UNISCI Discussion Papers No 25
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The Transformation of Italian Democracy
Bulletin of Italian Politics Vol. 1, No. 1, 2009, 29-47 The Transformation of Italian Democracy Sergio Fabbrini University of Trento Abstract: The history of post-Second World War Italy may be divided into two distinct periods corresponding to two different modes of democratic functioning. During the period from 1948 to 1993 (commonly referred to as the First Republic), Italy was a consensual democracy; whereas the system (commonly referred to as the Second Republic) that emerged from the dramatic changes brought about by the end of the Cold War functions according to the logic of competitive democracy. The transformation of Italy’s political system has thus been significant. However, there remain important hurdles on the road to a coherent institutionalisation of the competitive model. The article reconstructs the transformation of Italian democracy, highlighting the socio-economic and institutional barriers that continue to obstruct a competitive outcome. Keywords: Italian politics, Models of democracy, Parliamentary government, Party system, Interest groups, Political change. Introduction As a result of the parliamentary elections of 13-14 April 2008, the Italian party system now ranks amongst the least fragmented in Europe. Only four party groups are represented in the Senate and five in the Chamber of Deputies. In comparison, in Spain there are nine party groups in the Congreso de los Diputados and six in the Senado; in France, four in the Assemblée Nationale an d six in the Sénat; and in Germany, six in the Bundestag. Admittedly, as is the case for the United Kingdom, rather fewer parties matter in those democracies in terms of the formation of governments: generally not more than two or three. -
03.Spacont49.Branciforte.3A Bozza:03.Spacont47.Novarino.1A
GLI ANNI DEL NEOCENTRISMO ITALIANO E LA SOSPETTOSA SPAGNA Laura Branciforte Introduzione Le relazioni politiche, economiche e culturali tra Spagna e Italia du- rante la dittatura franchista sono state senza dubbio altalenanti e disconti- nue. La prudenza e la cordialità sono stati alcuni degli ingredienti della politica estera italiana, mentre un atteggiamento sospettoso e al tempo stesso melanconico di una sintonia e complicità perdute hanno contraddi- stinto la politica estera spagnola. In quest’articolo si descrive la percezio- ne che si ebbe in Spagna del complesso contesto politico italiano nel mo- mento del passaggio dalla prima legislatura (dall’8 maggio 1948 al 24 giugno 1953) alla seconda legislatura (dal 25 giugno 1953 all’11 giugno 1958), quando l’instabilità dei governi, terminata la lunga era degasperia- na (fatta di otto governi tra il 1946 e il 1953), lasciò spazio all’incognita del cambiamento, a un ricambio generazionale e alle premesse per la spe- rimentazione di un nuovo modello di Stato. La fine politica di De Gaspe- ri, dopo le elezioni del 7 giugno 1953, si percepì in Spagna come un mo- mento di particolare instabilità. Il ministero degli Affari Esteri spagnolo, così come la stampa, guardarono con sospetto a un’Italia la cui politica era accusata di essere “dominata” dal comunismo e da un debole cattoli- cesimo politico. Negli anni che trascorsero tra la fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale e gli anni Cinquanta, il modo in cui la Spagna guardava all’Italia si fece sempre più “sospettoso” e non privo di giudizi e condanne di tipo politico e morale. Siamo lontani dai generosi apprezzamenti spagnoli dell’imme- diato dopoguerra nei confronti dell’Italia, quando, dall’ambasciata di Spa- gna presso il Quirinale, José Antonio de Sangróniz y Castro inviava mes- saggi fiduciosi e ottimisti al ministro degli Affari Esteri Carlo Sforza ri- guardo all’immediata e auspicata normalizzazione delle relazioni, e anche “Spagna contemporanea”, 2016, n. -
October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
30Years 1953-1983
30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) 30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) Foreword . 3 Constitution declaration of the Christian-Democratic Group (1953 and 1958) . 4 The beginnings ............ ·~:.................................................. 9 From the Common Assembly to the European Parliament ........................... 12 The Community takes shape; consolidation within, recognition without . 15 A new impetus: consolidation, expansion, political cooperation ........................................................... 19 On the road to European Union .................................................. 23 On the threshold of direct elections and of a second enlargement .................................................... 26 The elected Parliament - Symbol of the sovereignty of the European people .......... 31 List of members of the Christian-Democratic Group ................................ 49 2 Foreword On 23 June 1953 the Christian-Democratic Political Group officially came into being within the then Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The Christian Democrats in the original six Community countries thus expressed their conscious and firm resolve to rise above a blinkered vision of egoistically determined national interests and forge a common, supranational consciousness in the service of all our peoples. From that moment our Group, whose tMrtieth anniversary we are now celebrating together with thirty years of political -
Atti Parlamentari Della Biblioteca "Giovarmi Spadolini" Del Senato L'8 Ottobre
SENATO DELLA REPUBBLICA XVII LEGISLATURA Doc. C LXXII n. 1 RELAZI ONE SULLE ATTIVITA` SVOLTE DAGLI ENTI A CARATTERE INTERNAZIONALISTICO SOTTOPOSTI ALLA VIGILANZA DEL MINISTERO DEGLI AFFARI ESTERI (Anno 2012) (Articolo 3, quarto comma, della legge 28 dicembre 1982, n. 948) Presentata dal Ministro degli affari esteri (BONINO) Comunicata alla Presidenza il 16 settembre 2013 PAGINA BIANCA Camera dei Deputati —3— Senato della Repubblica XVII LEGISLATURA — DISEGNI DI LEGGE E RELAZIONI — DOCUMENTI INDICE Premessa ................................................................................... Pag. 5 1. Considerazioni d’insieme ................................................... » 6 1.1. Attività degli enti ......................................................... » 7 1.2. Collaborazione fra enti ............................................... » 10 1.3. Entità dei contributi statali ....................................... » 10 1.4. Risorse degli Enti e incidenza dei contributi ordinari statali sui bilanci ......................................................... » 11 1.5. Esercizio della funzione di vigilanza ....................... » 11 2. Contributi ............................................................................ » 13 2.1. Contributi ordinari (articolo 1) ................................. » 13 2.2. Contributi straordinari (articolo 2) .......................... » 15 2.3. Serie storica 2006-2012 dei contributi agli Enti internazionalistici beneficiari della legge n. 948 del 1982 .............................................................................. -
Archivio Centrale Dello Stato Inventario Del Fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio
Archivio centrale dello Stato Inventario del fondo Ugo La Malfa Sala Studio INVENTARIO DEL FONDO UGO LA MALFA (1910 circa – 1982) a cura di Cristina Farnetti e Francesca Garello Roma 2004-2005 Il fondo Ugo La Malfa è di proprietà della Fondazione Ugo La Malfa, via S.Anna 13 – 00186 Roma www.fondazionelamalfa.org [email protected] Depositato in Archivio centrale dello Stato dal 1981 Il riordino e l’inventariazione è stato finanziato dal Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali. Direzione generale per gli archivi II INDICE GENERALE INTRODUZIONE .................................................................................................V INVENTARIO DEL FONDO ............................................................................ XI SERIE I. ATTI E CORRISPONDENZA...............................................................1 SERIE II ATTIVITÀ POLITICA .........................................................................13 SOTTOSERIE 1. APPUNTI RISERVATI 50 SERIE III. CARICHE DI GOVERNO ................................................................59 SOTTOSERIE 1. GOVERNI CON ORDINAMENTO PROVVISORIO (GOVERNO PARRI E I GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 61 SOTTOSERIE 2. MINISTRO SENZA PORTAFOGLIO (VI GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 63 SOTTOSERIE 3. MINISTRO PER IL COMMERCIO CON L'ESTERO (VI E VII GOVERNO DE GASPERI) 64 SOTTOSERIE 4. MINISTRO DEL BILANCIO (IV GOVERNO FANFANI) 73 SOTTOSERIE 5. MINISTRO DEL TESORO (IV GOVERNO RUMOR) 83 SOTTOSERIE 6. VICEPRESIDENTE DEL CONSIGLIO (IV GOVERNO MORO) 103 SOTTOSERIE 7. FORMAZIONE DEL GOVERNO E VICEPRESIDENTE -
Relazione Di Fine Mandato Anno 2020
OSSERVATORIO PER IL CONTRASTO ALLA CRIMINALITÀ ORGANIZZATA E MAFIOSA E LA PROMOZIONE DELLA TRASPARENZA RELAZIONE DI FINE MANDATO ANNO 2020 Indice Premessa del vicepresidente del Consiglio regionale del Veneto Bruno Pigozzo ................................................................................ i Attività dell’Osservatorio – Cronologia .................................... iii Anche in Veneto la vera forza della mafia si trova fuori dalla mafia (Enzo Guidotto) ............................................................................. 1 Le organizzazioni di stampo mafioso nella Regione Veneto: un quadro generale (Stefano Dragone e Serena Forlati) .................... 75 L’organizzazione dell’attività investigativa (Francesco Zonno) .................................................................................................... 91 Cause del diffondersi della malavita organizzata in Veneto (Giovanni Fabris) .......................................................................... 95 Nota: la presente relazione riporta contributi elaborati separatamente e indipendentemente dai rispettivi autori. Premessa La presente relazione riassume l’attività svolta dall’Osservatorio per il contrasto alla criminalità organizzata e mafiosa e la promozione della trasparenza istituito ai sensi dell’Art. 15 della LR 48/2012. Ho potuto seguire, a nome dell’Ufficio di Presidenza del Consiglio, il percorso tracciato dall’Osservatorio fin dal momento della sua istituzione con la nomina da parte del Consiglio regionale a avvenuta con DCR n. 9 del -
Gilbert S Cut-Rate I
THURSDAY—SEPTEMBER 23, 1943 MONITOR LEADER MOUNT CLEMENS, MICH 13 Ent k inv oh* May L« kav«* Buy War Bonds and Stamps Today Exile in i\meriea to Orijaiiixe w • ll€kiiioi*ralir hi Italy BY KAY HALLE ter Fiammetta. and his son Written for M A Service Sforzino reached Bordeaux, Within 25 year* the United where they m* to board a States has Riven refuge to two Dutch tramp steamer. For five great European Democrats who long days before they reached were far from the end of their Falmouth in England, the Sfor- rope politically. Thomas Mas- zas lived on nothing but orang- aryk. the Czech patriot, after es. a self-imposed exile on spending It war his old friend, Winston shores, return ! after World our Churchill, who finally received to it War I his homrlan after Sforza in London. the The Battle of had been freed from German Britain yoke—as the had commenced. Church- the President of approved to pro- newly-formed Republic—- ill Sforza side i Czech ceed to the United States and after modeled our own. keep the cause of Italian democ- Now, with the collapse of racy aflame. famous exile Italy, another HEADS “FREE ITALIANS” He -* an... JC. -a seems to be 01. the march. J two-year Sforza’-i American . is Count Carlo Sforza, for 20 exile has been spent in New’ years the uncompromising lead- apartment—- opposition York in a modest er of the Democratic that is, he not touring to Italy when is to Fascism. His return the country lecturing and or- imminent seem gazing the affairs of the 300,- Sforza is widely reg rded as in 000 It's flnuor Free Italians in the Western the one Italian who could re- Hemisphere, w hom \e leads construct a democratic form of His New York apartment is government for Italy. -
Statuto E Attività 1962-2012
ISTITUTO PER LA DOCUMENTAZIONE E GLI STUDI LEGISLATIVI Sotto l’Alto Patronato del Presidente della Repubblica STATUTO E ATTIVITÀ 1962-2012 JOVENE EDITORE NAPOLI 2012 ISLE Via del Plebiscito 102 - 00186 ROMA Tel. 06 679 5142 - Fax 06 679 3449 [email protected] DIRITTI D’AUTORE RISERVATI © Copyright 2012 ISBN 978-88-243-2109-9 JOVENE EDITORE Via Mezzocannone 109 - 80134 NAPOLI NA - ITALIA Tel. (+39) 081 552 10 19 - Fax (+39) 081 552 06 87 web site: www.jovene.it e-mail: [email protected] Printed in Italy Stampato in Italia ISTITUTO PER LA DOCUMENTAZIONE E GLI STUDI LEGISLATIVI Sotto l’Alto Patronato del Presidente della Repubblica UFFICIO DI PRESIDENZA Presidente Onorario Antonio Maccanico Presidente Giovanni Pieraccini Vicepresidenti In rappresentanza In rappresentanza dei Soci ordinari: dei Soci collettivi: Augusto Barbera Giuseppe Mazzei Francesco D’Onofrio Segretario Generale Silvio Traversa Consiglio Direttivo Augusto Barbera A.B.I. Francesco D’Onofrio Domenico Siniscalco ASSOGESTIONI Gaetano Gifuni Alessandro Rossi Casa Editrice Dott. Eugenio Jovene s.r.l. Giuseppe Guarino Giuseppe Mazzei Il Chiostro Vincenzo Lippolis ENEL Antonio Maccanico GRUPPO FERROVIE DELLO STATO Donato Marra Giovanni Ialongo Massimo Sarmi Giovanni Pieraccini POSTE ITALIANE S.P.A. Massimo Scioscioli Gaetano Blandini Paolo Agoglia Elisabetta Serafin SIAE Franco Bernabé Silvio Traversa TELECOM ITALIA Ugo Zampetti UNICREDIT Tesoriere Massimo Scioscioli Revisori dei Conti Gaetano De Vito - Sebastiano Piana - Francesco Sposato INDICE GIOVANNI PIERACCINI, Presentazione.................................................................. p. 7 SILVIO TRAVERSA, Introduzione........................................................................... » 11 ANTONIO MACCANICO, La nascita dell’ISLE ...................................................... » 15 ANTIGONO DONATI, I primi quindici anni dell’ISLE......................................... » 19 GIULIANO AMATO, La Scuola di Scienza e Tecnica della Legislazione.............. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
1 the Italian Decision of Joining The
The Italian decision of joining the EMS: Exchange rate commitment as a political argument in favour of institutional reforms* Anna Solé University Pompeu Fabra May, 7th, 2018 Abstract: During the negotiations about the European Monetary System (EMS), the Italian government consistently held the position that Italy was not going to join a “re-edited Snake”. However, when it became clear that the EMS would work under the hegemony of the German mark, just as the previous system did, the Italian government surprisingly changed position and decided to adhere to the new monetary arrangement, although this decision imposed unpopular reforms and threatened with provoking a government crisis. The debate on the convenience for Italy of participating in the EMS shows that besides the discussion on the new monetary system, other important discussions, concerning institutional reforms, were also taking place. In many occasions, EMS membership was used to justify the need for other institutional reforms that did not enjoy enough political support to be implemented. In particular, the reform of the wage indexation mechanism and the change in the status of the Banca d’Italia are examples of how the exchange rate commitment and the European compromises were used to impose measures that were very unpopular and, otherwise, would have been very difficult to carry out. Introduction: On the 5th of December 1978, the agreement of the European Monetary System (EMS) was signed by six of the nine members of the EEC. The United Kingdom decided to stay out, whereas Italy and Ireland were given some additional time to take their final decision. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.