ASSESSING the IMPACT of WAR on Development in Yemen
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Macroeconomic Policies for Growth, Employment and Poverty Reduction in Yemen
Macroeconomic Policies for Growth, Employment and Poverty Reduction in Yemen i Copyright 2006 By the Sub-Regional Resource Facility for Arab States (SURF-AS) United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) UN House, Riad El-Solh Square P.O.Box: 11-3216 Beirut, Lebanon All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retreival sys- tem, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronical, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of UNDP/SURF-AS Design, Color Separation and Printing by Virgin Graphics Email: [email protected] ii Case Study Team Advisory Group Contributing Authors: Flavia Pansieri (Resident Representative, (Authors of background papers) UNDP Yemen) Ahmad Ghoneim: Trade Yahya Al Mutawakel (Vice Minister and Ahmad Kamaly: Fiscal Policy Head of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Anis Chowdhury: Monetary Policy Follow-up and Monitoring Unit, Ministry of Antoine Heuty: Fiscal Policy Planning and International Cooperation.) Farhad Mehran: Employment Moin Karim, (Former Deputy Resident Frederick Nixson: Trade and Industry Representative, UNDP Yemen) Haroon Akram-Lodhi: Agriculture Mohammad Pournik, (Senior Country Heba Nassar: Macroeconomics Economist, UNDP Yemen) Hyun Son: Poverty Ibrahim Saif: Industry Core Team John Roberts: Macroeconomics Massoud Karshenas (Team Leader and Karima Korayem: Agriculture and Poverty Principal Investigator, Professor of Khalid Abu-Ismail: Macroeconomics and Economics, SOAS, London) Poverty Khalid Abu-Ismail (Macroeconomics and Matias Vernengo: -
Enabling Poor Rural People to Overcome Poverty in Yemen
©IFAD/G. Ludwig Enabling poor rural people to overcome poverty in Yemen Rural poverty in Yemen The Republic of Yemen is one of the driest, poorest and least developed countries in the world. Poverty and food insecurity are strongly linked with the depletion and degradation of land and water resources. It is one of the most water-stressed countries in the world – each Yemeni’s average share of renewable water resources is about one tenth of the average in most Middle Eastern countries and one fiftieth of the world average. Poverty affects nearly 42 per cent of the country’s population and is mainly a rural phenomenon. Over 80 per cent of poor people reside in rural areas, and almost half of them live on less than US$2 a day. Small-scale farmers, sharecroppers, landless people, nomadic herders and artisanal fishers all suffer from inadequate access to basic necessities such as land, safe water, health care services and education. The population is young and growing rapidly. Two thirds of Yemenis are under 24 years old, and half are less than 15 years of age. More than 50 per cent of all children suffer from malnutrition. Women are also particularly disadvantaged. In addition to their heavy domestic workload, they provide 60 per cent of the labour in crop cultivation and more than 90 per cent in tending livestock. Despite their vital contributions to the rural economy, women have very limited access to economic, social and political opportunities. Many are illiterate and on average they earn 30 per cent less than men. -
World Bank Document
ReportNo. 15158-YEM Republic of Yemen Poverty Assessmzent Public Disclosure Authorized June26, 1996 Middl(e I st I IlImmi RemMIrcesD)ivi,(fln ( o LIltrV DX I IeeItII Middle East mindNorthi Africa Retgion Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Document of the World Bank ClURRENCY EQuIVALENTS Currency Unit = Yemeni Rial (YR) YR 1.0 = 100 Fils Exchange Rate as of.June 1, 1996 Official exchange rate: YR II 5/US$ Parallel exchanigerate: YR I1 5/1US$ Yemen Fiscal Year January I - December 3 1 LIST OF ACRONYMS ARI Acute Respiratory Infectionis DHS Demographilc and Maternal and Child Health Survey EPI Expanded Program of Iin Inllnizationis FAO Food and Agriculture Organization GDP Gross Domestic Product GNP Gross National Product HBS-92 Household Budget Survey, 1992 LCCD Local Counicils for Cooperative Development LDA Local Developmenlt Association MOSL Ministry of Social Affairs, Social Insiuranice,and Labor NGO NongoverinmenltalOrgan ization OECD Organ isation for Economic Co-operation aiid Development PDRY Peoples' Democratic Republic of Yemen TFR Total Fertility Rate UNDP lUnited Nations Development Programine UNHCR ULited Nations High Commission for Reftugees WDR World Development Report YAR Yemen Arab Republic YR Yeienl Rial REPUBLIC OF YEMEN POVERTY ASSESSMENT TABLEOF CONTENTS i EXECUTIVESUMMARY ................................................................ I THE POVERTY PROFILE ................................................................ ,. 2 THE EXTENTAND DEPTHOF POVERTY....................................................................... -
GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H
II. Analysis Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Abu Dhabi, and King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi Arabia, preside over the ‘Sheikh Zayed Heritage Festival 2016’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE, on 4 December 2016. GCC Policies Toward the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen: Ally-Adversary Dilemmas by Fred H. Lawson tudies of the foreign policies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries usually ignore import- S ant initiatives that have been undertaken with regard to the Bab al-Mandab region, an area encom- passing the southern end of the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and Yemen. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have become actively involved in this pivotal geopolitical space over the past decade, and their relations with one another exhibit a marked shift from mutual complementarity to recip- rocal friction. Escalating rivalry and mistrust among these three governments can usefully be explained by what Glenn Snyder calls “the alliance security dilemma.”1 Shift to sustained intervention Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE have been drawn into Bab al-Mandab by three overlapping develop- ments. First, the rise in world food prices that began in the 2000s incentivized GCC states to ramp up investment in agricultural land—Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi all turned to Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda as prospective breadbaskets.2 Doha pushed matters furthest by proposing to construct a massive canal in central Sudan that would have siphoned off more than one percent of the Nile River’s total annual downstream flow to create additional farmland. -
The Impact of the Gulf Crisis on Developing Countries
Overseas Development lostitute Briefing Paper March 1991 THE IMPACT OF THE GULF CRISIS ON DEVELOPING COUNTRIES The economic repercussions of the Gulf crisis have been widespread. Apart from the impact on the Gulf states Box 1: Impact of Gulf Crisis themselves, the resulting economic disruptions over the past (where impact > 1% of GNP) seven months have affected many countries. In response to requests for a consistent set of estimates of the impact on less Impact of the Gulf crisis developed countries, ODI undertook a study both to assess the Oil CostI Non-oil effects and to consider the response by the international Country (B eneftt) Cost Total Cost community. US$7n US$m. US$m %GNP This Briefing Paper, finalised on the day the war ended, Low income draws on the findings of this study. Two conclusions stand Middle p:ast out. First, the large number and wide range of developing Yemen (570) 1400 830 10.4% countries that have been severely affected by the crisis-. Second, South Asia while there has been a considerable response to the crisis, the Bangladesh 130 115 245 1.4% distribution of assistance has been highly selective. Some Pakistan coimtries have been almost over-compensated while others 560 295 855 2.4% have received little help. Sri Lanka 140 125 265 4.0% Sub-Saharan Africa Effect on developing countries Beiiin 40 40 2.2% The Gulf crisis has had both global and specific effects on Chad 25 25 2.5%. developing countries. The crisis, in particular the period of Ethiopia 115 115 2.0% higher oil prices, has adversely affected world growth and Ghana 50 50 1,0% hence growth in developing countries. -
Yemen and The
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Research Online Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States ‘One blood and one destiny’? Yemen’s relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council Edward Burke June 2012 Number 23 The Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalisation in the Gulf States is a ten-year multidisciplinary global research programme. It focuses on topics such as globalization and the repositioning of the Gulf States in the global order, capital flows, and patterns of trade; specific challenges facing carbon-rich and resource-rich economic development; diversification, educational and human capital development into post-oil political economies; and the future of regional security structures in the post-Arab Spring environment. The Programme is based in the LSE Department of Government and led by Professor Danny Quah and Dr Kristian Ulrichsen. The Programme produces an acclaimed working paper series featuring cutting-edge original research on the Gulf, published an edited volume of essays in 2011, supports post-doctoral researchers and PhD students, and develops academic networks between LSE and Gulf institutions. At the LSE, the Programme organizes a monthly seminar series, invitational breakfast briefings, and occasional public lectures, and is committed to five major biennial international conferences. The first two conferences took place in Kuwait City in 2009 and 2011, on the themes of Globalization and the Gulf, and The Economic Transformation of the Gulf. The next conference will take place at the LSE in March 2013, on the theme of The Arab Spring and the Gulf: Politics, Economics, and Security. -
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background the Yemen Civil War Is
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background The Yemen civil war is currently in its fifth year, but tensions within the country have existed for many years. The conflict in Yemen has been labelled as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world by the United Nations (UN) and is categorized as a man-made phenomenon. According to the UN, 80% of the population of Yemen need humanitarian assistance, with 2/3 of its population considered to be food insecure while 1/3 of its population is suffering from extreme levels of hunger and most districts in Yemen at risk of famine. As the conditions in Yemen continue to deteriorate, the world’s largest cholera outbreak occurred in Yemen in 2017 with a reported one million infected.1 Prior to the conflict itself, Yemen has been among the poorest countries in the Arab Peninsula. However, that is contradictory considering the natural resources that Yemen possess, such as minerals and oil, and its strategical location of being adjacent to the Red Sea.2 Yemen has a large natural reserve of natural gasses and minerals, with over 490 billion cubic meters as of 2010. These minerals include the likes of silver, gold, zinc, cobalt and nickel. The conflict in Yemen is a result of a civil war between the Houthi, with the help of Former President Saleh, and the Yemen government that is represented by 1 UNOCHA. “Yemen.” Humanitarian Needs Overview 2019, 2019. https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/2019_Yemen_HNO_FINAL.pdf. 2 Sophy Owuor, “What Are The Major Natural Resources Of Yemen?” WorldAtlas, February 19, 2019. -
Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR). -
Yemen on the Verge of Total State Collapse While the Global Community Remains Silent
Charlotte Hohmann / Said AlDailami Yemen on the Verge of Total State Collapse While the Global Community Remains Silent Six years after the successful protests of the so-called “Arab Spring” leading to the resignation of former President Ali Abdallah Saleh, Yemen is facing a war on multip- le fronts. The Arab world’s poorest country is suffering from a political situation that has already been fragile and is now on the verge of total state collapse. The violence has triggered a humanitarian disaster with at least three million Yemenis being in- ternally displaced and a famine threatening the country. An end of the conflict is not yet in sight. The international community seems to follow their own interests instead of trying to conclude a ceasefire and peace agreement. Schlagwörter: Arab Spring - Yemen - Civil War - Sunni-Shia - Conflict Saudi Arabia-Iran - Houthi - Saleh - International Intervention YEMEN ON THE VERGE OF TOTAL STATE COLLAPSE WHILE THE GLOBAL COMMUNITY REMAINS SILENT || Charlotte Hohmann / Sail AlDailami Introductory Remarks Generally speaking, Yemen is now divided between two warring parties. Six years after the start of the 2011 The country has been devastated by a uprising and the successful protests of struggle between forces loyal to the in- the so-called “Arab Spring”, leading to ternationally recognized government the resignation of former President Ali under president Hadi and those allied to Abdallah Saleh, Yemen is facing a war on the Houthi rebel movement. Since March multiple fronts. The combination of 2015 at least 10,000 civilians have been proxy wars, sectarian violence, state killed and 42,000 injured2 – the majority collapse and militia rule has sadly be- due to air strikes effected by a Saudi-led come part of the everyday routine. -
A New Model for Defeating Al Qaeda in Yemen
A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen Katherine Zimmerman September 2015 A New Model for Defeating al Qaeda in Yemen KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN SEPTEMBER 2015 A REPORT BY AEI’S CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 3 Part I: Al Qaeda and the Situation in Yemen ................................................................................................. 5 A Broken Model in Yemen ...................................................................................................................... 5 The Collapse of America’s Counterterrorism Partnership ........................................................................ 6 The Military Situation in Yemen ........................................................................................................... 10 Yemen, Iran, and Regional Dynamics ................................................................................................... 15 The Expansion of AQAP and the Emergence of ISIS in Yemen ............................................................ 18 Part II: A New Strategy for Yemen ............................................................................................................. 29 Defeating the Enemy in Yemen ............................................................................................................ -
YEMEN Unrelenting Conflict and Risk of Famine
IRC WATCHLIST 2021 14 IRC WATCHLIST 2021 15 1. YEMEN Unrelenting conflict and risk of famine KEY FACTS PROBABILITY IMPACT CONSTRAINTS ON HUMAN THREAT Population: 29.8 million 10 8 COUNTRY RESPONSE EXISTING PRESSURES NATURAL THREAT 24.3 million people in need of humanitarian aid 5 8 ON POPULATION (80% of population) 16.1 million people facing crisis or worse levels of Yemen tops the IRC’s annual Emergency Watchlist for the food insecurity (IPC 3+) in 2021 (54% of population) third year in a row: a consequence of over five years of major armed conflict and severe underfunding that has pushed the 53.2% child stunting due to malnutrition (second world’s largest humanitarian crisis to new lows in 2020 and highest in world) left the humanitarian response on the brink of collapse. 20.5 million people lack access to clean water and The conflict remains intense even after five years since the escalation sanitation of the war in 2015 following the Saudi and Emirati-led Coalition’s intervention to support the Internationally Recognized Government 3.6 million people internally displaced (IRG) against the Ansar Allah movement. Conflict between forces loyal to the IRG and Ansar Allah escalated in Jawf and Marib governorates 50% of health facilities are not fully functional throughout 2020. There is no sign of a political resolution to the crisis despite localized agreements over the past two years. Meanwhile, the 190th (of 195 countries) for capability to prevent and COVID-19 pandemic and a steep drop in humanitarian funding puts the mitigate epidemics country at risk of massive further deterioration. -
Regional Programme Gulf States the Yemen
Regional Programme Gulf States Policy Report – October 2019 The Yemen War Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations Introduction Fabian Blumberg Recently, there have been important developments in the war in Yemen; a war which has, according to the UN reports, created the worst humanitarian disaster of the 21st century. On the one hand, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) withdrew significant part of its military forces from Yemen declaring the time has arrived for a peace settlement to the conflict. On the other hand, militants of the South took control over Aden from the internationally-backed government amid a fierce armed confrontation between the forces of the two sides leading to a crack in the Arab Coalition that is fighting the Houthis since March 2015. News also has erupted as the Houthis claimed that they managed to attack Saudi Arabia’s largest oil facilities at the 19th of September. Back in March 2019, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) had organized a workshop in Cadenabbia, Italy, to discuss the prospects of peace in Yemen after the Stockholm agreement between the international recognised government and the Houthis. Entitled “Yemen’s War: Actors, Interests and the Prospects of Negotiations”, the workshop was attended by experts on Yemen from Europe, Germany, US, and Yemen who provided informed opinions about the conflict in Yemen and on the best way to advance peace among the warring parties. Building on that, KAS has asked experts to write down their analyses on the situation and their recommendations on how to bring about peace in Yemen. They also provide ideas for the contribution German foreign policy could provide.