The Somnium Scipionis of Cicero
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4 a Pocockian Moment
77 4 A Pocockian Moment My encounter with John G. A. Pocock, not in person but in bookish mode, took place more than two decades ago in rather unexpected cir- cumstances. It was in the course of my struggle with a couple of medieval English poems that I came across The Machiavellian Moment. 1 Reading it was for me a revealing experience and helpful in making out those oth- erwise intractable pieces of work. The poems in question were by Geoffrey Chaucer, The House of Fame and The Parliament of Fowls, both belonging to the medieval poetic genre called the “dream vision,” in which the poet/narrator describes in the first person singular the con- tents of a dream. Briefly put, the visionary experience comprising The House of Fame is made up largely of three sections through which the poet/narrator goes through: (1) in the first section (called the Temple of Venus) we are given an abridged version of the story of the Aeneid as the poet/narrator sees it portrayed on the walls of the temple. It should be noted for our present purposes that the Virgilian story is an exemplary instance of the topos “translatio imperii ”; (2) in the second section, the poet/narrator undergoes a version of the cosmic flight vision, in which the visionary/narrator describes his/her flight from the earth to some higher place. Its celebrated examples include the Somnium Scipionis, Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae (esp. Book IV, metrum I), and Dante’s Paradiso. In Chaucer’s House of Fame, however, as we shall see later, what is supposed to be a transcendental cosmic flight was parodied so that the destination of the flight was neither the other side of the uni- verse (“on the outside of the swift air”) as in the case of Boethius, nor the 1. -
Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St. -
Gulino 1 Pleasure and the Stoic Sage a Thesis Presented to the Honors
Gulino 1 Pleasure and the Stoic Sage A Thesis Presented to The Honors Tutorial College of Ohio University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy By Kathleen R. Gulino June 2011 Gulino 2 Table of Contents Sources and Abbreviations 2 Introduction 3 Chapter 1: Οἰκείωζις 9 Chapter 2: Χαρά 25 Conclusions 42 References 50 Gulino 3 Sources and Abbreviations Throughout this work, I cite several traditional sources for Stoic and Hellenistic texts. Here I have provided a list of the abbreviations I will use to refer to those texts. The References page lists the specific editions from which I have cited. Fin. Cicero, De Finibus (On Moral Ends) NA Gellius, Noctes Atticae (Attic Nights) Div. Inst. Lactantius, Divine Institutes DL Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers LS A.A. Long and D.N. Sedley, The Hellenistic Philosophers Ep. Seneca, Epistulae (Letters) Gulino 4 Introduction. The Hellenistic period refers, generally speaking, to the years beginning with the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BCE and ending with the downfall of the Roman Republic, considered as Octavian‘s victory at the battle of Actium, in 31 BCE. Philosophy was a Greek activity throughout this period, and at the outset, the works of Plato and Aristotle were the main texts used in philosophical study. However, as the Hellenistic culture came into its own, philosophy came to be dominated by three schools unique to the period: Epicureanism, Stoicism, and Skepticism. All of these, having come about after Aristotle, are distinctively Hellenistic, and it was these schools that held primary influence over thought in the Hellenistic world, at least until the revival of Platonism during the first century.1 Today, in the English-speaking world, the names of these traditions are still familiar, remaining in popular usage as ordinary adjectives. -
Cicero's Somnium Scipionis and Chaucer's Early
“FOR I HADDE RED OF AFFRYCAN BYFORN:” CICERO’S SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS AND CHAUCER’S EARLY DREAM VISIONS Timothy A. Shonk When Marcus Tullius Cicero began his contemplative work on the perfect state, De re publica, he confronted two questions, one public and one per- sonal, that must have consumed his psychic energies: how to remain influential in the growth of the Roman state after his year of exile in Greece, and how to ensure that his words and concomitant reputation for rhetorical power endured. To answer the first question, Cicero, removed from the office of Consul and the hall of the Senate, had little choice in continuing to work to meld the classes into an ideal functioning govern- ment but to “do so from his study.”1 To this end, he developed an imagined conversation, closely modeled on Plato’s Republic, featuring personages who loomed large in Rome’s recent history: among them, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Younger, Manius Manillus, Publius Rutilus Rufus, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola. The primary speaker, Scipio the Younger, following an opening discussion of the possible explanations of the recent phenomenon of two suns in one day, begins the theme that dominates the work: the three types of government—dictatorship, aristo- cratic rule, and pure democracy of rule by the people—outlining the mer- its and demerits of each system before settling on the view that Rome comes closest to perfection in balancing the three types as best as can be imagined. The second question consuming Cicero had to be his future and his name. -
1489 Macrobius
1489 Ambrosius A.T. Macrobius –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Although the T-O diagrams were the first to be published (see 1472), other more detailed drawings in the medieval manuscripts of early scholars were copied too, notably those with climatic zones by the Roman philosopher, Ambrosius Aurelius !eodosius Macrobius. Some of these early circular woodcut maps after Macrobius are attractive miniatures, all very similar in design but differing in both their dimensions and details. The British Library !e first in this series of nine maps was printed in Venice by Johann L. Santritter in 1489 (see above). It measures 93 x 98 mm. with east and west reversed and this mistake does not much help in deciphering the topography. !e cities of Babylon, Jerusalem and Alexandria are shown pictorially, but only Babylon survives on all the later blocks and then without its name. Two mountain ranges are also indicated, the Riphaean in the north and the Atlas in Africa, but only the first is on all the later maps. !ule, Britain, Spain, France and Italy are shown in Europe and on later versions too, but Sardinia and Sicily only on the first one. Parthia, India and Taprobana are named in Asia but the last of these not again. Ethiopia in Africa is found on all versions and the Red Sea on most. !e maps which followed were of various sizes, all somewhat smaller than the first but four of them were almost the same as each other, about 80 mm. square. Although the nomenclature in the northern hemisphere was much simplified, it remained unchanged in the southern one. -
Augustine's Contribution to the Republican Tradition
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Peer Reviewed Articles Political Science and International Relations 2010 Augustine’s Contribution to the Republican Tradition Paul J. Cornish Grand Valley State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/pls_articles Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Cornish, Paul J., "Augustine’s Contribution to the Republican Tradition" (2010). Peer Reviewed Articles. 10. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/pls_articles/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science and International Relations at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peer Reviewed Articles by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. article Augustine’s Contribution to the EJPT Republican Tradition European Journal of Political Theory 9(2) 133–148 © The Author(s), 2010 Reprints and permission: http://www. Paul J. Cornish Grand Valley State University sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav [DOI: 10.1177/1474885109338002] http://ejpt.sagepub.com abstract: The present argument focuses on part of Augustine’s defense of Christianity in The City of God. There Augustine argues that the Christian religion did not cause the sack of Rome by the Goths in 410 ce. Augustine revised the definitions of a ‘people’ and ‘republic’ found in Cicero’s De Republica in light of the impossibility of true justice in a world corrupted by sin. If one returns these definitions ot their original context, and accounts for Cicero’s own political teachings, one finds that Augustine follows Cicero’s republicanism on several key points. -
SOFIME 21.Indb
DIVINE LOGOS IN THE HEART OF BOETHIUS’S PatH TOWARD SUMMUM BONUM El Logos divino en el anhelo de Boecio hacia el Summum Bonum. Agnieszka Kijewska Universidad Católica Juan Pablo II de Lublin (Polonia) RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un esbozo del modo en que Boecio concebía el camino humano hacia el Bien Supremo (Summum Bonum). Con el fin de lograr este objetivo, primero hay que especificar la forma en que construye este verdadero Bien Supremo y esta discusión está naturalmente relacionada con el problema más discutido que ataña a la identidad cristiana de Boecio: ¿era realmente Cristiano? Su Consolatio, desde la cual cualquier alusión patente a la fe Cristiana está ausente, ¿nos abastece con algún indicio sobre el hecho de si el Bien Supremo de Boecio puede ser identificado con el Dios del Evangelio? En el curso del análisis nos proponemos una hipótesis, según la cual el mensaje que Boecio propone a través de los significados de su Consolatio y las expresiones que él pone en boca de su Dama Filosofía no están tan lejos del consejo ofrecido por Fulgentius de Proba. Ella, también, fue animada a reconocer su misma debilidad y falta de sufi- ciencia, su arrepentimiento, su humilde fe en la sabiduría y en la guía de Dios, quien es de todos el mejor de los doctores. ¿Es este mensaje parecido al de la filosofía de Dame? Alcuino, quien se consideraba como un fiel «discípulo» de Boecio, ¿compartía un concepto de filosofía como el «maestro de virtudes» y sabiduría, como aquel que conduce al hombre a lo largo del camino de la sabiduría hacia la luz Divina? Palabras clave: Bien Supremo, ascensión espiritual, Fulgencio de Ruspe, filosofía como medicina, Boecio. -
When Kings Become Philosophers: the Late Republican Origins of Cicero’S Political Philosophy
When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy By Gregory Douglas Smay A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair Professor Carlos F. Noreña Professor Anthony A. Long Summer 2016 © Copyright by Gregory Douglas Smay 2016 All Rights Reserved Abstract When Kings Become Philosophers: The Late Republican Origins of Cicero’s Political Philosophy by Gregory Douglas Smay Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient History and Mediterranean Archaeology University of California, Berkeley Professor Erich S. Gruen, Chair This dissertation argues that Cicero’s de Republica is both a reflection of, and a commentary on, the era in which it was written to a degree not previously recognized in Ciceronian scholarship. Contra readings which treat the work primarily as a theoretical tract in the tradition of late Hellenistic philosophy, this study situates the work within its historical context in Late Republican Rome, and in particular within the personal experience of its author during this tumultuous period. This approach yields new insights into both the meaning and significance of the work and the outlook of the individual who is our single most important witness to the history of the last decades of the Roman Republic. Specifically, the dissertation argues that Cicero provides clues preserved in the extant portions of the de Republica, overlooked by modern students in the past bur clearly recognizable to readers in his own day, indicating that it was meant to be read as a work with important contemporary political resonances. -
582 in Altman's Two Books on Plato, Plato the Teacher
582 Book Reviews William H. F. Altman, (2016) The Revival of Platonism in Cicero’s Late Philosophy: Platonis aemulus and the invention of Cicero. Lanham, MD; London: Lexington Books. xxxii + 351 pp. $100.00. ISBN 9781498527118 (hbk). In Altman’s two books on Plato, Plato the Teacher (2012) and The Guardians in Action (2016), we find the traditional reading of Plato, i.e., the philosopher of ‘unchanging, eternal, and transcendent Ideas’ (p. xviii), combined with a rather unique interpretation of Plato as a pedagogue, whose main goal is not to instantiate the ideal state in reality but rather to spread an enlightened form of democracy through an ennobling education program of philosophy. Altman’s interpretation of Cicero as reader of Plato naturally progresses from these two books. Cicero is not the Academic Skeptic, as recent scholarship has argued, but rather an advocate for Platonic transcendence – and one no less relevant to our own historical moment than to the crisis for which Cicero’s philosophy was immediately intended: the fallen Republic. Central to Altman’s argument on Cicero is the main theme of his earlier work on Plato: the return to the cave. According to Altman, although Plato’s belief in transcendent Ideas of the world of intelligibility is genuine, the goal of Plato as philosophical pedagogue is not transcendence but rather a return to the chaotic world of becoming, in which politics take place. Cicero then, in his emulation and rivalry of Plato, is picking up where Plato left off. He is not merely indulging in Platonic transcendence but relying on his philosophical rhetoric at its most subtle level to win over an ideologically fraught and often incredulous Roman readership to political enlightenment and devotion to the Ideas. -
1 the Compatibility of Augustine's Formal Account of Eudaimonia With
1 The Compatibility of Augustine’s Formal Account of Eudaimonia with his Neoplatonic Metaphysics of Goodness. Abstract: Augustine’s moral philosophy follows the general pattern of ancient moral theory by distinguishing between the formal and substantive conceptions of ethical eudaimonism. In this paper, I develop Augustine’s ethical theory, demonstrating its grounding in both eudaimonism and Christian Neo- Platonism: the former provides its formal structure, the latter its substance or content, consisting in its metaphysical grounding and teleological end. In the first section, I consider the formal structure of Augustine’s ethics. Second, I argue God’s role as the summum bonum is grounded in Augustine’s Neo- Platonic metaphysics of goodness. Finally, I explore a puzzle raised by Augustine’s ethics: is loving God for His own sake compatible with loving God because it makes us happy? In other words, is Augustine’s formal account of eudaimonia compatible with the substance of his ethics informed by Christian Neoplatonism? 2 In De Moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae, Augustine makes two significant claims that summarize his moral philosophy. First, everyone desires happiness and this consists in loving man’s highest good. Second, since this highest good is identified with God himself, man’s happiness is only found in God.1 This pair of principles encapsulate two streams of ethical thought converging together to form Augustine’s moral philosophy, following the general pattern of ancient moral theory by distinguishing between the formal and substantive conceptions of ethical eudaimonism. In what follows, I develop Augustine’s moral philosophy, demonstrating its grounding in both eudaimonism and Christian Neoplatonism: the former provides its formal structure, the latter its substance or content, consisting in its metaphysical grounding and teleological end. -
New Latin Grammar
NEW LATIN GRAMMAR BY CHARLES E. BENNETT Goldwin Smith Professor of Latin in Cornell University Quicquid praecipies, esto brevis, ut cito dicta Percipiant animi dociles teneantque fideles: Omne supervacuum pleno de pectore manat. —HORACE, Ars Poetica. COPYRIGHT, 1895; 1908; 1918 BY CHARLES E. BENNETT PREFACE. The present work is a revision of that published in 1908. No radical alterations have been introduced, although a number of minor changes will be noted. I have added an Introduction on the origin and development of the Latin language, which it is hoped will prove interesting and instructive to the more ambitious pupil. At the end of the book will be found an Index to the Sources of the Illustrative Examples cited in the Syntax. C.E.B. ITHACA, NEW YORK, May 4, 1918 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The present book is a revision of my Latin Grammar originally published in 1895. Wherever greater accuracy or precision of statement seemed possible, I have endeavored to secure this. The rules for syllable division have been changed and made to conform to the prevailing practice of the Romans themselves. In the Perfect Subjunctive Active, the endings -īs, -īmus, -ītis are now marked long. The theory of vowel length before the suffixes -gnus, -gna, -gnum, and also before j, has been discarded. In the Syntax I have recognized a special category of Ablative of Association, and have abandoned the original doctrine as to the force of tenses in the Prohibitive. Apart from the foregoing, only minor and unessential modifications have been introduced. In its main lines the work remains unchanged. -
Acquainting Yourself with Ethics a Tour of the Ethics Hall of Fame
1 Acquainting Yourself with Ethics A Tour of the Ethics Hall of Fame They honestly consider they are doing the right thing. E.W. Elkington, 1907, on New Guinea Cannibals Or are you a clear thinker examining what is good and useful for society and spending your life in building what is useful and destroying what is harmful? Kahlil Gibran, Mirrors of the Soul Good laws lead to the making of better ones; bad laws bring about worse. As soon as any man says of the affairs of the State, “What does it matter to me?” the State may be given up for lost. Rousseau The present moral crisis is due among other things to the demand for a moral code which is intellectually respectable. R. Niebuhr 1 2ETHICS IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE:IN SEARCH OF THE TRUTH What You Will Learn from This Chapter To understand the foundation of ethics, you should learn the virtue of knowledge and reasoning, the sources of intellect, the nature of truth, the nature of reality, the nature of morality, the nature of goodness, the relationship between actions and consequences, determinism and intentionalism, and the image of the ethical person. You will also learn the reasoning process, Plato’s divided line, the definition of morality and ethics, the grammar of goodness, the principle of summum bonum, and the utilitarianism measure. Key Terms and Definitions Reasoning is a pure method of thinking by which proper conclusions are reached through abstract thought processes. The Divided Line is Plato’s theory of knowledge. It characterizes four levels of knowledge.