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Goodness and Cruelty: the Image of the Ruler of the First Bulgarian

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Goodness and Cruelty: the Image of the Ruler of the First Bulgarian Daniel Ziemann Goodnessand Cruelty: The Imageofthe Ruler of the First Bulgarian Empireinthe Period of Christianisation (Ninth Century) 1Introduction As in other medieval societies that converted to Christianity duringthe earlyMiddle Ages, the imageofthe good Christian ruler in the First Bulgarian Tsardom was close- ly linked to the process of Christianisation, which took place in the ninth and early tenth centuries. The main virtues of the Christian ruler werenaturallyderivedfrom the Byzantine world, wherethe process of (re‐)Christianisation started. While during the short period between 866 and 870Western and mainlypapal influences playeda significant role, the main role model of the Christian ruler in Bulgaria was the Byzan- tine emperor.The Bulgarian ruler aimedatimitating and, as in the case of Symeon the Great (893–927), even surpassingthe imageofhis great neighbour.¹ Despite de- pendence on the Constantinopolitan model in terms of Christian virtues, however, the imageofthe good Christian ruler in Bulgaria developed in aspecific and partic- ular waythatservedasarole model for latercenturies. Especiallyafter the decline and fall of the First Bulgarian Tsardom in 1018 and its renaissanceatthe end of the twelfth century,the first Christian rulers weretaken as good examples of Christian rulership in order to create political continuity and stability.² The Christian ruler was, in fact,not much different from his pagan predecessor. The successfulruler justified his rule through military victories,though the role of the Roman Emperorchanged after the adoption of Christianityfrom emphasizing Concerningthe image of the ruler,see Georgi Bakalov,Srednovekovnijat bălgarski vladetel (titu- latura iinsignii). Sofia 1995; Georgi N. Nikolov,Centralizămiregionalizămvrannosrednovekovna Bălgaria(kraja na VII–načalotonaXIv.). Sofia 2005;Angel N. Nikolov,Političeska misălvrannos- rednovekovna Bălgarija (sredata na IX – krajanaXvek).Sofia 2006;for Symeon the Great,see: Ivan A. Božilov,Car Simeon Veliki (893–927). Zlatnijat veknasrednovekovna Bălgarija. Sofia 1983; Jon- athan Shepard, ‘Symeon of Bulgaria – peacemaker’, Godišnik na Sofijskija universitet, “Sv.Kliment Ohridski” Naučen centărzaslavjano-vizantijski proučvanija “Ivan Dujčev” 83 (1991), no. 3, p. 9–48; AngelNikolov,Carskata titla na Simeon Ikato istoriografski ipolitičeski problem, in: Treti meždu- naroden kongres po bălgaristika, 23–26 maj2013 g. Krăgla masa “Zlatnijat veknacar Simeon: Polit- ika, religija ikultura”.Sofia 2014,p.30–40. Ivan A. Božilov /Vasil T. Gjuzelev,Istorija na srednovekovna Bălgarija VII–XIV vek. Sofia 1999 (Istorija na Bălgarija vtri toma, T. 1), p. 426 – 429; AlexandruMadgearu,The Asanids:The political and military history of the second Bulgarian Empire(1185–1280) (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450 – 1450 vol. 41). Leiden 2017,p.64–65. OpenAccess. ©2021Daniel Ziemann, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110725612-016 328 Daniel Ziemann the aspect of military leadership towards the supplicant who praysfor his troops.³ This imagecontained, however,some flexibility, as examples like Emperor Heraclius (610 –641) represents amoreactive Christian ruler.⁴ The ruler relied on severe punishment of his enemies; asuccessful rule was mostlyaccompanied by fear and terror for those who might challengeit.⁵ In many cases, Christianisation did not changethe mechanisms of rule. The Christianisation itself was frequentlyembeddedinto anarrative of victory over opponents; God inter- vened in favour of the Christian ruler.These mechanisms sometimes posed achal- lengefor Christian church authorities who wereinvolvedinthe conversion process and tried to conveyamodel of agood Christian ruler who was supposedtogovern with mercy, humility,and peacefulness. This paper discusses the ambiguous relation between pagan and Christian elements in the imageofthe ruler by referring to the pagan rulers Krum and Omurtag and Boris/Michael, the first Christian ruler. In order to clarify the historical setting,the paper starts with abrief summary of the main political events between the seventh and earlyeleventh century.⁶ Olivier Hekster,Fighting for Rome: the emperor as amilitary leader,in: LukasDeBlois,Elio Lo Cascio, Olivier Hekster,and Gerda De Kleijn (eds.), Impact of the Roman army (200 BC–AD 476): eco- nomic,social, political, religious,and cultural aspects: Proceedingsofthe Sixth Workshop of the In- ternational Network Impact of Empire(Roman Empire, 200B.C.–A.D.476), Capri, March 29–April 2, 2005,(Impact of empire (Roman Empire, 27 B.C.–A.D.406), 6), (Leiden, Boston (Mass.), 2007), p. 91–105. Walter E. Kaegi,The Heraclians and holywar,in: JohannesKoder and Ioannis Stouraitis (eds.), Byzantine warideology between Roman imperial concept and Christian religion: Akten des internatio- nalen Symposiums (Wien, 19.–21.Mai 2011) (Veröffentlichungenzur Byzanzforschung,30/ Österrei- chische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 452),Vienna 2012,17–26. Forthe pagan ruler,see: Bakalov (cf. fn. 1) p. 107–131;Veselin Beševliev,Părvobălgarite. Istorija, bit ikultura.Plovdiv 2008, p. 275–281; Nikolov (2006,cf. fn. 1) p. 29–38. The followingsection summarises the political history of the First Bulgarian Empire; thereisabun- dant literatureonthe topic. Foramoredetailed account of the historyofthe First Bulgarian Empire, see Vasil N. Zlatarski,Istorija na bălgarskata dăržavaprezsrednitevekove. Tom. 1: Părvobălgarsko carstvo. Čast 1: Epoha na huno-bălgarskotonadmoštie. Sofia 32002, idem,Istorija na bălgarskata dăr- žavaprez srednite vekove.Tom. 1: Părvobălgarskocarstvo. Čast 2: Ot slavjanizacijata na dăržavata do padanetonapărvotocarstvo. Sofia 32002;DimitărAngelov /PetărPetrov /BorislavPrimov (eds.), Istorija na Bălgarija. Tomvtori:Părvabălgarskadăržava. Sofia 1981;Božilov /Gjuzelev (cf. fn. 2) p. 74 – 338; Georgi Bakalov (ed.), Istorija na Bălgarite. Tom1:OtDrevnostta do krajanaXVI vek. Sofia 2003,p.177–322; Georgi Atanasov /Veselina Vačkova /Plamen Pavlov (eds.), Bălgarskana- cionalna istorija TomIII: Părvobălgarsko carstvo(680 –1018). Veliko Tărnovo2015;for the pagan pe- riod, see also Veselin Beševliev,Die protobulgarische Periode der bulgarischen Geschichte. Amster- dam 1981;for the period until the end of the ninth century,see Daniel Ziemann,Vom Wandervolk zur Großmacht.Die EntstehungBulgariens im frühen Mittelalter (7. –9. Jahrhundert) (Kölner historische Abhandlungen, Bd.43). Cologne 2007;for an overview in English concerning the archaeology, see UweFiedler,Bulgars in the Lower Danube Region. ASurvey of the Archaeological Evidenceand the StateofCurrent Research, in: Florin Curta /Roman Kovalev (eds.), The other Europe in the Mid- dle Ages. Avars,Bulgars,Khazars,and Cumans (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450 – 1450,2). Leiden, Boston 2008, p. 151–236; the period from775 – 831isthe topic of Panos Soph- Goodness and Cruelty 329 2HistoricalBackground While the territory of the First Bulgarian Tsardom had been alreadyChristianised in late antiquity,the invasionsand political changes of the fourth to sixth century ce drasticallychanged the landscape of the Roman provinces of Mysia inferior and Scy- thia, the heartland of what later became the First Bulgarian Empire. In this region it is quite likelythat acompleteexchangeofthe population took place and, conse- quently, adrastic rupture in terms of culture, religion, and economy. The Roman in- frastructure collapsed and was not even reused by the new invaders.⁷ The central places of the First Bulgarian Empire like Pliskaand Preslavhad no Roman or Greek past; Pliska was not situated on aRoman road.⁸ It was not until duringand after the ninth century,whenthe Bulgarians expanded towards the Byzantine Black Sea coast and the provinceofThrace south of the Balkan Mountains, that they took over astill-intactRoman and Byzantine infrastructureand reused it.It was duringthis expansion into deeplyRomanised and Christianised territories that more and more Christian elements entered the Bulgarian realm. The First Bulgarian Empire – if one can use this expression at all – was founded in 680/1,when apeace treaty was concluded between the Bulgarians and the Byzan- tines under EmperorConstantine IV.The peace treaty was the consequenceofase- vere military defeat of the Byzantine armyataplace called Onglos, probablynearthe mouth of the Danube River. As aresult, the Bulgarians invaded the region between the Danubeand the Balkan Mountains. In this peace treaty,the Byzantine Emperor recognised the Bulgarians as the rulers of the territories between the Danube and the Balkan Mountains and agreed to payaregular tribute. From that time on until the end of the tenth centurythis area was the political centre of the First Bulgarian Em- pire.⁹ oulis,Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831(East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450 – 1450,v.16). Leiden, Boston 2011. Florin Curta,Invasion or inflation?Sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coin hoardsineastern and southeastern Europe, Istituto Italiano di Numismatica.Annali 43 (1996), p. 65 – 224(concerning the nu- mismaticevidence). Aresource on Pliskathat is still very useful is Karel Škorpil /Feodor I. Uspenskiy,Materialydlja bolgarskih’ drevnostej,Aboba-Pliska. Izvestija Russkogo arheologičeskogo družestvo vKonstantinopole 10 (1905); for morerecentoverviews,see: Ljudmila Dončeva-Petkova /Joachim Henning(eds.),
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