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L'histoire SLAVO-BULGARE De Paisij De Hilendar

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L'histoire SLAVO-BULGARE De Paisij De Hilendar INALCO Année universitaire 2004-2005 L’HISTOIRE SLAVO-BULGARE De Paisij de Hilendar Traduction et commentaire DREA présenté par Athanase Popov Jury : Jack Feuillet Bernard Lor PREMIERE PARTIE : PRESENTATION « Je me demandai si je n’avais pas – si nous n’avions pas jusqu’à présent jugé [le peuple bulgare] à la légère. En y réfléchissant, je me rendis compte que nous l’avions connu surtout par les rapports de ses rivaux ou ennemis – Serbes, Roumains et Hellènes. »1 Avant-propos Réponse à la question : Pourquoi l’Histoire slavo-bulgare de Paisij2 de Hilendar annonce un Eveil national commun aux Bulgares et aux Macédoniens ? 1 Léon Brun, Le cas bulgare (Notes d’un ancien combattant), Extrait de la Revue de Paris du 1er septembre 1920, Paris 1920, reproduit dans Ivan Iltchev, op. cit., p. 323. 2 N.B. Pour l’ensemble du texte, c’est la translittération des slavistes qui est adoptée, sauf lorsque certains auteurs ont publié dans une langue occidentale avec leur nom transcrit selon l’usage d’une de ces langues. Pour les non-initiés, rappelons que ъ = ă, ю = ju, я = ja, ц = c, ж = ž, ш = š, ч = č ou ć (réservé aux patronymes serbo- croates). A ces signes, il faut aujouter ŭ pour translittérer le grand jer, et ĭ pour translittérer le petit jer. 1 La plupart des livres sur l’histoire de la Bulgarie présentent Paisij de Hilendar comme le fondateur de l’Eveil national bulgare, mais ces écrits stéréotypés sont intellectuellement peu satisfaisants. Il faut dire que dans l’énorme quantité de publications hagiographiques, peu de livres sont des contributions utiles à l’étude de l’œuvre du moine qui, l’un des premiers, exhorta les slaves orthodoxes de l’aire culturelle et linguistique bulgare à cultiver la fierté de leurs origines. Dans l’ensemble, les chercheurs de la première moitié du vingtième siècle (surtout Jordan Ivanov, Bojan Penev et Velčo Velčev) ont à peu près épuisé la connaissance philologique de Paisij. En ce qui concerne la langue qu’il emploie, peu d’études poussées ou de monographies exhaustives y ont été consacrées. L’étude minutieuse des sources de l’Histoire slavo- bulgare n’est pas achevée. L’œuvre intégrale de Cesare Baronius, écrite en latin, n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une étude historique et philologique exhaustive, sans doute parce qu’elle est indisponible à la Bibliothèque nationale de Sofija et difficile à trouver ailleurs ; seul Velčo Velčev a pris la peine d’étudier l’influence de l’édition russe, commandée par Pierre le Grand, sur l’Histoire slavo-bulgare3. Enfin le travail de Bonju Angelov est surtout utile en ce qu’il a fait une étude exhaustive des auteurs bulgares qui ont écrit au siècle de Paisij4. Pour ce qui concerne la bibliographie plus récente, un ouvrage est particulièrment précieux : il s’agit de l’ouvrage paru à l’occasion du bicentenaire de l’Histoire slavo-bulgare : Paisij Hilendarski i negovata epoha – Sofija, 19625. Toutes les études postérieures renvoient plus ou moins au texte de l’Histoire slavo-bulgare, en la paraphrasant à outrance, mais sans jamais oser dire quelque chose de différent ou de vraiment nouveau. Même les travaux de Bonju Angelov, auxquels nous nous référons abondamment, ne font guère autre chose que replacer le texte 3 Un article en italien est lui aussi fréquemment cité : Riccardo Picchio, « Gli annali des Baronio – Skarga et la Storia di Paisij Hilendarski », Ricerche Slavistiche, III, Roma, 1954, p. 212-233. 4 Son maître ouvrage restera à jamais Săvremennici na Paisij, Sofija, Editions de l’Académie des Sciences de Bulgarie, 1963, 2 Tomes. 5 Paisij de Hlendar et son époque (1762-1962), mélanges parus à l’occasion du bicentenaire de l’Histoire slavo- bulgare, Sofija, Editions de l’Académie des Sciences de Bulgarie, 1962. (en bulgare, avec des résumés en russe, en allemand et quelquefois en français) 2 du livre dans le contexte de l’époque de son écriture (1762). La première analyse nuancée et sans ménagement du texte même de l’Histoire slavo- bulgare date, à notre connaissance, de 2003. Il s’agit d’un article de Nadja Danova qui dénonce les effets néfastes, jamais démontrés auparavant, qu’au eus l’Histoire slavo-bulgare sur le développement de l’identité bulgare moderne6. Il existe aussi une étude désidéologisée de la réception de ce texte célèbre7. Selon l’Histoire de la Bulgarie des origines à nos jours, Editions Horvath8, Paisij de Hilendar est « le premier à formuler les aspirations nationales du peuple bulgare », mais en son temps, la genèse d’un sentiment national macédonien distinct du sentiment national bulgare n’a pas encore commencé. Il serait né à Bansko, ville qui, par son développement rapide, « devint un centre industriel et commercial de la Macédoine orientale »9. Paisij fit vraisemblablement un voyage en Autriche, à Sremski Karlovci. En ce qui concerne ses relations avec l’hellénisme de son époque, l’on sait de manière certaine que « par suite de la situation privilégiée dont bénéficiait le patriarcat grec de Constantinople, celui-ci présentait la population chrétienne de la Péninsule balkanique comme grecque. La Sublime Porte ne distinguait pas parmi ces chrétiens des Grecs, des Serbes, des Bulgares, des Albanais, mais les traitait tous de rum milleti, c’est-à-dire peuple grec. Cette circonstance était extrêmement avantageuse pour le clergé grec qui, du point de vue ecclésiastique, prédominait dans les terres bulgares. Les évêques et hauts fonctionnaires ecclésiastiques en Bulgarie étaient Grecs. Le service religieux était chanté en langue grecque au lieu de l’être 6 « Problemăt na nacionalnata identičnost v učebnikarskata knižnina, publicistikata i istoriografijata prez XVIII- XIX vek », in Balkanskite identičnosti v bălgarskata kultura, tome 4, Editions Kralica Mab, 2003, p. 11-92. 7 Cf. Chapitre sur Paisij dans Rumen Daskalov, Kak se misli bălgarskoto Văzraždane, Sofija, Lik, 2002. 8 Histoire de la Bulgarie des origines à nos jours, Roanne, Editions Horvath, collection Histoire des nations européennes, 1977, p. 270. Les livres sur l’histoire des Balkans qui sont parus dans cette collection reprennent tous les thèses des historiographes officiels des pays concernés, même si l’ouvrage en question a été préfacé par Georges Castellan, en lui apportant ainsi, jusqu’à un certain point, sa caution scientifique. C’est parce que ce livre n’est pas disponible à la vente, pas plus que le « Que sais-je » de Georges Castellan sur l’histoire de la Bulgarie, qui reprend également les thèses de l’historiographie marxiste-léniniste, que Dimitrina Aslanian a entrepris de publier son Histoire de la Bulgarie en autoédition, mais en ayant recours aux services d’un diffuseur. 9 Op. cit., p. 269. 3 en slavon. »10. Cette présentation traditionnelle ne peut représenter qu’un point de départ d’une réflexion sur la vie et l’œuvre de Paisij de Hilendar, laquelle ne devrait surtout pas être lue comme un pamphlet antigrec. En effet, l’idée d’un « double joug », voire d’un « double esclavage » infligé par les « Grecs » et par les « Turcs » est une idée du Văzraždane qui doit être fortement nuancée, même si elle figure aussi chez des auteurs occidentaux. Ainsi, Jack Feuillet écrit à propos de l’attitude du clergé phanariote : « Le pays est entièrement sous la coupe de prélats grecs qui maintiennent ses habitants dans l’abêtissement le plus complet. Non contents d’extirper toute trace de culture slave, les phanariotes s’efforcent d’helléniser les fidèles afin de faire d’eux des auxiliaires de leur politique en leur promettant une amélioration très hypothétique : toute promotion sociale étant entre leurs mains, les rares Bulgares formant l’élite intellectuelle du pays sont fortement hellénisés. Les autres (…) en sont réduits à rester analphabètes. Le clergé grec les a relégués au rôle d’animaux craintifs et soumis, menacés d’anathème à la moindre désobéissance. »11. S’il est incontestable que l’Histoire slavo-bulgare a toutes les apparances d’un pamphlet, elle n’est pour autant pas dirigée contre la nation grecque moderne, car elle ne traite que d’histoire byzantine. En outre, les sentiments antigrecs de l’époque de l’Eveil national bulgare sont en réalité prioritairement dirigés contre le clergé et la bourgeoisie phanariotes, qui ne représentent qu’une infime partie de la population hellénophone sous l’Empire ottoman. L’émergence du sentiment national grec moderne est très tardive, et à l’époque de Paisij, la plupart des chrétiens orthodoxes de l’Empire ont le sentiment d’appartenir à la même communauté. C’est la réception de l’Histoire slavo-bulgare qui a fait de Paisij un auteur antigrec. En effet, le texte a été retouché par Hristaki Pavlovič, le premier éditeur du texte en 1844 (le livre s’appelle Livre des rois). De nombreux passages ont été complétés de façon à différencier encore plus clairement les Grecs et les Bulgares. Hristaki Pavlovič souligne que « les Grecs » descendent de Jean, le 10 Op. cit., p. 270. 11 Sofroni Vračanski – Vie et tribulations du pécheur Sofroni, Introduction et notes établies par Jack Feuillet, Sofija-Presse, 1981, p. 55-56. 4 quatrième fils de Japhet, celui-ci le fils de Noé, alors que les Bulgares descendent de Mosoch, le sixième fils de Japhet12. L’idée que les Bulgares sont un peuple élu qui a étouffé la fierté « des Grecs » par le passé existe bien chez Paisij, mais dans la mesure où la nation grecque moderne n’est pas encore entièrement formée à son époque, et dans la mesure où le critère linguistique est insatisfaisant (de nombreux slaves parlent mieux le grec que leur idiome natal), l’Histoire slavo-bulgare est un texte intempestif qui n’a servi à cautionner une politique nationale que longtemps après avoir été écrit.
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