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CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 280, March 2021

Yemen – A Playing Field for Regional Powers

External powers have a key impact on what is happening in the war in , making the situation even more complex. Under its new presi- dent, , the US is strongly committed to ending the conflict. This remains a difficult task. Even if the external actors were to retreat prematurely, Yemen would remain a divided where different ethnic groups have a profound mistrust of each other.

By Jeremy Guggenheim

In the , the Shiite group Ansahr – commonly known as the Houthis – and the internationally recog- nized central government led by President are fighting each other. The Shiite militia is aiming to create an independent imamate in Yemen by means of its military offensive. The Houthis received support from Shia Islamic . Its nemesis – Sunni – organized a coalition along with the United Arab (UAE) to bring President Hadi and his government back to power after he was ousted by the Houthis. The internal Yemeni conflict escalated into a Saudi-Ira- nian following a military inter- vention led by Saudi Arabia.

However, coalition partners Saudi Arabia and the UAE are pursuing different, some- Houthi troops on the back of a police patrol truck after participating in a gathering in , Yemen February 19, 2020. Khaled Abdullah / Reuters what contradictory, goals despite being part of the same coalition. For , the priority is to curb Iranian influence and neutralize the threat posed by the Houthi militia. By contrast, the UAE mainly wants ance. This means that another actor is new Biden administration is performing a to fight a local branch of the Muslim gaining importance in the Yemeni civil war U-turn, announcing that it will no longer Brotherhood – another party to the con- which is fighting against the Houthi mili- support Saudi Arabia. This change in flict in Yemen and the Hadi government’s tia but also increasingly attacking govern- American strategy increases the already most important ally. When the central gov- ment troops. considerable pressure on Saudi Arabia to ernment and Saudi Arabia proved unwill- end its military intervention. However, any ing to dissolve the partnership between the At the start of the war, former US Presi- withdrawal by the external actors is unlike- Hadi government and the Muslim Broth- dent Donald Trump refused to participate ly to lead to a lasting peace solution, as his- erhood, the UAE began training rival mili- actively in the Saudi Arabia-led coalition torical animosities between the local con- tias to oppose Hadi’s governmental alli- – however, he did pledge support. Now, the flicting parties will remain.

© 2021 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich 1 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 280, March 2021

How the Conflict Unfolded Saudi Arabia itself, also added to Riyadh’s was initially quite limited. However, over As a result of the so called , the concerns. The Houthi seizure of power fu- the course of the civil war this cooperation and long-time ruler, eled the dormant fear of having an Iranian has intensified. Houthi cooperation with Abdullah Saleh, stepped down in 2012 ally on the border, potentially posing a sim- is not based on a common pan- in favor of his deputy, Hadi. Boosted by the ilar threat to the one from Hizbullah that Shia ideology, as is often assumed. In fact, resulting power vacuum, the Houthi militia lives with. they are united by their common interest in began its offensive, quickly capturing large weakening Saudi Arabia and consolidating parts of and the capital, Sa- Appointed in 2015, Secretary of Defense their own power. The Yemeni militia sees naa. After close collaboration with former and current Crown Prince Mohammed bin itself as a domestic actor pursuing purely President Saleh – whom they later assassi- Salman wished to achieve a quick victory domestic political goals (see box). Unlike nated – and with the support of the mili- with his intervention in Yemen and to rein- other Iranian allies, the Houthi militia is a tary that was loyal to Saleh, the Houthis state his protégé, Hadi. Saudi Arabia’s eter- well-established and largely self-sufficient were able to advance to the port city of nal opponent, Iran, was also to be coun- group, making it Iran’s most cost-effective , seizing it in March 2015. President tered. The aim of the military intervention ally in the region. Since the militia was al- Hadi’s government then went into exile in at the beginning of the war was to disarm ready politically, ideologically, and militar- Saudi Arabia. the Houthis, demonstrably bring a halt to ily established at the beginning of the civil their relations with Iran, and enforce their war, a relationship based on mutual bene- Saudi Arabia subsequently organized a co- participation in a unity government. fits developed with Iran. alition including the UAE, , , , and intervening militar- The military intervention in Yemen provid- Iranian supplies of high-quality weapons ily in Yemen in March 2015 with the aim ed a perfect opportunity to promote a new systems have allowed the Houthis to ex- of reinstating Hadi. The plan was to push self-image for the UAE. The “Arab Spring” pand their threat potential vis-à-vis Saudi back the Houthi militia by means of a war brought about a weakening of the tradi- Arabia. The rebels have been attacking conducted mainly from the air. The Saudi- tional centers of power in the region, such Saudi territory with missiles since the mili- Emirati coalition managed to retake some as and Egypt. The emergence of this tary intervention in 2015. Thanks to Irani- power vacuum allowed the an drones and cruise missiles, these attacks The war objectives of the two UAE to break out of its tradi- have increased in intensity and range over tional role as Saudi Arabia’s ju- the years, posing a substantial threat to allies, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, nior partner. After a period of Saudi Arabia’s internal security. The only coincide superficially. domestic consolidation, made Houthis wish to use the shelling to put possible by greater repression of pressure on Saudi Arabia and force it to the the and negotiating table, the objective being to parts of Yemen, including Aden. A the of Dubai’s weakening power in make Riyadh accept the new territorial sta- quick victory failed to materialize due to a the wake of the financial crisis, the Emirati tus quo. Iran hopes that by tying up Saudi lack of ground troops, despite the military Crown Prince began to pursue a more as- resources in the Yemeni civil war, this will superiority of the coalition supporting the sertive foreign policy. The aim of its involve- divert its rivals’s attention away from its Hadi government. As a consequence, the ment in various crises (Yemen, , and more important strategic ally, Bashar Al- Houthi militia managed to consolidate its ) was to emphasize the UAE’s new Assad. military position in some areas of Yemen. role as a revisionist counterpart to the trans- formative movement of the “Arab Spring” Paradoxically, the Saudi intervention in- The historical antagonism between the for- with the Emirati’s goal being to prevent po- creasingly forced the Houthi rebels into merly divided north and south erupted litical Islamist from gaining power. Tehran’s sphere of influence. While an once again in Aden in August 2019. The equal relationship based on common inter- secessionists drove out Hadi government However, the war objectives of the two al- ests developed at the beginning, this has troops and mercilessly persecuted their al- lies, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, only coin- since shifted, to the Houthis’ disadvantage. lies, the Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood. As cide superficially. Both have dif- This is the only way to explain the Houthis the secessionists were trained by the UAE, ferent threat perceptions. Emirati policy claiming responsibility for the momentous tensions increased between the UAE and prioritizes the suppression of the Muslim attack of 14 2019 on the Saudi the Hadi government. Brotherhood’s brand of political , as it oil facilities in Abqaiq and Khurais. This is sees this group and its potential to mobilize despite the fact that – according to US in- Saudi and Emirati Objectives transnational structures as the main threat telligence – this attack originating from Ira- Since 2004, Saudi Arabia had been sup- to the stability of its regime. By contrast, nian territory halved Saudi oil production. porting the Yemeni government, led by suppressing expansionist Iran is the top It would seem then that the Houthis have President Saleh at the time, in the fight the priority of Saudi Arabia. In addition, the been demoted from an equal partner to an Houthis. During its numerous wars, the Emirati leadership sees the military inter- Iranian proxy, which was exactly the kind of Saleh government claimed that the Shiite vention in Yemen as a means of bringing situation Saudi Arabia hoped to prevent militia was dependent on Iran. At the same Yemeni ports under its control so that it with its intervention in the conflict. time, the Saudi administration considered can expand its room for maneuver in the the Houthis, whose power base was in . Diverging War Aims North Yemen on the Saudi border, as an The local branch of the Muslim Brother- association that threatened Saudi Arabia’s The Houthis and Iran hood became the most important partner internal security. The fact that a marginal- Contrary to Saudi perceptions, cooperation for the internationally recognized Hadi ized and oppressed Shia minority lives in between the Shiite Houthi militia and Iran government. However, this partnership was

© 2021 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich 2 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 280, March 2021

The in north-western Yemen and they now control 70 – 80 per cent of Yemen’s popula- The Houthis belong to the Shia branch known as the Zaydis, who only live in barely accessible tion. For this reason, it seems wishful north-western Yemen. They established an imamate there in the ninth Century. This state survived in various forms until Yemen became a in 1962. The Houthi group formed in the thinking to expect them to renounce their around its namesake, Hussein al-Houthi. Enraged by the rampant corruption of the Saleh arms and join a unity government. Riyadh government, Houthi founded the movement with the aim of reviving the imamate. As a result of also failed to achieve the main goal of se- the US-led invasion of in 2003, which was perceived as neo-colonialist and Islamophobic, the curing the common border and protecting group radicalized and strengthened its anti-Western, anti-Zionist position. The group is heteroge- Saudi territory. neous in its composition. It consists of different and different political factions, representing more radical or more moderate positions. The Zaydist doctrine is very different from the Shia branch that dominates Iran and is similar to the Sunni interpretation of Islam. At the very least, the UAE partially achieved its war aims – unlike Saudi Ara- bia – and has, therefore, shown that it is capable of pursuing an independent policy. The UAE has freed itself from the role of the Saudi junior partner and remains a ma- categorically rejected by the Emirati leader- Saudi Arabia – Quo Vadis? jor player in Yemen despite the troop with- ship. In line with its subjective threat per- Under the former US president, Donald drawal due to its allied militias. It has suc- ception, the UAE had presented its opera- Trump, the Washington had helped Saudi ceeded in capturing all major ports except tions as a fight against extremist groups Arabia logistically with air force mainte- Hodaidah, either by itself or through its al- since 2016 – according to the UAE, this in- nance, intelligence gathering on targets, lies. These strategic bases enable the UAE cludes not only the Houthi group, but also and procuring war materials, for instance. to intervene in Yemen again at any time the so called Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Pen- However, the Biden adminis- insula and especially al-Ishlah, the Yemeni tration announced in February Cooperation between branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. The that it intends to withdraw its Saudi government did not agree with this support for Saudi Arabia. The the Houthis and Iran was assessment. It saw the partnership as a con- classification of the Houthis as initially quite limited. venient means of fighting its nemesis, Iran. a terrorist organization is also to be reviewed. Designating the Subsequently, the Emirates began to train Houthis as a terrorist organization would and complement its existing ports and mil- and arm militias and other actors who further complicate the work of interna- itary bases in . The medium- and shared their assessments of the local ruling tional aid agencies and exacerbate the al- long-term consequences of geostrategic coalition – this included the secessionists ready catastrophic humanitarian situation, positioning around the Bab al-Mandeb in , who advocated for an in- though. In order to give resolving the mat- Strait cannot be predicted yet, though. dependent state, causing a rift between the ter the diplomatic weight required, the new However, the Emirati reputation has been UAE and Hadi government in 2017. As a US administration appointed for the first damaged by the war effort in the same way result, fighting broke out several times be- time a special envoy for Yemen, indicating as Saudi Arabia has and on the home front, tween the central government and its allies a desire to give more diplomatic attention the military deployment has led to in- and the UAE-backed groups. Saudi Arabia to the conflict. This change in policy -in creased tensions between the different and the UAE intervened in order to stop creases the already considerable pressure on emirates in the federal system. the fighting within the Hadi government Saudi Arabia to end its military interven- coalition between Hadi supporters and se- tion as an air war is not operationally fea- The low-cost / high-reward-strategy has cessionists. This led to the “Riyadh Agree- sible without American expertise and pre- worked for Iran. With few resources, Teh- ment” in 2019, but it was not implemented cision missiles. ran was able to build up a persistent threat until December 2020. Among other things, potential on the Saudi border, even threat- the agreement makes provisions for the It seems clear that Saudi Arabia will not be ening the Saudi interior. Absorbed by the quarrelling actors to form a new unity gov- able to win the war militarily now that its protracted war, the coalition forces could ernment. closest ally has withdrawn and with the an- not have seriously considered getting di- ticipated end of American support. During rectly involved in Syria, and this was Teh- The UAE had secretly begun to withdraw the past six years of war, the wider picture ran’s main objective. As a result, the conse- large numbers of its troops from the con- has also changed. Saudi Arabia’s reputation quences of the war, the damage to the flict at the beginning of 2019. Small has been seriously damaged by the murder reputation of the coalition partners, and contingents of special forces remained be- of Jamal Kashoggi and allegations of war the imminent cooling of relations with the hind for anti-terror-missions. The Saudi crimes. On the domestic front, the huge US can only benefit Iran. leadership realized that the war could not costs of war are a heavy burden especially at be won on the military front when the a time when oil prices are low and with the The diplomatic and military failures had most important coalition partner withdrew expected consequential costs of the corona- raised fears in the Hadi government of be- its troops and there was a renewed out- virus pandemic. In terms of its war objec- ing excluded from any negotiated Saudi- break of fighting between the Hadi gov- tives, Riyadh seems to have fallen short. Houthi settlement. However, President ernment and UAE backed secessionists in The dissolution of the relationship between Hadi was able to strengthen his negotiat- the year 2019. The result was the resump- the Houthis and Iran has not been ing position again with the Riyadh Agree- tion of direct negotiations between Riyadh achieved. In fact, it is stronger today than ment, which was partially implemented as and the Houthis. However, this move has ever before. For their part, the Houthis of December 2020 through the formation failed to bring about results thus far. used the war to consolidate their positions of a unity government. However, other

© 2021 Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich 3 CSS Analyses in Security Policy No. 280, March 2021

elements of the Riyadh Agreement in- among others. This means that Hadi only and who are likely to have an interest in cluding territorial issues or disarmament has limited discretion when making deci- preserving the status quo have not been are not fulfilled yet. Furthermore, the unity sions as he has to take into account the in- taken into account. terests of his local and interna- Saudi Arabia will not be able to tional partners, because even if Saudi Arabia and the UAE win the war militarily without withdraw from Yemen, they American support. will want to influence future For more on perspectives on of Euro-Atlantic decisions. There is still a long Security, see CSS core theme page. way to a stable peace process. government is built on shaky foundations. Above all, the dogged historical antago- One important reason for this is the un- nism between the Central Government Jeremy Guggenheim is Researcher at the Swiss derlying mistrust that continues to exist and the Houthis must be overcome. The political party FDP. Formerly, he was a Research between the government partners, the sep- numerous actors who have come to power and Teaching Assistant at the Center for Security aratists and the Muslim Brotherhood, in subregions as a result of the civil war Studies (CSS) at ETH Zürich.

CSS Analyses in Security Policy is published by the Center for Security Most recent editions: Studies (CSS) at ETH Zürich. The CSS is a center of competence for Swiss and CSDP Missions: Addressing their Limited Reform Impact No. 279 international security policy. Each month, two analyses are published in Digital Disinformation: Evidence from Ukraine No. 278 German, French, and English. South-East : A Hotspot in Great Power Rivalry No. 277 and Nuclear Arms Control No. 276 Editor: Julian Kamasa Trouble with in the Eastern Mediterranean No. 275 Language editing: Julian Kamasa, Lisa Watanabe Mercenaries in the Service of Authoritarian States No. 274 Layout and graphics: Miriam Dahinden-Ganzoni

Feedback and comments: [email protected] © Center for Security Studies (CSS), ETH Zürich More editions and online subscription: www.css.ethz.ch/cssanalyses ISSN: 2296-0244; DOI: 10.3929/ethz-b-000472159 4