 81, 84, 90, 93, 95, 155, 156, 158, 161, 162, 163, 172–93, 111, 204, 206, 207–8, 222, 238, 244, 211, 218, 226, 234 247 General, Municipal and Boilermakers’ Union 170 factories 3, 4–5, 21, 22, 24, 25 Gent, S. R. 231 purpose-built 42, 69, 79–81, 130–1, Gerber machine 127 136, 153, 228–9, 230 Germany 15, 123, 200, 240, 241, 247, Factory Managers (Clothing) Association 249–51 122 Gibbs & Co. (Leeds) Ltd. 278 failed businesses 42 Glasgow 1, 42, 100, 164, 186 Fainer Bros Ltd. 275 Gloucester Clothing Co. 214 family firms 246 Goldman, Jack 74 family wage 174 Goldstone, I. 278 Far East 101, 225, 236–7, 248 Goldstons (Leeds) Ltd. 278 fashion 1, 20, 21, 53–4, 83, 96–7, 101, Gould, H. (Clothiers) Ltd. 187 102, 103–4, 202, 226, 236–7, 243–4 government 4, 6, 84–6, 93, 95, 97, 126, felling 25, 110 128, 151, 180, 194, 196, 199–201, ‘Fifty Shilling Tailors’, see Price, Henry 205, 207, 238, 251–2, 253 financial institutions 14, 58 clothing contracts 54, 55, 91–3, 95 financial sector 253 Grant, Leeman, & Co. Ltd. 278–9 finishing 25, 173 Grantwear Ltd. 279 Finland 242 Great Universal Stores (GUS) 102, 103 fluctuations in trade 22, 47 Greenwood & Batley 14, 21, 111–13, 115 industry 40, 228 Ford, Isabella 155 Haddon, Celia 216 foreign sourcing 241–3 Halifax 13 Fox, Benjamin 275 Halpern, Ralph 246 Fox, Parkinson & Tideswell 275 hand-cutting 98–9, 131, 135, 136 Frais, Jacob 17 hand sewing 117, 118, 119, 134 Frankel, Martin 215 Hare, James Ltd. 279 Franklin & Co. 275 Harehills 7 Frazer, Ben 275 Harrington & Fox 279 Freedman, Henry 78, 83–4, 90, 100, 103, Harrison, J. & M. 279 137, 276 Hartlepool 214 Freedman, Sam 158 hat-making 13, 33 Freeman, E. & Co. 276 Headrow Clothes Ltd. 103, 242, 280 Freeman, J. & Co. (Clothiers) Ltd. 276 Heaton & Co. 78, 81, 84, 90, 186, 280 Friend, Herman 17, 22, 33–6 Alwetha 81 Frieze, I. & Sons Ltd. 276–7 ‘Heatona’ ladies’ 81 Frieze, Julius 217 ‘Heatonex’ girls’ fashions 81 funeral requirements 24, 49 Heavy Clothing Working Party (1947) 122 hemming, see felling Galinsky, Jack 277 Henley Manufacturing Co. Ltd. 280 Galinsky, Minnie 277 Hepton Bros 78, 90, 97, 113, 212, 281 Index 329

Hepworth, Joseph 7, 33, 36–40, 42, 54, insured workers 55–6 63–8, 72, 75–9, 104, 105, 113, 114, investment 4, 6, 14, 58, 60–2, 65, 78, 97, 119, 120–1, 125–7, 192, 194–5, 199, 107, 117, 126, 127, 129, 150, 194, 207–8, 213, 230, 237, 242, 243–4, 195–6, 200, 208, 226, 229, 232, 240, 247, 281 247, 250 Hepworth, Claypit Lane factory 126 Ipswich 12 Hepworth, Norris 65 Italian: Hepworth & Sons, see Hepworth, Joseph cloth 102 Heron, T. M. Co. Ltd. 282 design 96, 100 Hipps 68–9, 72, 75, 103, 113, 169, 282 Italy 242, 247, 248, 249–51 hire-purchase 119 Hirst & Thackray 282 Jacobson, Moses 69, 72, 75, 79, 87–90, Hobson, E. A. 282 102, 103, 283–4 Hoffman Press 117, 128, 183, 188 Jacobson, Sydney 144 Hogg & Hurtley Ltd. 282 Jackson, John, 105, 245 Hoggart, Richard 74 Jackson, M., see Jacobson, Moses Holbeck 7, 33, 40, 42 Jackson the Tailor, see Jacobson, Moses holiday payment 168 Japan 86, 100 Holland 15, 83, 123 Jewish Tailoresses’ Union, Leeds 148, 158 Holmes, John & Co. 40, 282–3 Jewish tailoring trade 5, 10, 14–19, 72, 75, Home Office 180 77, 154, 156, 157, 159 homeworking 11, 24, 26–7, 32, 47, 86–7 businessmen 58 Hope Manufacturing 283 enterprises 27–8 Horner, Son & Co. 283 immigrants 5, 10, 21, 32 hours of work 24 ‘peddlers’ 74 Huddersfield 13, 240 shops 49 Hudson, Albert & Co. 40, 283 wholesale manufacturers 24 Hudson Road, see Burton, Montague workshops 22, 24, 25–6, 27–9, 32–3, 40, Hungary 241 47, 49, 52, 86, 154–5, 157 Hunslet 7, 40, 42 Jewish United Ladies’ Tailors’ Trade Hunslet Clothing Factory 40 Union 159–61 Hunter, Barr & Co. 283 Jewish Working Tailors’ Trade Society Hurwitz, Emmanuel 122 154 Joint Clothing Council 204–5 Ibbotson, J. & F. 148–9, 283 Joseph, D. & Sons 284 immigrants 32, 250 journeymen tailors 11, 22 East European 5, 14, 161 see also Jewish tailoring trade: immi- Kauffman Bros 284 grants Kirby, Margaret 235 imports 4, 5, 49, 84–6, 100–1, 113–14, Kitchen, Joseph 284–5 226, 236–42, 242–3, 246, 248, 250 incentive schemes 149, 152, 153 Labofski Bros 285 incomes, disposable 20 labour: real 1–2, 42 demand 54 independent agreements 211 division of 28, 108, 120, 135, 147; see Independent Labour Party 155 also gender industrial action 152, 154; see also strikes ‘green’ 105, 106, 196 Industrial Health Research Board of the hierarchy of 25, 173 Medical Research Council 138–9 juvenile 145 Industrial Organization and Development organizations 138, 150; see also trade Act 204 unions; militancy Industrial Relations Act 152 racial divisions of 22, 154, 155, 156, Institute of Industrial Psychology 136–7 158, 163 330 Index labour (cont.): Lunn Bros 287 shortages of 55, 87, 93–5, 97, 99, 100, Luper, John and Toby 231 105, 210, 226, 228, 229, 232, 233, 234 Lyons family: subdivision of 25, 45, 121, 131 Bernard 68–9, 74, 102, 183, 184–5, sweated 11, 26–9, 129, 235, 248 207–8 see also gender: division of labour Samuel 69 labour movement 157–8; see also trade see also Alexandre Ltd. unions Labour Party 199 Mabgate Clothing Co. 103, 288 Lancashire 7, 45, 69, 90, 185, 224, 250–2 machine makers 14, 136, 142–3 laser cutter 127 machinery 14, 25, 117, 118, 119–20, 122, Laufers 285 124, 125, 126, 128–9, 136, 229 Lawton & Co. 285 diffusion of 117 laying-out 25, 173 second-hand 119–20 Learner, Shirley 26 see also technology learners 25 machining 4, 22, 131, 172–3, 183 leather industry 7, 228 machinists 25, 108, 127, 129, 135, 138, Lee & Whatmoor 285 146, 148, 152, 153, 154, 155, 209 Leeds Clothing College 194–5, 197 Maenson 98, 217, 222; see also May, Leeds College of Technology 197 Joseph Leeds General Clothing Company 285 mail order 98, 231–2 Leeds Institute 194–5 Maitland Menswear Ltd. 288 Leeds Tailoresses’ Society 155–6 making up 22 Leeds Tailoresses’ Union 155 Manchester 15, 18, 32, 42, 186, 227 Leeds Wholesale Clothiers’ Association manufacturing retailers, see multiple tailors 179 Maple Clothing Co. 288 Leicester 1 Marks & Spencer 97–8, 230, 242, 247 Leightons Ltd. 285 marketing 2, 3, 42–5, 47, 58–62, 79, 95, Leodian 285 104, 243 Lewis & Co. (Clothiers) Ltd. 285 markets 5, 20, 21, 42, 47, 48–9, 52, 54, 55, Lewis, Henry (Clothing) Ltd. 286 56, 72, 83, 98, 119–20, 147, 222, 226, Leylands, The 10, 32–3, 49, 52, 154–5 236, 243, 244, 247, 248 Lighthouse Clothing Co. Ltd. 286 civilian 54, 55, 93, 95, 201 linen trade 14, 40 colonial 48 Linten Clothing Co. Ltd. 286 continental 48, 83–4 liquidations 230–1 Dominion 48, 81–4 Little, David & Co. 13, 33, 37–40, 44–7, fragmentation 97 79, 105, 115, 117, 118, 168–9, 179, niche 1, 3, 79–81, 84, 99, 101, 247 213, 215–16, 224–5, 286–7 overseas 48; see also exports Littlewoods 98 USA 83–4 locational density 32 Marsden, Joseph & Son Ltd. 288 Lockhart, James & Partners Ltd. 287 Marsden Patent Process 114 Lockwood & Bradley 72, 287 Marshall, Thos Ltd. 78, 81, 90, 105, 147, London 1, 11–12, 15, 17, 18, 26, 29, 42, 288 45, 47, 110, 111, 157, 159, 163, 227 Martin, Newsome & Co. Ltd. 288 East End 26, 32 Mastle, Harry 115 Rego clothing factory 121, 164 material 20, 53, 55 West End 159 shortages 94, 95, 97, 228 London Tailors’, Machinists’ and Pressers’ Matthews Clothing Company 231, 271; see Union 157 also Corson, James Loughlin, Anne 121, 146, 176, 210 May, Joseph 33, 40, 42, 54, 98, 99–100, Lubelski, Burgh & Co. 113 113, 147, 217, 288–9 Lubelski, David 17, 33–6, 42, 168, 287 May, Sam 77–8 Index 331

Meanwood 7, 32, 49 204–5, 209–25, 226, 233, 236, 242; mechanical cutting machine 14, 21–2 see also trade unions mechanization 117, 120, 131, 134, 136, nationalization 201, 203 146, 172, 217, 228; see also technol- Naylor, Pollard & Co. 291–2 ogy Newby, Riley & Hartley 292 Melbourne Clothing Company 105, 289 new industries 226 mergers 103 Newcastle 42, 69 Method Study 149 Newton, John 146 middle classes 20, 53 north-east 87, 100, 185, 212 middlemen 24, 52 Norwich 12 Middlesbrough 91, 94, 186, 214, 217, 223–4 office employment 20 Miers Bros 290 official investigations 26 militancy 163–4, 215, 216, 221–2; see also out-of-town expansion 99–100; see also labour; strikes satellite factories Mills, A. H. & Co. 290 output 118, 119, 124, 125, 134, 136, 137, mills 40, 134–5 138–9, 143, 144, 146, 182, 208, 226, flax 33, 40 250 multi-occupation 40 outwork 11, 24, 29, 32, 33, 47, 86–7 Milner, H. & Co. 290 overhead costs 22 Mindelsohn, Henry 290 overspill factories, see satellite factories mining areas 190 overtime 152 Ministry of Labour 93, 195, 196, 197 Ministry of Supply 92, 95 Park Lane 42 Mitchell Walker (& Crawford) 231, 271, Park Square 32, 40 290–1 Parr’s Bank 58–9 mobility 146, 195–6, 235 patents 108, 110, 114, 123 modernization 108, 137, 229 Paterson, Emma 155 Monopolies and Mergers Commission 103 Patey Johns, Silvia, 212, 213 Moore, H. & Co. 291 patterns 20 morale 232, 236 Payment By Results 140, 148, 151–2, 153, Morris, S. & Co. 213, 291 205, 210, 211, 217, 222, 224, 225, Morton & Joynt 178–9, 291 233 Moses & Son 47 Peacock, J. & Co. 292 Multi-Fibre Arrangement (MFA) 240 Pear, C. & I. Ltd. 292 multiple tailors 2, 3, 5, 7, 33, 36, 37–40, Pearce, A. 292 42, 47, 48, 52, 53–72, 74–5, 77–8, 79, Pearce & Sons 292 81, 84–6, 87, 90, 93, 97–8, 101–6, Pell, Peter 212, 292–3 120, 166, 207–8, 237, 241, 242–4, Perkins 120–1 246, 247 Peters, John 103; see also Headrow Clothes munitions industry 93 Ltd. Pfaff ’s ‘transfer line sewing system’ 125 Napoleonic Wars 10, 16 Phillips, I. & Sons 293 Nathan, N. & Co. 291 Phillipson & Co. 293 National Agreements 152, 209, 210–12, Pick, J. & Co. 293 216, 221, 225 Pickersgill, C. 293 National Planning Board 201 picketing 213, 214, 215, 217, 218; see also National Service 198 strikes National Union of Tailors and Garment piecework 11, 138, 146, 150, 155, 168, 174, Workers 6, 93, 94, 100, 117, 120–1, 182, 185, 187 138, 139, 144–6, 147–9, 151–2, 156, Plymouth 12 164–71, 176, 179–84, 186–7, 188–93, Poland 16, 17–18, 84–6, 100, 241 194, 195, 197–8, 199, 201, 202, Pontefract 214 332 Index

Portsmouth 12 efficiency of 29, 74, 97, 105, 110–11, preferential productivity deals 211 114, 119, 120, 128, 134, 136–7, Premier Clothing Company 293 138–9, 140, 143, 151, 153, 182, 189, Premierflag 231 205, 207, 232, 235 pressing 25, 117, 126, 127–8, 131, 153, flexibility of 1, 7, 14, 107–8, 123, 146, 154, 155, 156, 173, 183, 184, 188–9, 147, 172, 181, 184–3, 205–6, 234, 190 248, 250, 252 Preston, Brooke & Co. 40, 148, 293 mass 5–6, 32, 53, 74, 104, 107, 117, Price, Henry (and Prices Tailors Ltd.) 7, 119, 120, 134, 138, 142, 197, 224, 242 62–3, 72, 75, 78, 91, 92, 100, 102, rationalization 5–6, 72, 105, 114, 117, 105–6, 120, 137, 164, 167, 294–5 120, 136, 137, 140, 142–3, 153 231–2 see also factories; homeworking; printing 230 outwork; putting out system; work- procurement, centralized 54 shops product: production processes 2, 5, 22, 52, 119, breeches 21 126, 131, 134, 136, 138, 153, 183, business suits 20 200, 205, 225, 228, 247 children’s wear 21 assembly-line production 120, 142 elite wear 20 automation of 124–5, 144, 205–6 formal wear 53 computerization of 124, 125–8, 192 gentleman’s suit 2, 20 conveyor 114, 120–1, 123–4, 126, 3, 20, 53, 98, 101, 104, 142–7, 148, 153, 206 105, 245 divisional system 130 jackets 20, 22, 52 progressive bundling methods 206 leisure wear 53, 101, 104 sectionalization 135, 147, 159 lounge suits 20, 53 subdivisional methods of production moleskins 21 22, 117, 119, 130, 142, 157, 172 multi-purpose garments 20–1 synchro-flow 121, 147 outerwear 27 synchronized systems 206 Oxford bags 53 see also cutting; machining; pressing plus fours 83 productivity 4, 21–2, 29–32, 52, 74, 107–8, practical garments 20–1 110–11, 117, 119, 122, 128, 134, 136, quality clothing 7, 20–1, 33, 45, 49, 54, 140, 146, 147, 150, 151, 194, 200, 72, 74, 79, 90, 98, 101, 108–10, 125, 205, 206, 207, 208, 211–12, 222, 223, 143, 222, 224, 226, 236–7 225, 232, 250 raincoats 32, 79, 81, 90, 100, 103, 137, gains 52, 108, 110, 120, 136, 147 245 Productivity Councils 194 ready-made outerwear 21 profit maximization 4, 234, 248 rubberized garments 32 profitability 3, 5, 47, 101, 106, 108 schoolwear 69, 77 profiteering 54–5, 72 21 Profiteering Act 55 special orders 24 profits 6, 37–40, 59, 60, 68, 69, 72, 74, 78, specialization of 1, 32, 49, 79, 99, 101, 79–81, 93, 95, 98, 137, 194, 226, 230, 105, 117, 118, 119, 127, 130–1, 135, 233, 236, 244, 246 205, 226–7 property developers 58 20, 22 protectionism 49, 81, 84–6, 239, 242, , military 10, 49–52, 54, 91–4, 249–50, 252 120, 145, 201 Provincial Cutters’ Union 162 20, 22, 53 publicity 74 wedding wear 49 purchase tax 95 production, organization of 3, 22, 24, 25, purchasing policy 115 29, 45, 108, 111, 120, 130, 135–6, putting out system 22; see also subcon- 137, 149, 150, 151, 166, 194, 210 tracting Index 333

Raper & Bainbridge 103, 295 Scandinavia 123, 241 Raper Bros 295 scientific management 3, 136–8, 150, 152 Ratchford, Joe 233 Sclare, Moses 158, 181 rationing 95–6 Scottish Operative Tailors’ and raw material shortages 94–5 Tailoresses’ Association 159–62 Rawson, Stanley 127, 241 Seacroft 124–5 Read, William Ltd. 295 service sector 232, 252 real incomes 1–2 service trades 99 recreational activities 205 sewing-machines 5, 14, 21, 22, 32, 52, redevelopment schemes 33 107–8, 110–11, 113, 114–15, 117, Redman Bros 295 118, 125, 127, 172 redundancies 153, 223, 224, 225, 230, 242, high speed lock stitch sewing machines 252 114–15 Reece 119 see also Singer AMF Reece 114 sewing room 107, 127 buttonholing machine 114, 119 sexual divisions 22; see also gender Report of the Effects of Recent Immigration Shawcross, Ted 203 (1894) 28 Sheepscar 7, 33 Report of the Factory Inspectorate (1910) Sheepscar Clothing Company 297 28 58 Report to the Board of Trade on the shipping houses 48–9 Sweating System in Leeds (1888) 28 shoemaking 119 reserved occupations 186, 187–8 shops, see retailing retailing 2–3, 5, 11, 42, 45, 47, 52, 102, shop stewards 152, 218 103, 106, 137–8, 237, 243 ‘shop within a shop’ concept 98 chain-stores 104 Shuttleworth, Norman 128, 199, 207–8, freehold properties (shops) 37, 58, 60, 215, 244 62, 65, 68 Simon, Benjamin 79, 212, 224, 231, 247, leasehold properties (shops) 62 297–8 mass distribution 3, 53 ‘Gripson’ flannel trousers 79, 81 property 59, 60–2, 65, 68, 78 Simpson 79 self-sourcing, see multiple tailors Aquascutum (raincoats) 79 Rhodes, James 33, 40, 108, 113, 295–6 Singer 107, 115, 120–1 Rice, Ladislas 245–6 ‘Improved Family Machine’ 110 Riley, Edward & Co. 296 ‘Improved Manufacturing Machine’ Roberts, F.R. 296 110 Roberts, J. & Co. 296 see also sewing machines Robinson, Peter 103 skill 4, 10, 11, 21, 25–6, 108, 111–13, 127, Roche, Gertie 216 139, 146, 147, 149, 156, 158, 162, Roche, Jim 217, 221 172–3, 180, 189, 192, 194, 195, 196, Romania 241 197, 198–9, 200, 226, 232, 250 Roscoe Clothing Company 296 dilution of 176–8 Rose, Alexander Ltd. 296 Smith, Sydney A. & Sons 298 Rose, Sim & Son 296 social change 2, 21 Rosenberg, McKennel & Co. 296 social groups 2, 20 Russia 16, 84 socialism 158 Society of Tailors & Tailoresses, London Saffer, H. & Co. 297 159 Saffer, N. 297 South Africa 48–9, 81, 84 St Alban Manufacturing Co. 297 South Shields 214 Sassoons (Tailors) Ltd. 297 Southcott, C. G. 42, 69, 77 satellite factories 87–90, 99–100, 105, 169, ‘special order’ departments 33, 47, 52 185–6, 209, 212, 214, 217 Spence, R. E. & Co. Ltd. 215 334 Index

Spencer, Anne 176, 210, 233, 235 ready-to-wear 2, 5, 10, 11–12, 14, 17, standard suit scheme 54, 55 21, 32, 33, 45, 47, 49, 54, 58, 72, standardization 136, 150 74–5, 77–8, 81, 91, 111, 117, 130, of production 2–3, 130, 138, 142, 243 131, 135, 136, 241, 244 of suit 53–4 tanning firms 33 Stankler, S. & Co. Ltd. 298 Taunton Ltd. 300–1 Stanley & Co. 298 Taylor & Co. 301 steam press 113 Taylor, Charlie 214, 217 Stembridge, W. & Co. Ltd. 299 Taylor, George 301 Stewart & McDonald 54, 63, 78, 299 Taylor, I. & Son 301 Stockdale, Frank 213 Taylor, John & Co. Ltd. 301 stock-keeping 25 Team Valley trading estate 90, 99, 121, Stoddart, W. & Son 299 196 strike breaking 11, 217 technical superiority 42 strike committee 212–13, 214, 217, 218, technology 3, 14, 52, 107–8, 111, 113, 114, 220–1 118, 119, 120–1, 122, 123, 125, 126, strikes 11, 149, 154, 155, 156, 159, 164, 127–8, 129, 138, 139, 166, 184, 194, 166, 176, 181, 183–4, 187–8, 191–2, 250; see also machinery; mechaniza- 210, 224, 225 tion Jewish tailors (1888) 36, 154–6, 168 Boys 96, 98, 101 Leeds clothing strike (1970) 6–7, 86, Teesside 224 100, 105, 149, 152, 189, 192, 209–25, Temple, John 214 226, 234, 241 tertiary industry 228 Polikoff strike (1929) 164 Thornton & Hodgson 301–2 structural change 3, 47, 105 Thornton & Richardson 302 structure of employment 22 three-day week 241 structure of industry 3, 4, 21, 52 Time and Motion 138, 147–9, 151–2 style 4, 20, 105–6, 243 Town Council Survey (1888), Leeds 28 of dress 20, 54, 97, 98 Town Tailors Ltd. 69–72, 87–90, 97, 100, Stylecraft Ltd. 299 302 subcontracting 11, 18, 22, 24–5, 32, 33–6, Trade Boards 161, 170, 179–80 45, 69, 75, 77, 86–7, 97–8, 130, 244 Act (1909) 159, 162, 175 subletting 42 trade press 72–4 Sumpter and Bargh 299 Trade Union Congress 157–8, 162, 164, Sumrie: 184, 188 C. & M. 78, 79–81, 83, 90, 98, 99, 101, trade unions 4, 6, 103, 138, 139–40, 144, 187, 212, 230, 231, 299–300 145, 146, 149, 152, 154–71, 176, Charles 99 179–81, 188–90, 230, 234, 235, 236 ‘Sumgrip’ flannels 81 Trades Council: Sunderland 100 Leeds 156, 158 Sunderland & Wilton 300 London 164 Super Clothing Co. 212 traditional trades 33 supervision 25, 138–9, 147, 173, 180, 236, training 4, 146, 149, 173, 181, 189, 190, 250 194–9, 200, 205, 206, 232, 234–5, Sweden 123 236, 246, 248, 250–1 Transport and General Workers’ Union tacking, see basting 181 Tailor and Garment Workers’ Union travelling salesmen 42, 47 161–4, 166 tailoring, made-to-measure 2, 5, 11, 21, underemployment 99, 185 45, 47, 49, 54, 55, 58, 74, 75–8, 91, unemployment 52, 72, 87, 181, 189, 196, 98–9, 104, 123, 125–6, 127, 130, 135, 252 244, 245 United Clothing Workers’ Union 163–6 Index 335

United Drapery Stores 102, 103, 127, 241 Wholesale Clothiers and Manufacturers United Garment Workers’ Union 157, Federation 6, 92, 93, 101, 122, 128, 158, 159–64, 179–81 137, 144, 145, 162, 179–80, 183, 186, United Ladies’ Tailors’ Trade Union 166 191, 194, 197, 201, 202, 203, 204–5, upper classes 20, 53 207 urban clearances 10 Wholesale Clothing Operatives’ Union USA 16, 18, 48, 83, 84, 96, 114, 115, 118, 156 121–3, 205 Whyman, A. Ltd. 304 utility clothing 93, 95–6, 97 Whyman, S. H. Ltd. 304 Utility Scheme 95–6, 201 Wilcox & Gibbs 114–15 Utilus Coat Co. Ltd. 302; see also Williamson, R. T. & Co. 304 Lubelski, David Wilson, Harold 203 Windsor & Black Ltd. 304 vests, see waistcoats Wolfe & Lewis 304 Virginia Mills Co. Ltd. 302 Women’s Protection and Provident League 155 wage drift 151 Women’s Trade Union League 156 wage payment systems 108, 136, 138–9, women’s wear 48, 77, 81, 90, 95, 120–1, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150–3, 155, 174, 131–4, 186, 250 176, 206, 210–11, 223, 233, 235, wool 21 248 Wool Control Board 55 ‘log’ system 176 woollen: see also incentive schemes; Payment By clothing 21, 53–4, 154 Results; piecework drapers 33 wage restraint 216 industry 2, 12–13, 32, 33, 40, 103, wages, 4, 6–7, 26, 32, 100, 105–8, 119, 134–5 127, 140, 144, 145, 151, 152, 162–3, Woollen Industry Research Association 170, 172, 174, 178–9, 181, 184, 189, 207, 238 192, 198–9, 200–1, 209, 210, 221, Woolworths 98 222–3, 232–4 work, intensity of 4, 94, 107, 108–10, deductions 175–6 120, 121, 124–5, 127, 129, 134, fines 155, 162, 175–6 135, 139, 143, 145, 149, 151, 153, Wages Council 149 162, 174, 176, 200, 234, 235–6, Walton, S. 302 250 War Office 91–2 conditions of, and employment 4, 11, Watson & Co. 302 16, 18, 25, 26, 27, 28–9, 49, 86, 92–4, Wear & Burrows 303 105, 107, 122, 136, 137, 138, 139–40, Weaver to Wearer 125–6, 303; see also 142, 144–6, 148, 149, 153, 154, Town Tailors Ltd. 155–6, 157, 159, 166, 173, 189, 210, Weiwow, J. & Co. 303 216, 224, 233, 235–6 welfare strategies 118, 140–2, 153 discipline at 124, 138, 139, 140, 146, Westfield Clothing Co. 303 150–2, 153, 210–11, 224, 225, 234 Westgate Clothing Co. 303 irregular 94 West Riding 12–13, 134–5 repetitive operations 121, 135, 199 White Rose Co. 105 short-time working 94, 99, 168 white-collar occupations 2, 20–1 working class, 2–3, 7, 21, 42, 47, 53–4, 55, Wholesale Bespoke Company 139–40, 103 303–4 work measurement 149–51 wholesale bespoke tailoring 2, 22, 24, 27, workshops 3, 4–5, 7–11, 18–19, 21, 22, 26, 32, 45–7, 48, 49, 58, 72, 98, 101, 102, 27–9, 32–3, 40, 47, 49–52, 86, 130, 104, 105, 106, 118, 130, 131, 134, 154, 157 137, 189, 243, 244; see also bespoke Work Study 138, 140, 148–9, 150, 151–3, tailoring 204, 210, 217, 225, 233, 235 336 Index

World War I 2, 22, 49–52, 54–5, 117, 120, South 87, 185, 212 161, 176–80 see also West Riding World War II 2, 4, 91–4, 95, 169, 186–8, Yorkshire Factory Times 158 189, 196, 236 youth, employment service 197 worsted 21, 134–5 market 91 see also fashion Yates, Harry, 213–14 Yugoslavia 214, 242, 243 Yorkshire 45, 69, 100, 122, 238 trade 55 Zimmerman 120, 305