1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background the Yemen Civil War Is
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GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
The Impact of the Gulf Crisis on Developing Countries
Overseas Development lostitute Briefing Paper March 1991 THE IMPACT OF THE GULF CRISIS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES The economic repercussions of the Gulf crisis have been widespread. Apart from the impact on the Gulf states Box 1: Impact of Gulf Crisis themselves, the resulting economic disruptions over the past (where impact > 1% of GNP) seven months have affected many countries. In response to requests for a consistent set of estimates of the impact on less Impact of the Gulf crisis developed countries, ODI undertook a study both to assess the Oil CostI Non-oil effects and to consider the response by the international Country (B eneftt) Cost Total Cost community. US$7n US$m. US$m %GNP This Briefing Paper, finalised on the day the war ended, Low income draws on the findings of this study. Two conclusions stand Middle p:ast out. First, the large number and wide range of developing Yemen (570) 1400 830 10.4% countries that have been severely affected by the crisis-. Second, South Asia while there has been a considerable response to the crisis, the Bangladesh 130 115 245 1.4% distribution of assistance has been highly selective. Some Pakistan coimtries have been almost over-compensated while others 560 295 855 2.4% have received little help. Sri Lanka 140 125 265 4.0% Sub-Saharan Africa Effect on developing countries Beiiin 40 40 2.2% The Gulf crisis has had both global and specific effects on Chad 25 25 2.5%. developing countries. The crisis, in particular the period of Ethiopia 115 115 2.0% higher oil prices, has adversely affected world growth and Ghana 50 50 1,0% hence growth in developing countries. -
Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR). -
Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference After the 25Th of January Revolution)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PÚBLICO Y RELACIONES INTERNACIONALES TESIS DOCTORAL Egyptian foreign policy (special reference after The 25th of January Revolution) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTORA PRESENTADA POR Rania Ahmed Hemaid DIRECTOR Najib Abu-Warda Madrid, 2018 © Rania Ahmed Hemaid, 2017 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID Facultad de Ciencias Políticas Y Socioligía Departamento de Derecho Internacional Público y Relaciones Internacionales Doctoral Program Political Sciences PHD dissertation Egyptian Foreign Policy (Special Reference after The 25th of January Revolution) POLÍTICA EXTERIOR EGIPCIA (ESPECIAL REFERENCIA DESPUÉS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN DEL 25 DE ENERO) Elaborated by Rania Ahmed Hemaid Under the Supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations in the Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid Madrid, 2017 Ph.D. Dissertation Presented to the Complutense University of Madrid for obtaining the doctoral degree in Political Science by Ms. Rania Ahmed Hemaid, under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Information Sciences, Complutense University of Madrid. University: Complutense University of Madrid. Department: International Public Law and International Relations (International Studies). Program: Doctorate in Political Science. Director: Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda. Academic Year: 2017 Madrid, 2017 DEDICATION Dedication To my dearest parents may god rest their souls in peace and to my only family my sister whom without her support and love I would not have conducted this piece of work ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor Prof. Dr. Najib Abu- Warda for the continuous support of my Ph.D. -
Climate Change Adaptation in the Arab States Best Practices and Lessons Learned
Climate Change Adaptation in the Arab States Best practices and lessons learned United Nations Development Programme 2018 | 1 UNDP partners with people at all levels of society to help build nations that can withstand crisis, and drive and sustain the kind of growth that improves the quality of life for everyone. On the ground in nearly 170 countries and territories, we offer global perspective and local insight to help empower lives and build resilient nations. www.undp.org The Global Environment Facility (GEF) was established on the eve of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit to help tackle our planet’s most pressing environmental problems. Since then, the GEF has provided over $17 billion in grants and mobilized an additional $88 billion in financing for more than 4000 projects in 170 countries. Today, the GEF is an international partnership of 183 countries, international institutions, civil society organizations and the private sector that addresses global environmental issues. www.thegef.org United Nations Development Programme July 2018 Copyright © UNDP 2018 Manufactured in Bangkok Bangkok Regional Hub (BRH) United Nations Development Programme 3rd Floor United Nations Service Building Rajdamnern Nok Avenue, Bangkok, 10200, Thailand www.adaptation-undp.org Authors: The report preparation was led by Tom Twining-Ward in close collaboration with Kishan Khoday, with Cara Tobin as lead author and Fadhel Baccar, Janine Twyman Mills, Walid Ali and Zubair Murshed as contributing authors. The publication was professionally reviewed by fellow UNDP colleagues, Amal Aldababseh, Greg Benchwick, Hanan Mutwaki, Mohamed Bayoumi, and Walid Ali. Valuable external expert review, comments, and suggestions were provided by Hussein El-Atfy (Arab Water Council), Ibrahim Abdel Gelil (Arabian Gulf University), and William Dougherty (Climate Change Research Group). -
BACKGROUND BRIEF1 Brussels, 17 January 2019 FOREIGN AFFAIRS COUNCIL 21 January 2019
PRESS Council of the European Union EN BACKGROUND BRIEF1 Brussels, 17 January 2019 FOREIGN AFFAIRS COUNCIL 21 January 2019 The Foreign Affairs Council, chaired by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini, will start at 9.00 with a discussion on current affairs allowing ministers to review pressing issues on the international agenda. Foreign ministers will discuss the action plan against disinformation presented by the European Commission on 5 December 2018. They will exchange views on the implementation of the action plan. Ministers are expected to focus on the external aspects of the challenges of disinformation. The Council will have a preparatory discussion for the EU-League of Arab States ministerial meeting to be held in Brussels on 4 February 2019, ahead of the summit foreseen on 24 and 25 February 2019 in Egypt. The Council will also discuss the 22nd EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting, that will take place on the same day in Brussels. The Council is expected to adopt conclusions on EU-ASEAN relations. The Council is expected to adopt a number of decisions and conclusions without debate, including conclusions on the situation in Nicaragua. Press opportunities: Monday 21 January +/- 08.45 Doorstep by High Representative Federica Mogherini +/- 12.45 Press conference following the Foreign Affairs Council +/- 18.15 Press conference following the EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting Tuesday 22 January +/- 13.00 Press conference following the EU-AU ministerial meeting Press conferences and public events via video streaming Video coverage in broadcast quality (MPEG4) and photo gallery 1 This note has been drawn up under the responsibility of the press office. -
Armed Conflict Alone Does Not Explain the Devastation of Yemen's Health
Commentary BMJ Glob Health: first published as 10.1136/bmjgh-2020-004740 on 23 February 2021. Downloaded from Armed conflict alone does not explain the devastation of Yemen’s health system 1 2 3,4 Tayseer AlKarim, Aula Abbara , Bothaina Attal To cite: AlKarim T, Abbara A, Driven by the prolonged internal conflict, Summary box Attal B. Armed conflict external aggression, economic decline and alone does not explain the scarcity of resources, Yemen faces the world’s Armed conflict alone in Yemen cannot explain the devastation of Yemen’s health 1 ► system. BMJ Global Health worst humanitarian crisis. The ongoing devastating humanitarian situation with other, non- 2021;6:e004740. doi:10.1136/ violence has played a fundamental role in conflict factors also culpable. bmjgh-2020-004740 shaping this humanitarian crisis. However, ► The traditional role of the central government has violence alone cannot account for the extent been incapacitated and replaced by an archipelago Handling editor Seye Abimbola of suffering across the country and the collapse of proto- states. of the health system; other factors need to be ► Fragmentation, poor coordination, poor transparency Received 13 December 2020 and weak governance have adversely affected the Accepted 15 December 2020 considered with the aim of drawing strategies to respond to the present and future health humanitarian response. The mandate of the United Nations (UN) to operate and humanitarian needs. ► through the governmental framework is invalid in the modern armed conflict and it needs to be developed. BACKGROUND TO THE CONFLICT ► The ongoing conflict has created war- business dy- namics that further systemised the corruption and Half a decade of relentless hostilities between patronage networks in the country, which in turn has state and non- state actors, backed by regional deprived Yemenis from equal and dignified access to and international powers, have devastated humanitarian aid. -
YEMEN Unrelenting Conflict and Risk of Famine
IRC WATCHLIST 2021 14 IRC WATCHLIST 2021 15 1. YEMEN Unrelenting conflict and risk of famine KEY FACTS PROBABILITY IMPACT CONSTRAINTS ON HUMAN THREAT Population: 29.8 million 10 8 COUNTRY RESPONSE EXISTING PRESSURES NATURAL THREAT 24.3 million people in need of humanitarian aid 5 8 ON POPULATION (80% of population) 16.1 million people facing crisis or worse levels of Yemen tops the IRC’s annual Emergency Watchlist for the food insecurity (IPC 3+) in 2021 (54% of population) third year in a row: a consequence of over five years of major armed conflict and severe underfunding that has pushed the 53.2% child stunting due to malnutrition (second world’s largest humanitarian crisis to new lows in 2020 and highest in world) left the humanitarian response on the brink of collapse. 20.5 million people lack access to clean water and The conflict remains intense even after five years since the escalation sanitation of the war in 2015 following the Saudi and Emirati-led Coalition’s intervention to support the Internationally Recognized Government 3.6 million people internally displaced (IRG) against the Ansar Allah movement. Conflict between forces loyal to the IRG and Ansar Allah escalated in Jawf and Marib governorates 50% of health facilities are not fully functional throughout 2020. There is no sign of a political resolution to the crisis despite localized agreements over the past two years. Meanwhile, the 190th (of 195 countries) for capability to prevent and COVID-19 pandemic and a steep drop in humanitarian funding puts the mitigate epidemics country at risk of massive further deterioration. -
Regional Programme Gulf States the Yemen
Regional Programme Gulf States Policy Report – October 2019 The Yemen War Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations Introduction Fabian Blumberg Recently, there have been important developments in the war in Yemen; a war which has, according to the UN reports, created the worst humanitarian disaster of the 21st century. On the one hand, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) withdrew significant part of its military forces from Yemen declaring the time has arrived for a peace settlement to the conflict. On the other hand, militants of the South took control over Aden from the internationally-backed government amid a fierce armed confrontation between the forces of the two sides leading to a crack in the Arab Coalition that is fighting the Houthis since March 2015. News also has erupted as the Houthis claimed that they managed to attack Saudi Arabia’s largest oil facilities at the 19th of September. Back in March 2019, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) had organized a workshop in Cadenabbia, Italy, to discuss the prospects of peace in Yemen after the Stockholm agreement between the international recognised government and the Houthis. Entitled “Yemen’s War: Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations”, the workshop was attended by experts on Yemen from Europe, Germany, US, and Yemen who provided informed opinions about the conflict in Yemen and on the best way to advance peace among the warring parties. Building on that, KAS has asked experts to write down their analyses on the situation and their recommendations on how to bring about peace in Yemen. They also provide ideas for the contribution German foreign policy could provide. -
Just Below the Surface: Israel, the Arab Gulf States and the Limits of Cooperation
Middle East Centre JUST BELOW THE SURFACE ISRAEL, THE ARAB GULF STATES AND THE LIMITS OF COOPERATION IAN BLACK LSE Middle East Centre Report | March 2019 About the Middle East Centre The Middle East Centre builds on LSE’s long engagement with the Middle East and provides a central hub for the wide range of research on the region carried out at LSE. The Middle East Centre aims to enhance understanding and develop rigorous research on the societies, economies, polities and international relations of the region. The Centre promotes both special- ised knowledge and public understanding of this crucial area, and has outstanding strengths in interdisciplinary research and in regional expertise. As one of the world’s leading social science institutions, LSE comprises departments covering all branches of the social sciences. The Middle East Centre harnesses this expertise to promote innova- tive research and training on the region. Middle East Centre Just Below the Surface: Israel, the Arab Gulf States and the Limits of Cooperation Ian Black LSE Middle East Centre Report March 2019 About the Author Ian Black is a former Middle East editor, diplomatic editor and European editor for the Guardian newspaper. He is currently Visiting Senior Fellow at the LSE Middle East Centre. His latest book is entitled Enemies and Neighbours: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917–2017. Abstract For over a decade Israel has been strengthening links with Arab Gulf states with which it has no diplomatic relations. Evidence of a convergence of Israel’s stra- tegic views with those of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain has accumulated as all displayed hostility to Iran’s regional ambitions and to United States President Barack Obama’s policies during the Arab Spring. -
China and Yemen's Forgotten
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBRIEF241 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • @usip January 2018 I-WEI JENNIFER CHANG China and Yemen’s Forgotten War Email: [email protected] Summary • China’s position on the Yemen conflict is driven primarily by its interest in maintaining close strategic relations with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Beijing has acquiesced to the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. • Although not taking a prominent leadership role, China has supported regional and interna- tional initiatives to mitigate the conflict, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the National Dialogue Conference, and UN-led peace talks. • As Yemen’s major trade partner, China has an outsized economic presence in the country and can play a significant economic role in Yemen’s postwar reconstruction through its Belt and Road Initiative. Introduction China is playing a supportive, though low-key, role in international efforts to propel Yemen’s peace process in response to one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises. The Chinese government has China’s response to the backed the political transition process led by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as well as the peace “Saudi-led airstrikes, which talks brokered by the United Nations. Beijing, however, has been unwilling to challenge the Saudi-led were militarily supported by air campaign against opposition groups that has killed civilians in a spiraling conflict that has already taken over ten thousand lives—including, in December 2017, that of former president Ali Abdullah the United States and United Saleh by the Houthi rebels.1 Kingdom, was muted. -
From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences Over Arab Military Cooperation
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments From Yemen War to Joint Army? WP Egyptian-Saudi Differences over Arab Military Cooperation Jessica Noll and Stephan Roll S On 25 March 2015 a Saudi-led coalition of Arab states launched air strikes on Yemen to halt the advance of the Houthi movement. A few days later the summit of the Arab League decided to set up a joint Arab army. Nevertheless, the two most important Arab countries support opposing concepts for military cooperation: Egypt proposes institu- tionalised long-term military cooperation to increase its political weight in the region, while Saudi Arabia prefers ad hoc coalitions precisely in order to avoid long-term dependency on other countries, not least Egypt. However, the two events suggest that states in the region are stepping up military cooperation. Germany and the European Union should treat this development with scepticism. Experience shows that such col- laborations tend to exacerbate rather than resolve regional conflicts. At their summit meeting at the Egyptian of the Saudi military operation against the resort of Sharm al-Sheikh on 28 and 29 Houthi movement in Yemen, there is no March 2015, the members of the Arab direct connection between the two events. League agreed to set up joint armed forces. Consequently the Arab League resolution According to the final declaration of the makes no mention of the Yemen conflict. summit, the force should be capable of In fact, the joint army project is an Egyptian rapid intervention to guarantee the national initiative that President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi sovereignty of member states and protect first floated in February 2015 in connection them against territorial threats.