A LOOK AT Cultural Heritage

A Contribution to the Cultural History of the Eastern Region of Madagascar Archaeological Sites between Mangoro and Ivondro. A look at Cultural Heritage A Contribution to the Cultural History of the Eastern Region of Madagascar Archaeological Sites between Mangoro and Ivondro. by Jean-Aimé Rakotoarisoa

Title of french edition: Un regard sur l’héritage culturel. Contribution à l’histoire culturelle de la région orientale de Madagascar : les sites archéologiques de Mangoro à l’Ivongo, October 2013. Cover photo: © Ambatovy/ADAM- Prof. Rafolo Andrianaivoarivony, Archaeological Excavation, Moramanga 2009.

Translated from French, February 2014.

The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily refl ect the views of Ambatovy. Partial reproduction of this book is legal but must specifi cally mention the original author. Ambatovy is committed to the preservation of local heritage. Ambatovy provided the fi nancial and technical support for the editing and publication of this scientifi c book. Contents

Summary ...... 5 Preface ...... 6 Acknowledgements ...... 7 Methodology ...... 8 Details of the Work ...... 10 Laboratory Analysis ...... 13

THE WORKING AREA ...... 15 Physical and Natural Environment ...... 16 District of Moramanga ...... 17 District of Brickaville ...... 19 District of Toamasina ...... 19

Key Characteristics of the Regions Affected ...... 20 Cyclones ...... 21 Exceptional Biodiversity ...... 22

Historical Context ...... 24 Role of the East Coast in the History of Madagascar ...... 25 • Settlement of the East Coast ...... 25 • History of Toamasina ...... 29 • History of Moramanga ...... 31 • The Importance of Trade ...... 32

ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORKS ...... 35 Known Archaeological Data ...... 36 Sites Discovered with Ambatovy ...... 41

3 General Distribution of the Sites ...... 43 Characteristics of each Phase ...... 44 • The Sandrakatsy and Mahilaka Phases (9th to 16th century) ...... 44 • Sites of the Ambitsika Phase (17th to 18th century) ...... 44 • Sites of the Ambibe and Sahamamy Phase (19th to 20th century) ...... 46

ARTIFACTS ...... 47 Local Pottery ...... 48 Chlorite schist Artifacts ...... 50 Imported Pottery ...... 52 Other Artifacts ...... 54 • Metal Artifacts ...... 54 • Bones ...... 56 • Glasses ...... 58

Pottery Decorations ...... 60 Graphited Pottery ...... 62 Summary ...... 64

CULTURAL ASPECTS ...... 67 • Joro Rituals ...... 69 • Burial Places ...... 71 • Vato (stones) ...... 72 • Fisokina ...... 74 • Intangible Sacred Sites ...... 77

Recommendations ...... 78 Bibliography ...... 80 Glossary of Malagasy Words ...... 84 Acronyms ...... 86

4 Summary

Archaeological works carried out during Ambatovy’s construction phase led to the identifi cation of more than 100 sites, which date back to the period between the 12th and 20th century AD, representing nearly 800 years of Madagascar’s history.

This publication represents an outstanding contribution to Madagascar’s heritage, a country whose history is only known to have begun about 4,000 years ago.

Ambatovy’s archaeological team collected around 5,000 different artifacts, including sherds of local pottery; glass; iron; chlorite schist ware; and ceramics from Europe and Asia. In addition to the archaeological sites, many cultural sites and monuments were also identifi ed: burial places; standing stones; sacred clan’s poles; as well as sacred or forbidden sites.

The results of this work are currently being documented and stored at the Centre for Ethnological and Linguistic Studies and Research (CEREL), at the University of Toamasina, prior to being made available to anyone wishing to deepen their knowledge of the history of the eastern part of Madagascar.

Ambatovy’s contribution is undoubtedly valuable. It has led to the discovery of new archaeological sites, as well as the consolidation of knowledge, conveyed in archives, through physical evidence.

5 Preface

Since its inception in 2005, Ambatovy has demonstrated a commitment to the preservation and protection of artifacts found in its intervention areas between Moramanga and Toamasina. A detailed survey of all cultural and religious sites was conducted and continued throughout the construction phase between 2007 and 2011. During this period, more than two hundred sacred sites (burial and traditional worship sites) and important monuments were identifi ed. One hundred archaeological sites and more than 5,000 artifacts of different origins were also discovered.

Given the signifi cant number of artifacts discovered, their analysis and interpretation has been conducted in collaboration with local and international experts in order to place them in the context of the cultural history of Madagascar in general, more specifi cally, that of the east coast.

All of this helps me to express with pride that our work is being carried out within the frameworks of internationally recognized standards relating to the protection of cultural heritage and archaeological value to Madagascar, in addition to complying with national laws. All my predecessors have supported this process, which has contributed signifi cantly to increasing Ambatovy’s social performance in terms of cultural and archaeological heritage.

This book is the result of committed teamwork where a variety of skills have come together, particularly in the fi eld of archaeology. We have sought the expertise of world-renowned specialists and the growing expertise of ten students from the Universities of Toamasina and Antananarivo. They have been under the scientifi c supervision of Jean-Aimé Rakotoarisoa, and project work has been supported by Ambatovy’s team of young archaeologists.

The collaboration of external experts from the Institute of Civilization/Museum of Art and Archaeology (ICMAA) and the Centre for Arts and Archaeology (CAA), with the support of the Association of Archaeologists in Madagascar (ADAM) and the Geology Department of the University of Antananarivo, gave life to a multidisciplinary team, yielding impressive results and discoveries.

I sincerely hope that, from reading this book, you will discover the well-known aspects of the importance of Madagascar’s history and heritage. I would like to kindly thank all the people and entities that have contributed to this work, particularly the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Scientifi c Research, via the Centre for Ethnological and Linguistic Research and Studies (CEREL), for their unfailing support.

Finally, I would like to thank the local population, who provided all the relevant information to facilitate our fi eld work and helped us respect and comply with ancestral traditions. Ben Chapman CSR Director, Ambatovy

6 Acknowledgements

Support and assistance from various people and institutions made this book possible:

On a scientifi c level, we benefi ted from the wise counsel and assistance of Claude Allibert, Robert Dewar, Henry Wright, Chantal Radimilahy, Rafolo Andrianaivoarivony, and the entire Museum team of the University of Antananarivo.

On an institutional level it is essential to emphasize the support of ICMAA in Antananarivo and CEREL in Toamasina, as well as the laboratory teams at Ambatovy’s Mine and Plant Sites.

From Ambatovy’s Corporate Social Responsibility Department, Juanita Montalvo was the fi rst person to consider the publication of an archaeological and cultural book on the discoveries made during the construction phase. This idea was supported by Robin Budden and subsequently supported and brought to fruition by Ben Chapman and Irene Daso.

Technical work was conducted by the archaeological team under the consecutive management of Jean-Aimé Andriamaherilala and Erick Randrianasolo. Erick Randrianasolo and his team, composed of Jean Claude Randrianasolo, Andry Rasoanaivo, James Tsitohaina Andriatahiana, and Mamisoa Ratsimbazafy, managed and analyzed all the artifacts that were collected with the support of Andi Mario Jaozara and Bruno Ramarolahy, who worked on their documentation.

All the maps were developed with the help of Ambatovy’s GIS team, composed of Leon Darsot, Andry Randriamantenasoa and Eric Randrianantenaina.

Ambatovy’s communication team, led by Lalaina Randrianarivelo, put the fi nishing touches to this book with their translation, editing and graphic design skills.

Finally, I would like to thank the countless number of people who have supported and assisted me, through informal exchanges, on new aspects of the culture of the eastern region of Madagascar.

Jean-Aimé Rakotoarisoa

7 Methodology

One of Ambatovy’s major concerns has been the preservation of the natural and physical environment of its areas of intervention. The high endemism of Madagascar’s fl ora and fauna is powerful motivation for many scientists around the world. Many come to Madagascar to explore its biodiversity.

On a different level however, customs and traditions are often forgotten or ignored by the general public, and yet they are an integral part of the Malagasy landscape and require understanding. Specifi c documents dedicated to customs and traditions have been circulated, mainly amongst researchers specialized in this fi eld. Real knowledge of ancestral practices continues to be transmitted orally by notables and custodians of traditions in each community.

The unfailing commitment of the local population with regard to traditional values was observed repeatedly during our preliminary surveys. These values have been taken on by local notables, who have continued to emphasize the importance of the preservation and integrity of this cultural heritage. In order to protect cultural heritage in its intervention areas, Ambatovy decided to ensure their preservation during the construction phase, and their promotion afterwards.

During consultations with local communities, discussions about the practical impacts - such as erosion and employment opportunities - led to immediate consensus, whilst matters relating to the preservation of cultural heritage and sacred sites required more time and negotiation.

The main concerns were generally related to respect of fomba or customs, tany masina or sacred sites, and fasana or burial places.

8 Location of tombs in forests: In forest areas, tombs are hidden in the woods (highlighted in yellow in the photo). The fi nal route of the pipeline from Moramanga to Toamasina was diverted to avoid such sites

9 Recognizing the importance of cultural heritage and the need to preserve it for future generations, Ambatovy made a commitment to the community through its Environmental Management and Social Development Plan (PGEDS).

Initiated in 2007, this plan includes a recommended archaeology program for the preservation of cultural heritage, including sacred sites. It covers all the construction sites of the company from Moramanga to Toamasina. This is the reason why cultural sites as well as archaeological artifacts and sites were spared from degradation during construction. Without this precaution, some precious sites would have been lost, leaving a gap in Madagascar’s past forever.

This book is a consolidation of all the preservation actions undertaken during Ambatovy’s construction phase. It is mainly dedicated to the study of artifacts and gives particular consideration to cultural aspects. It also reveals Ambatovy’s scientifi c contribution to the knowledge of the history of Madagascar in general and more specifi cally the eastern region of the country.

Known as ‘rescue excavation1, this type of archaeological work requires special attention. It aims to obtain, within a limited period of time, all relevant information about each site, whilst complying with strict archaeological guidelines and those outlined in the Specifi c Environmental Management Plan (ESMP), which supplements the company’s PGEDS.

Details of the Work

The archaeologists’ work was conducted in several distinct and pre-defi ned stages , consistent with the progress of Ambatovy’s construction works.

Before construction start-up, the affected areas - including the mine, pipeline, plant, and tailings - were studied by map, surveying the areas likely to contain valuable archaeological, cultural and religious data. In the fi eld, the team members were divided into groups and each group was equipped with a 1:100,000-scale topographic map from the Foiben-Taosarintanin’i Madagasikara (FTM), or the Geographic Institute of Madagascar; an E-trex Garmin GPS; the plans of the pipeline route at different scales; 1:5,000-scale panchromatic images; and a digital camera. Each group systematically recorded basic information on the ground, such as site name, precise location and type of artifacts.

1 10 These steps are: recognition, prospection, surface collection, surveys, excavation, data processing, inventory and cataloging of artifacts. The sites are defi ned based on the following criteria: presence of artifacts (shards of pottery, iron slags, metal pieces, shards of glasses, etc.) and all forms of human-induced topographic and environmental characteristics (slope gradient, presence of vegetation associated with human occupancy, etc.). Simultaneously the systematic gathering of oral traditions was also undertaken. During interviews with the local population, the repetition of certain Malagasy words was observed (fahagola, Ntaolo, taloha, vazimba, etc.), which may indicate the age of a village.

This initial survey provided an identifi cation map of the different places at risk. During this stage only visible artifacts were identifi ed: graves, standing stones, and sites with obvious structures such as trenches or raised earth. Some members of the local population pointed out traditional worship sites as well as things forbidden in such places. Informal conversations revealed the rich oral traditions of these regions, worthy of being transcribed and studied.

Every time there was a change in the footprint of construction the information was updated. Changes to the pipeline routing caused the most changes in which case, the affected communities were informed, however, once informed they adopted one of two different, but specifi c, attitudes. Some sensed the opportunity to receive compensation and wanted the pipeline to cross their land, whilst others stubbornly refused. When changes were made to the pipeline route, agents were obliged to spend more time with the impacted communities to give them the necessary explanations for making a decision. Special meetings had to be organized to clear any actual or perceived misunderstandings within a community.

At the end of this fi rst phase, all data and information collected was shared with the construction teams.

The sites to be preserved were clearly marked with fl ags to signal their presence and encourage construction teams to be aware. Some artifacts were only discovered during the earthworks, and on one occasion artifacts buried deep in the ground were uncovered.

When an artifact is found in this manner, a red fl ag is waved. Work is then suspended to allow archaeologists to review the situation. When a site is confi rmed to be important, a procedure known as ‘rescue excavation’ is initiated. A survey square, to determine the depth and the richness of the archaeological layer, is established. During the excavation two major requirements must be met: avoid destruction of the site and avoid delays to on-going construction. The archaeological team informs the local population of the work and check that all socio-cultural barriers have been fi xed. When sensitive monuments such as standing stones were found, a Joro, a traditional ceremony to request the blessing and protection of the ancestors, had to be organized.

11 Avoiding sacred sites on a track in Ampitambe, at the mine site, Moramanga. Jiro, a sacred wooden pole, tipped with a zebu horn, were erected at the bottom of some standing stones in honor of deceased clan members. To preserve this site, the ridge was built up to prevent erosion.

1212 Maximum precautions must be taken for every action - works conducted on an archaeological site are irreversible. Scientifi c procedures, in accordance with universally recognized methods, were recommended.

To ensure a thorough understanding of the context, the archaeological team conducted excavation work on Ambatovy’s current sites by targeting places along the pipeline (Ampitamalandy and Ambavalanomby). Surface collections during the preliminary phase were supplemented by on-site control surveys, during which stratigraphy was necessary. Ultimately, thanks to the works conducted by Ambatovy, one hundred sites were discovered and thousands of artifacts were brought to Toamasina for study and analysis.

Laboratory Analysis

Once construction was complete the artifacts were treated in order to preserve them. The systematic registration of all collected artifacts during the construction phase began in a room dedicated for this purpose at CEREL, University of Toamasina.

Artifacts discovered during excavation work were inventoried, classifi ed, stored and made available to researchers seeking tangible support for their ongoing research.

Artifacts found were not always anthropogenic. Animal bone and plant fossils of signifi cant scientifi c value were discovered, in which cases, external areas of expertise, including paleontology, paleobotany, and palynology, were necessary.

Physical and chemical analysis of the artifacts were conducted at Ambatovy’s laboratories. An agent hired specially to complete this work. Analyzes were improved by the collaboration with the Geology Department at the University of Antananarivo.

National and international experts defi ned the chronological phases of the sites. This work ended with a joint validation session to establish the date of a dozen sites that proved to be challenging.

Finally, all these artifacts, which witness thousands of years of Madagascar’s history, have been treated and documented in order to establish a fi rst summary. This document aims to integrate these artifacts into the general context of Madagascar’s past with a particular emphasis on the eastern region.

13 Creation of archaeological boards.

14 THE WORKING AREA

15 Physical and Natural Environment

The eastern part of Madagascar, an area of approximately 600,000 km², could have been one of the fi rst stopovers for the Austronesian people who settled in the country. After separating from the African continent, about two hundred million years ago, Madagascar was free of any human presence. This allowed the development of its biodiversity to become extremely rich in endemic species. The oldest traces of human occupancy date back to 2500 BC.

Classifi ed as a tropical island, Madagascar’s combination of exposure to trade winds and its topography divides the country into four distinct regions.

The central highlands, land above 1,000 meters, covers about 70 percent of the territory. The landscape is hilly, and is still covered with tropical forests on the eastern part, but completely stripped of its vegetation on the western part. A few sacred hills and plantations of eucalyptus and pine trees from the early 20th century remain. Some riparian forest corridors still exist along some gulleys due to moisture.

The western part of the country is mainly savannah. The rainy season is relatively short. The low slope from the foothills to the Mozambique Channel enabled the development of vast fertile alluvial plains. Differential erosion has resulted in cuesta relief on this sedimentary structure, with a major low-lying clearing at its base, as seen in the region between Bemaraha and Betsiriry.

In the south, rainfall is rare - below 300 mm per year - and there is almost constant sunshine. Combined with the soil type (limestone plateau and dune formations), the region has a semi-arid atypical landscape. This is an area of xerophytic plants. In order to protect themselves from strong sunlight and water stress, plants have adapted by minimizing their leaves and replacing them with thorns. The vast areas of the south are covered year round by zebu cattle in search of better grazing. The transhumance lasts several months and often covers hundreds of kilometers. It is one of the regions in Madagascar where hunger still causes the death of hundreds or thousands of people living without a single drop of rain.

Finally, the eastern region is described as an area of tropical rainforest. This is where Ambatovy has established its processing plant. The three districts that make up this part of the country therefore deserve a more detailed description.

16 The district of Moramanga

The western most part of Ambatovy’s mine is marked by the pumping station, located on the left bank of the Mangoro River. The mine pit is located further east, on the Ambatovy-Analamay section of the long ridgeline pointing north-south. There is an eastern slope still covered by the remaining original forest and a completely bare western slope, named Ankay.

The steep slope of Angavo-Mandraka forms the region’s boundary on the west and the Betsimisaraka Massif delineates the east border. The landscape is characterised by grasslands, suitable for zebu2 breeding . This is the Bezanozano area and its capital is Moramanga. The monotony of the herbaceous landscape is broken in some places by pine and eucalyptus plantations.

Due to its topographic position, the secondary mountain range in Ambatovy-Analamay (1,100 m) is a water divide. On both sides of this watershed the river systems fl ow in opposite directions.

A series of east-to-west photographs showing watershed direction from both sides of the Mine

Western watershed

2 Name given to bos indicus, a type of cattle originally from India. 17 Mine site

Eastern watershed

18 From the eastern side of the Ambatovy-Analamay ridge the hills start. At an average altitude of 800 meters, in Andasibe, the terrain gradually decreases towards the east, with the steep slope of the Betsimisaraka Massif and the spectacular waterfalls of the Vohitra River. The river system combines multiple rifted and alternating splits, giving the impression of total chaos. In this region forest cover, even in the steepest places, were maintained thanks to the efforts of conservation agencies.

The landscape of Ankay was signifi cantly transformed by a vast pine plantation (pinus patula).

The district of Brickaville

After crossing the steep slope of Beforona, the landscape becomes a succession of low hills covered with ravenala3 (Ravenala madagascariensis) or bamboo. Except for a few residual forests in the uppermost positions, this is the region of herbaceous hills. In some places, there is a concentration of raffi a or bamboo. In the hilly areas the valleys are deep and narrow. Rivers and streams expand in the downstream sector of their courses, as is the case of Vohitra, Anivorano and Rianila, Brickaville. Their fl ow does not become regular until the Pangalanes Canal. By the time the rivers reach the Indian Ocean they are so slow that they cannot even break the smallest dune.

The district of Toamasina

This eastern most part of Ambatovy’s intervention areas is the richest in water. Large bodies of water and large rivers are bordered by large leaves of colocasia, also known as ‘Elephant Ears’. Water is everywhere, any excess rain causes fl ooding. To protect the people from this, houses are built on pillars. This Betsimisaraka region is the area of cash crops: coffee, cloves, pepper, as well as several varieties of fruit. Unfortunately, some of these activities are in decline, except for the annual collection of lychees, the latest collection of which benefi ted from the access roads built by Ambatovy.

3 Also known as the ‘Traveler’s Palm’, this plant is often used as the emblem of Madagascar. 19 Key Characteristics of the Regions Affected

From the capital, Antananarivo, to Toamasina, the regions in between form a gigantic staircase. Reaching a height of 1,500 m, the steps are made up of steep carved rifts in the crystalline rocks. The main topographic elevations visible in the landscape are the two slopes of Mandraka-Moramanga and Andasibe-Beforona. The last step is the lowland hill region in the Brickaville area that stretches all the way to the coast.

View from a secondary range mountain in Ampitambe, Moramanga.

20 The east coast is also known for its heavy rainfall, between 2,500 and 4,000mm per year. This exceptional rainfall enabled the expansion of large forest area, however, nowadays there are only patches of it left in areas inaccessible to humans. This eastern forest is a natural platform for the rich endemic fl ora and fauna of Madagascar.

We are far from having identifi ed all of Madagascar’s resources - researchers regularly discover new species. Ambatovy has contributed to the preservation of such wealth by modifying the route of its pipeline in order to avoid the most sensitive areas.

Heavy rains have also resulted in increased streams fl ow, but the very hilly relief prevents the development of inland navigation. There are many perennial rivers, navigable only in the last sections of their downstream portion. Despite having a heavy upstream fl ow the rivers slow down when they reach the plains at the confl uence with a main river. In many cases, they cannot fl ow to the ocean and form large bodies of water. These are then connected by narrow channels and make up the Pangalanes Canal4, a navigable waterway of about 700 km.

The most spectacular phenomenon in the weather of the eastern region is the frequent cyclones. They affect the region at regular intervals, causing extensive damage, especially to road and rail infrastructures. Since its implementation, Ambatovy has already experienced three major cyclones that caused disturbances to its construction works.

Cyclones

The probable paths of cyclones, which usually form in the Indian Ocean, a few thousand kilometers northeast of Madagascar takes in the east coast. These are likely to occur for the next 25 years of Ambatovy’s operations.

Due to heat, a low pressure core forms, around which a movement of swirling winds with increasing speed collects. The whole formation moves at a rate of 10 to 20km per hour towards the west, along a parabolic curve that leads to its dissolution in the colder waters of the South Pole. From the eye of the cyclone, a puzzlingly quiet area, snaps a cyclical movement where the speed of the swirling winds ranges between 100 and 300km per hour. The huge cloud mass may cover a circle of 400km in diameter. The regions crossed by a cyclone suffer from powerful gusts of wind causing major and enormous destruction. However, most damage occurs from the heavy rains. These may last a few days and cause fl oods, landslides, and road cuts. Polluting drinking water sources, fl oods often cause deadly diseases in young children. Road cuts prevent the transportation of supplies to the affected areas. The warning and prevention system set up by Ambatovy’s security team has signifi cantly contributed to limiting losses. The high number of cyclones has not managed to destroy the uniqueness of the biodiversity of this region.

4 Pangalanes is derived from the Malaysian word pang kalan, which means a place for canoes. This is further evidence of Madagascar’s relationship with the Southeast regions of the Asian Continent. 21 Exceptional Biodiversity

Ambatovy has made every effort to preserve the fl ora and fauna of the eastern forest and the Torotorofotsy Wetlands, which have been listed as a Ramsar site since 2005. Experts agree on the exceptionally rich biodiversity of this region. Ambatovy’s Environment Team did not only work on the survival of the species, the majority of which are endemic, but also helped discover new species.

This forest is under threat. Slash and burn agriculture is widely practiced on the east coast. This cultural practice is not bad in itself, even though the yield is very low. It only becomes detrimental when population density no longer allows enough time for the regrowth of the vegetation.

In sparsely populated areas, the rotation period before returning to the same burned plot is 30 years or more. Multiple awareness campaigns however, do not seem to stop the spread of tavy (see explanation of Tavy). Deforestation is highly visible along the national road, RN 2, and is increasing at an alarming rate. In less than 20 years, the savoka with ravenala (Ravenala madagascariensis) and the volo bamboo, have replaced entire sections of the forest. More commonly known as slash and burn agriculture, tavy has contributed, in a large part, to deforestation. The most common landscape is now savoka, a succession of grassy hills dotted with ravenala (Ravenala madagascariensis), and small sporadic formations of raffi a (Raphia ruffi a) and bamboo.

Tavy

Tavy is defi ned as slash and burn agriculture. This practice is carried out person’s rice. They walk abreast with a sharp stick in their hand; they make by farmers in the eastern region, signifi cantly contributing to deforestation. a hole in the ground with the stick and throw two grains of rice in the hole, In other regions of the world, with low population density, tavy helps fi lling in the hole with their feet. While doing this, the women and girls sing and regenerate the vegetation if the climate is favourable, but that is not the dance. case for Madagascar. Tavy is part of the traditional heritage. The population is committed to respecting a series of rituals. Family events cannot happen When the wood has been cut and burned and the fi eld is closed, the women without rice cultivated on the tavy, with its particular virtues. This agricultural take charge. They help each other by hand-weeding the fi elds and harvesting practice dates back from the time of the early settlers; one of the fi rst written the crops. The men leave to work on another plot (Flacourt in Allibert, descriptions is by Flacourt in 1651. 1995:129).

The people plant rice after cutting and burning wood, which is mostly hollow Flacourt’s description also indicates that even in the 17th century, there was bamboo known as Voulou. Since the wood is dry, the burning process is very nothing but bamboo to burn in this region. The original forest has long since noisy. After the wood is burned, the ashes are soaked by the rain. They then disappeared. sow the rice. All the women and girls from the village take part in planting each

22 Ambinanisahavolo, a view of deforestation.

23 Historical Context

To better understand the settlement phases of the eastern region, particularly those of the region between the Mangoro and Ivondro rivers, it is important to put them in the context of the origin of Madagascar’s settlement.

Main migratory fl ows

Austronesia

Arabo-Persian

Africa

Europe

The fi rst inhabitants of Madagascar arrived more than 4,000 years ago. This fi gure is constantly subject to controversy due to two main reasons: the improvement of investigative tools; and a scientifi c desire to produce sensational stories.

24 Exploration and analysis tools have signifi cantly improved since the fi rst excavations took place by the pioneers of Malagasy archaeology, more than fourty years ago. It is normal that new elements have been discovered and the accuracy of analysis allows researchers to go back a little further in time.

In order to better understand the importance of our fi ndings they must be placed in the broader context of Madagascar’s history. The route of the pipeline, connecting Ambatovy’s sites, crosses the three districts of Moramanga, Brickaville and Toamasina.

The Role of the East Coast in the History of Madagascar

• Settlement of the East Coast

Throughout the general phases related to Madagascar’s settlement, the east coast was favoured. It is rich in stories mentioning migratory movements that are one of the cornerstones of the settlement of Madagascar. Water data on the Indian Ocean, combining winds and ocean currents, indicate that the Antongil Bay is the natural terminal of ships sailing from Asia.

This idea was proven by the presence of pumice from the eruption of Krakatoa, Indonesia, on 27 August 1883. One of the last groups of Austronesians took root in the region of Antongil Bay. Archaeological works discovered ancient sites like Nosy Mangabe and Sandrakatsy, which date back from the 8th to the 19th century AD. Leaving this region they migrated inland, looking for vast plains to grow rice. One of their routes passed through the Alaotra Lake, another through Ambatovy’s area of intervention. The site of Vohidrazana II, a hill over 1,000 m high and south of the village of Ambavaniasy, is an important indicator of their passage. After crossing the Mangoro River and climbing the Angavobe mountain range, their travels seem to have ended at the great plains of Betsimitatatra, Antananarivo.

The groups settled in the current region of Vohemar and moved along the east coast, all the way to Tolagnaro (Fort- Dauphin), in successive stages. These northeast-to-southeast migrations by an Islamic population left some artifacts, both in the soil and in the people’s minds. They manufactured many chlorite schist containers and spread Muslim ideology. The longer-lasting results of their infl uence were mainly writing and astrology. These groups gave rise to the main reigning dynasties from Vohemar to Tolagnaro (Fort Dauphin), through Sainte-Marie, Toamasina, Mananjary and Vohipeno

The distribution of chlorite schist artifacts is physical evidence of this migration. This type of container has been found in most archaeological sites on the east coast. Archaeological work conducted during Ambatovy’s construction phase gave further evidence that these people eventually moved inland.

25 A very large chlorite schist jug existed in the village of Ambodisiny, on the Ivondro River, but was deliberately destroyed by a French soldier. In 1971, some of its pieces were discovered, whilst the remaining parts are still buried under thick vegetation. Further south, on the Pangalanes Canal, a monument is still visible. It is known as the vato sarilambo or vatolambo. It is a sculpture of a bush pig at the Ambohitsara village, about fi fty kilometers north of Mananjary.

26 Since the fi rst settlements on the island, until the arrival of the Islamic Arab population, the history of the eastern region had only been known through fragments of Arab-Persian texts, archaeological artifacts and mythological stories. Historical sequences became better known with the appearance of the Europeans from the 16th century onward. These seafaring explorers left written testimonies of their trips to Madagascar. Archives in Portugal and the Netherlands contain several descriptions, but remain diffi cult to read. There were many French books on Madagascar from the mid-17th century, in particular the monumental work of Flacourt (1661, 2007). In the 19th century, British and Norwegian missionaries wrote books combining their missionary work and references to the Malagasy way of life.

Each European nation had very different actions towards Madagascar. The Portuguese were the fi rst Europeans to touch Madagascar in the early 16th century. In a rush to get spices from India, they only passed through briefl y. Their presence was highlighted by wars with the local population having plundered trading posts on the west coast. The east coast was spared.

In the following century, other Europeans, such as the French and the Dutch, were highly present in the region between Toamasina and Sainte Marie, and Antongil Bay. The French, who had settled in Tolagnaro (Fort Dauphin) since the mid-17th century, regularly sent ships there to pick up rice and cattle. After they abandoned Fort Dauphin in 1674, the French gradually settled on the island of Reunion, which was called Bourbon at the time. They would gradually scatter throughout the eastern region, from Maroantsetra to Toamasina, through Sainte Marie. However, the manpower need of this new colony, Reunion, was the start of the slave trade. Some Malagasy people were exported as slaves to work in plantations.

This European period was also highlighted by the emergence of Pirates. Dismissed from the Caribbean, they found refuge in this region of the Indian Ocean. Antongil Bay was one of their bases, where they boarded any ship in danger. Some of them maintained good relations with the local population. Their presence and activities contributed to the interbreeding of the population and the proliferation of fi rearms. Supported by these vazaha, meaning ‘foreigner’ in Malagasy, the local leaders easily won fi ghts against their lesser armed rivals.

27 This European period marks the beginning of a particularly eventful cycle that would mark this part of the eastern coast of Madagascar:

Period Event Descriptions

1694 to 1725 Period of the Pirates Fear and disturbances to slave trade

1720 to 1754 Reign of Ratsimilaho A period of stability and growth

1774 to 1785 Benyowsky Benyowsky attempted trading, and rivalries, between Europeans

1790 to 1810 Foray against the Comoros Maritimes expeditions against the Comoros

1810 to 1828 Accession of King Radama I Expansion towards Toamasina

1817 to 1826 Reign of Jean-René Pursuit of control of the eastern region with Radama I

After their departure, the Pirate descendants took advantage of their inheritance to challenge other groups in the region. Ratsimilaho5, a malata, imposed a relative level of peace after defeating his main rivals. Yet, the Pirate era is not the only factor that disrupted the lives of the population in this region. Driven by the temptation of quick gains, associated with domestic economic problems, the people of the east coast decided to join forces with groups on the west coast to attack the Comoro Islands. Sometimes their expeditions led them all the way to the shores of Africa. Started in 1790, these murderous plunderings, the atrocities of which are still alive in the memory of the Comorians, continued until the advent of a new political order in the Mascarene Islands in 1810.

Nowadays, the cities of Toamasina (Tamatave) and Moramanga are regional economic capitals. This has not always been the case. Toamasina had long been isolated from the circuit of big business at the time of slave trading. Traders favored layovers in Fénérive or Foulpointe. Moramanga only started to become known early in the 19th century as a major slave market, and in the 20th century it became a city serving as the crossroads of major roads and railways.

The development of their respective histories will help understand the socio-economic evolution of Ambatovy’s affected region in the 21st century.

5 28 Ratsimilaho is the son of an English pirate, named Thomas Tew. • History of Toamasina

Described by Flacourt in 1651 as a ‘simple small village,’ Toamasina, whose original name is Tamatave, would become the fi rst port of Madagascar with a population of over 300,000 people. The importance of this city, which was only a small fi shing village in the 16th century, increased exponentially in the second half of the 19th century. Before, traffi c was more focused on the Sainte Marie, Antongil Bay, and Fénérive triangle.

In the 18th century, the captains of European ships preferred to moor at these ports than in Toamasina to load rice, skins and slaves. A little later, these activities were more concentrated in Foulpointe, where a Manda6 was constructed.

The late 18th century was a time of insecurity and unrest. Pirates still wandered the area and Ratsimilaho had just taken power. The slave trade was very active - everyone was afraid of being captured. It was a period of violence, where successive alliances and misalliances took place on the whim of the immediate interests of its protagonists. This situation continued until the mid-19th century. At this time, the French tried to disrupt the development of English infl uence as much as possible. Becoming a political bet, Toamasina was repeatedly bombed by either the English or the French. Seeing an attempt of French settlement, Robert Farquhar, the English Governor of Mauritius, did not hesitate to bombard it in 1810 and shut down all traffi c until 1814.

The fi rst fortifi cations of the city date from this period. Meanwhile, encouraged by the French, a half-caste named Jean-René took control of Tamatave and its surroundings with the blessing of his half-brother Fiche, a very infl uential notable in Ivondro. In 1816, Jean-René wanted to extend his infl uence to the west and threatened the leaders of Beforona, who appealed for the protection of Radama I. This could explain the importance of the sites in the Beforona and Ampasimbe region. It was an opportunity for Radama I to attack Tamatave with 25,000 men. The attack was inevitable, but a treaty was signed very quickly. Radama I kept the Betanimena area and Jean-René kept a certain authority over Tamatave. A type of modus vivendi was established between Radama I, King of Imerina, and Jean-René, the King of Betsimisaraka. They were able to use this to hide their deep antagonism.

Radama I, pro English, and Jean-René, pro French, overcame their differences in order to benefi t from the money generated by the slave trade and the benefi ts of other trading. Revenues from the slave trade were used to buy guns. Farquhar, Governor of Mauritius, used the British supremacy in the Indian Ocean to increase his political infl uence and disturb the French as much as possible. One of his successes was a treaty putting an end to the slave trade.

6 Manda is a term used throughout Madagascar to designate a wall erected to protect an inhabited place and this word is also used to refer to the entire metropolitan area fortifi ed this way. 29 The following is a description given in the late 19th century: seen from the harbor, Tamatave does have a good smiling aspect. Most houses or huts are hidden by trees and sand dunes. The fort, housed in a small forest and at a certain distance from the shore, only leaves visible a mast, which when seen at a closer distance, hoisted a large white banner, with the Queen’s name written in red letters. ... Between the fort and the sea can be seen a dense forest of various trees, but mainly of badamiers. Since the last joint attack by the French and the English in 1845, the Hovas deemed it cautious to shelter their fort. Today it is a real thicket with a very pretty appearance, which contrasts with the dryness of the neighboring lands; it is very hard to get in there (Lacaze, 1881: 28- 29)7.

Towards the end of the 19th century, the French continued to harass the British-held Kingdom of Madagascar. Several small forts were built by the Malagasy people around Tamatave. The two most famous of these are Pointe Tanio, still a property of the Malagasy army today, and Fort Farafaty, the scene of a memorable battle between the French and the Malagasy. Tamatave was bombed again several times, including in 1845 and 1885. It ended up being included in the general colonization of Madagascar in 1896.

The economic role of Tamatave on the political chessboard of the Kingdom of Madagascar became so dominant that Queen Ranavalona II put it on the same rank as Ambohimanga, the sacred hill, home of the Merina monarchy. At that time most foreign trade passed through Tamatave. Queen Ranavalona II did not only enjoy the tax revenues generated by her customs service, but did not want to interrupt the reception, for her own account, of small items from the west which she loved.

Total control of Madagascar by France encouraged many Reunion colonists to open trading posts in the Tamatave region. Others engaged in the plantation of cash crops. Their infl uence was very important in the choice of the fi rst infrastructures to be built in Madagascar. They managed to impose the decision to build the Antananarivo-East Coast (TCE) railway line, despite the rugged terrain and the substantial cost of building port facilities. Their goal was then to increase the volume of trade between Reunion and Madagascar to make maximum profi ts.

The port became the cornerstone of every major industrial project in Madagascar. Ambatovy followed suit by deciding to establish itself in Tamatave.

7 30 Lacaze, (M., le Dr), Voyage à Madagascar. Histoire-Population-Mœurs, Paris, Berger Levrault, 1881, 166 p. • History of Moramanga

Located south of upstream Mangoro River, Moramanga8 has gradually become the main city of Ankay. Its predominance comes at the expense of Ambohitrony, the traditional capital of the Bezanozano region, a group known for their hatred of any form of allegiance. At the time when the fi rst Malagasy kingdoms began to rise in the 17th century, this area was a place of refuge for those wishing to escape the new rulers of neighbouring kingdoms.

Disobedient to all authorities, the residents of Moramanga have always fought for their freedom. It was only the French, laden with weapons, who defeated them. History however, proved that this was only temporary: during the nationalist movement of 1947, the French garrison in Moramanga was the fi rst to be attacked. This city was crucial at the time of the slave trade; the word manga9 is also a euphemism for slaves.

Located near the capital, Antananarivo, and straddling the road to Toamasina, Moramanga has been a famous commercial hub since the early 19th century. It was almost a mandatory passage for everyone travelling between Antananarivo and Toamasina. During the slave trade, Moramanga was best known for its large zebu and slave market. Transportation of goods was mainly ensured by the slaves and then by men known as maromita. Each individual could carry up to 70 kilos. Their organization enabled them to transport goods as heavy and as large as harmoniums, cabinets, printing machines, etc.

In the early 20th century, the geographical position of Moramanga was one of the main causes for massive colonial settlement. They exploited vast agricultural and mining concessions. Today mining activities continue with graphite operations in Andasibe and Ambatovy joins them with its nickel mining. This relative prosperity, combined with the completion of rail lines (TCE and MLA)9 attracted many Asian traders - some of whom were former coolies10, brought to Madagascar for the construction of the railway.

Very quickly, Moramanga was seen as a rich city, a reputation which attracted envy. Gangs began to organize themselves and an environment of insecurity prevailed. Anxious to restore law and order to protect the French nationals who owned large concessions, the French administration installed a military garrison in Moramanga. Unsurprisingly, in 1947, the fi rst clashes for the liberation of the country took place here. Since then, Malagasy political leaders have chosen this city as a symbol of this fi ght. Every year on March 29th, an offi cial commemoration ceremony is held in Moramanga. In addition to a monument erected in the city, a former mass grave six kilometers away, has been converted into a memorial site in memory of the martyrs in the fi ght for independence.

8 Moramanga: The word manga is a word used in order to avoid using the term andevo or slaves. The prefi x mora means easy or cheap. There were so many slaves for sale in this region that they were fairly easy to buy at a cheap price. This is one of the most accepted interpretations. 9 TCE, or Tananarive East Coast and MLA or Moramanga-Alaotra Lake. The junction of these two lines is in Moramanga 31 10 Coolie (also cooly, kuli, ‘quli, koelie, etc.) is a term used in the 19th century to refer to immigrant workers from Asia. The word is now used in a pejorative way. • Importance of Trades

Starting in the 17th century, trade reached a peak in the 18th and 19th century - the vast majority of sites were established during this period. The Europeans settled safely on the coast for two centuries, did not venture inland. Instead they sent their agents - men who took plenty of goods away and returned with very little.

The list below provides some of the products mostly wanted by foreign traders:

Aloe (taretra); hemp leaves; raffi a hats; beeswax; cocoons; straw of all kinds, heart ring (fahanjozoro), skin (from goat, sheep and zebu); Sarika (textile made from the bottom of a banana tree); wild silk; and Solika neatsfoot oil, (Rantoandro 1985: 258).

With the gradual introduction of European slave traders to the coast, small local manufacturers thrived. The Ampasimbe region was a major producer of items made from raffi a.

Increased trade however, resulted in a transport problem for those settled on the coast. Madagascar had no road network that would have allowed the use of a cart pulled by zebus. All travel was done on foot or by fi lanjana, a type of chair for very rich people. Traders had to fi nd more and more men to transport their goods and the maromita and the borizano were born.

Regularly practicing trade, the maromita and borizano were easily recognizable by the huge calluses on their shoulders. Each of them could carry an average load of 40kg. The testimony of a trader of the time highlights their extraordinary endurance. At the end of the 19th century, the maromita mainly carried zebu skins from Antananarivo to Toamasina. To earn more money they would carry loads of 60kg, or even 75kg.

32 The abundance of skins shows the large number of zebus from the herds of the Moramanga region. At fi rst, trade volume was primarily going from Antananarivo to Toamasina. Yet, very quickly, with the emergence of a European middle class in the capital, the maromita were responsible for carrying a wide range of items from Toamasina to Antananarivo.

Malagasy senior bureaucrats dressed in imported clothing - men wanted to dress in military clothing. The court ladies competed to acquire the latest fashion garments from Europe: fabrics and silks.

In imitation of other nations, the King wanted his own band and ordered musical instruments and weapons - rifl es and cannons - to secure his power. Pianos or harpsichords decorated private rooms. Home furniture became westernized with huge wardrobes and large mirrors. Harmoniums, and later organs, were established in churches in addition to bronze bells. Ordering printing equipment was a priority for Christian missionaries who wanted a rapid diffusion of the Bible and the fi rst learning manuals. All these heavy objects were transported by the maromita, from Toamasina to Antananarivo.

Madagascar’s business developed through a well-hierarchized network. At the top of the pyramid were the foreign slave traders who provided the fi nancial logistics. The foreign trader then employed a few trusted Malagasy people, who controlled a network of collectors of products from the markets and slaves. It seemed that everyone was satisfi ed. The wealthy merchants and carriers seemed happy or at least content with their lot. There are many testimonies on the carriers’ unfailing cheerfulness their travels despite their heavy loads. It did not take long for the Malagasy bureaucrats to get involved in this highly lucrative trade. The entourage of the Queen was fully devoted to it.

The origin of numerous towns and villages established themselves in this way. In the 19th century, the Ampasimbe area was famous for fi ne or coarse raffi a explaining the high demographic concentration in this region, even today.

As key actors of Madagascar’s economic life, the foreign traders enjoyed their role and their infl uence to deliberate on domestic policy. With associations with farmer families settled in Reunion, they managed to convince the colonial administration to build the fi rst port of Madagascar in Toamasina and a railway to the capital, to the detriment of Mahajanga (Majunga).

33 Archaeology has been able to identify some traces of this long period of population development, as well as information on the trade operations of the 18th and 19th century in the region between Mangoro and Ivondro.

Key archaeological sites prior to Ambatovy’s construction.

34 ARCHEOLOGICAL WORKS

3535 Known Archaeological Data

The eastern region had already been the subject of archaeological surveys through work conducted by universities in Madagascar. Before Ambatovy’s intervention, several explorers and researchers already reported the presence of ancient sites. Their publications however, only provided a brief description of such locations, without providing tangible evidence to help judge their importance. However, excavations of other sites have been conducted since the 1960s (see Dewar, Fernandez, Mille, Radimilahy, Rakotoarisoa, Ramilisonina, Vérin).

Among the most ancient sites are those at Vohidrazana I, located west of the current city of Fénérive-Est, and Vohidrazana II, located south of Andasibe, visible from the RN 2, south of Ambavaniasy village. These two sites were supposedly the major towns on the route to the central highlands for the last group of Austronesians who landed in the region of Maroantsetra between the 9th and 13th century.

An Islamic population occupied the estuaries of large coastal rivers along the east coast, from Vohemar to Fort Dauphin. Their journey took place between the 13th and 15th centuries and traces of their voyages can be seen by the presence of fragments of chlorite schist objects. This Islamic population introduced Madagascar to the sorabe alphabet, and fanandroana or astrology. In Tamatave, the site of Ambodisiny, near the Ivondro River mouth, is one of the markers of their passage. A large chlorite schist jar, which became an object of devotion, was discovered there.

Unfortunately, it was deliberately destroyed by a foreign traveler who wanted to prove that it had no power. The night of his barbaric act, he perished in a fi re in his hut.

From the 17th and 18th centuries, trading posts have proliferated along the coast between Maroantsetra and Tamatave, for commerce, but also for piracy and slave trade. Each European maritime power of the time wanted to own one or more operational bases. The Dutch were at Antongil Bay and Manafi afy, while the French tried to colonize Fort Dauphin. The British tried at fi rst to settle on the island of Nosy Ve, near Tulear, but were unsuccessful and subsequently moved to the northwest. All of them stopped over at ports such as Fénérive, Foulpointe11, Sainte Marie and Toamasina, to resupply.

These centuries correspond to a particularly turbulent period. Pirates driven out of the Caribbean settled along the east coast and made the region their main mooring point. From here, they would go to indiscriminately attack any ships in the vicinity. Acts of piracy, which began in 1694, only ended in 1720 with the growth of the role of privateers commissioned by a coalition of European nations.

11 36 Foulpointe was originally called “Hopeful Point” in English. Locally the name is thought to refer to the arrival of a crowd, as ‘foule’ is the French word for crowd. Confusion reigned as some greedy privateers who desired rapid gains joined up with the pirates. Sometimes, the latter ended up working for the local Governors who represent their countries, and who were offi cially at war against the pirates. They were commissioned for occasional services, such as the transportation of slaves. The adventures of the famous Captain Kidd, who arrived in Madagascar in 1698, and later, Olivier Levasseur, nicknamed ‘La buse’12, are beautiful illustrations of what was happening at this time.

Periods of maritime violence did not stop with the end of piracy. Attracted by the possibility of rapid The Port of Tamatave in the early 19th Century (from an old engraving). gains, some Malagasy people initiated forays into the Comoros and East Africa between 1750 and 1810. One of their objectives was to capture a maximum number of slaves to sell to European traders and settlers. Indeed, some leaders from the Betsimisaraka area and their allies from the west coast congregated in the region of Nosy Be before starting out on their foray against the Comoros. Carried out every two or three years, these attacks involved thousands of men who set sail in hundreds of large outrigger canoes. A typical expedition of this nature could easily gather 20,000 men in over 400 canoes. These attacks left the Comoros in a state of complete destitution and the memory of atrocities committed is still embedded in the minds of the people.

In the early 18th century, Prince Ratsimilaho (c.1694 -1750), a malata set up a kingdom in the region of Tamatave. After pushing back the Tsikoa and Betanimena people, who were threatening to occupy the coast all the way up to Fénérive, he managed to unite the various groups under his authority giving them the name, Betsimisaraka (lit. many and united). During this period, relations with other foreign powers were a series of confl icts and pacts of alliance. In their aim to control this region for economic reasons, the French, who settled in Bourbon, paid a high price in terms of their numbers who were massacred.

12 Meaning "The Hawk". 37 Finally, the French managed to obtain the island of Sainte Marie in 1750 via Queen Betia (or Betty), one of Ratsimilaho’s13 daughters. This «happy ending» was not the result of a feat of arms, but moreover the work of a certain Jean Onésime Filet, better known under the name of Corporal Labigorne, who ended up marrying this famous queen.

After the last disappointment of Maudave (or Modave) in 1768, and in an attempt to resettle in Fort Dauphin, France gave a new colonization mission to Benyowsky14 who arrived in Maroantsetra on 14 February 1774 and settled at the Saint Louis site also known as Louisbourg. After many ups and downs and a reversal of fortune, he was killed at the age of 45 by some French who were sent from Bourbon on 25 May 1786. France deemed that the occasionally annoying and uncontrollable actions of Benyowsky were detrimental to its interests.

Fearful of losing their dominance in the face of the English, France appealed to various successive agents of authority. The situation worsened in the 19th century when the recently established Kingdom of Antananarivo, encouraged by the British Governor of Mauritius, Robert Farquhar, also sought to control the ports. There were numerous confl icts, which required heavy military presence on both sides. In order to better control trade in its own favour, the Kingdom of Antananarivo built a series of fortifi cations between Tamatave and Fénérive-Est. The best-preserved monument bearing witness to this period is the Manda of Foulpointe, which was built in 1822. It is worth a brief description as it denotes the essence of the time. The Fort of Foulpointe, also known as Manda Mahavelona and still visible today, is one of the buildings constructed during this period of confl ict. It is one of a series of the same type of fortifi cations built to protect this portion of the coastline. Vohimasina, Mahambo, Mahavelona are other major cities that were fortifi ed.

The architecture and design of Manda Mahavelona is a symbiosis of technology inspired by two cultures: European and Malagasy. The general form is a copy of those fortifi cations that were used by European nations since the 16th century to strengthen their presence in this part of the Indian Ocean. The construction of the walls is derived from a well-known longstanding practice in Madagascar, that of strengthening the mortar by adding egg white15.

These different trading posts were widely preferred to Tamatave, which was still only a small fi shing village at that time. Its growth, to eventually become Madagascar’s main port and the largest city on the east coast, came about from a number of favourable circumstances.

13 Ratsimilaho was the son of a pirate, Tom White. He reigned in the eastern region from 1720 to 1745 38 14Benyowsky, a native of Central Europe, managed to gain the confi dence of sponsors to build a colony in Madagascar 15Over time, the number of eggs was greatly exaggerated to attract more attention. Mahavelona Fort, Foulpointe

39 4040 Sites Discovered with Ambatovy

Archaelogical sites

City

National road

Railway track

On the map above, the archaeological sites are linked to the building sites open during the construction period. The area in question lies on a diagonal line between the Mangoro and Ivondro Rivers, which are located in the cities of Moramanga and Tamatave respectively.

During Ambatovy’s construction phase, more than 100 sites of archaeological interest were identifi ed, dating back to the period between the 18th to the 20th century. This spatial distribution establishes, for the fi rst time, the existence of signifi cant interaction between the populations of Tamatave and Moramanga.

This map also shows a certain disparity in the distribution of sites along the pipeline. The largest concentration of sites (frame ZC1)

41 can be seen in the Anivorano-Ampasimbe region, which is located at the confl uence of two major rivers, Vohitra and Rianila. These rivers were natural routes used to travel inland from the coast. When the area of exploration was enlarged, their roles became obvious, as more archaeological sites were found in the two municipalities of Anivorano and Brickaville.

Ambinaninony, with a river terrace site in the background, on the right.

42 The Overall Distribution of the Archaeological Sites

  9%

  9% :HUKYHRH[Z` 29%   4HOPSHRH Percentage of 7% Percentage of sites by phase :HOHTHT` sites by periode

 (TIP[ZPRH

 (TIPIL     46%



 )(:05 Distribution by phase 

and occupied areas  70,+465; 



 -69,:; :(5 4(/ (2( (), :(/

The diagrams above show the existence of a correlation between the timelines and cultural events by period. It is apparent that sites dating back from the 18th century make up more than half of the total number of sites excavated. The curve above confi rms a large number of sites in the piedmont area in recent periods of the Ambibe (ABE) and Sahamamy (SAH) phases.

43 Characteristics of Each Phase

• The Sandrakatsy and Mahilaka Phases (from the 9th to the 16th century)

These phases, for the most part, represent the pre-European sites of our region. Sites from this period are generally small – less than half a hectare – however they gradually evolved and some became important sites. IHZPU

The majority of the artifacts excavated are local pottery WPLKTVU[ (graphitized or mica), and fragments of chlorite schist. This type of material is common to all Malagasy archaeological sites of MVYLZ[ this period, but the east coast seems to have preserved the best chlorite schist crockery. The Antamponilongovato-Angazety site was reoccupied in the 18th century. More than 500 fragments and remains were discovered at Ampasamaro, on the left bank of the Mangoro River, however only two of them are graphitized.

This site is part of a series of ancient villages along the Mangoro River, established by the Bezanozano ancestors who claimed to be of Vazimba origin, therefore very old.

Often, settlements moved when those who lived there felt like they had become victims of a curse, for example, in times of rampant disease or successive poor harvests. At this time, the opinion of the Ombiasy (diviner), traditional healers, and that of the Tangalamena (traditional authorities) was decisive.

• Sites of the Ambitsika Phase (17th-18th Century)

The number of sites increased signifi cantly during this period as evidenced by the presence of traditional local pottery and fragments of ceramics imported from Europe, manufactured in France, the Netherlands (see Ambodibonara site) or China (a few pieces of Celadon and some blue and white ceramics). At the Ambodibonara site, a perfume fl ask was found.

Compared to the artifacts found in the above mentioned period, IHZPU at this time the graphited local pottery was of a poorer quality according to the national reference criteria and chlorite schist was WPLKTVU[ still present in the area. MVYLZ[

44 The Morarano site is surrounded by a moat, which according to legend, was completed by appealing to a sampy (spiritual idol or amulet) called Anjoharilahy or Anjoharivavy. The population abandoned the Mahatsara site when a plague struck. People moved into the villages at the bottom of the hill. Berano, on the other hand became popular when it was found that the earth around it was rich in gold.

The end of the Ambitsika phase corresponds with the emergence of the majority of sites. This can be explained by the development of foreign trade, which grew during the 19th century. Pirates driven out from the Caribbean tried to restructure themselves around the Mascarene Islands between 1698 and 1724. They managed to develop special bonds with some of the leaders on the East Coast, Their descendants, who are still numerous, are part of the Zanamalata clan: mulatto children. These people were no doubt the instigators of raids carried out by the Malagasy on the Comoros and East Africa between 1785 and1810.

Already well-established on Bourbon Island, France decided to take back its former colony, Fort Dauphin. Its ships went all the way to the north of Tamatave to look for supplies of rice.

The East Coast became a scene of power struggles between European nations. Competition was particularly visible between the English and the French as nations. However, State positions did not eliminate personal initiatives. The overall practice remained the same: become allies with local leaders to take advantage of the region’s wealth. To acquire such privileges, foreign adventurers did not hesitate to hand over their modern weapons to local clans to fi ght others.

In the 18th century, foreigners settled along the coast. Incursions inland were sporadic, but did not prevent trade through trusted suppliers. It was not until the last quarter of the 18th century that a French slave trader, Nicolas Mayeur, no doubt bolder than the others, began a march in land, towards the highlands. In 1777, after passing through the Sihanaka area, he reached the Imerina region and met the King of Antananarivo, Andrianamboatsimarofy. This period was also a moment of fame for the well-known adventurer Count Benyowsky.

45 • Sites of the Ambibe and Sahamamy Phase (19th – 20th century)

IHZPU WPLKTVU[ MVYLZ[

The comparison of these two phases, which are only a hundred years apart, helped identify the signifi cant expansion of piedmont sites to the detriment of those located in the low-lying areas. It would appear that in more recent times, the villagers migrated to the hilly areas of the piedmont, abandoning the lowland basins.

The beginning of this phase is marked by the deployment of the Kingdom of Antananarivo to this region. Many centers run by ‘Governors’ were established on the route between Antananarivo and Tamatave. Policies implemented by these local representatives made them unpopular. As they were required to meet their own material needs, these ‘Governors’ behaved as bullies and swindled the population. To escape this new rule, many people fl ed into the forest, where very small village units proliferated, a few of which were discovered during the installation of the pipeline.

After a period of distress and insecurity, business resumed very quickly. Goods traffi c increased signifi cantly. The demand for raffi a provided a livelihood for the population of Ampasimbe region: it was a time when every household had its own weaving loom, some families even had several.

This recent period strengthens the trends already seen in the previous phase: imported objects gradually increased. Artifacts discovered from this time are almost contemporary.

46 ARTIFACTS

47 Local Pottery

Local pottery can be classifi ed under the following groups: dough, coated, tempered, and baked.

A clay mixture is used as the basic material to make Dough pottery. Dough can be either fi ne or coarse.

A thin layer is applied to the dough to give it a Coated uniform appearance. In the study area, graphite was the most commonly used, alongside red ochre.

Materials (mostly sand, grass, etc.) are used to help Tempered temper the clay to change its plasticity and enable it to be dried and baked without deformation.

To harden the clay, the pottery may be sun-dried Baked or baked in a fi re, using oxidation (open hearth) or reduction (closed hearth) techniques.

Comparison of these elements in local pottery and particular forms of containers helps defi ne the period. In Madagascar, pottery is classifi ed according to pre-established cultural phases. Five phases have been identifi ed in the region under review. From the oldest to the newest these phases are: Sandrakatsy; Mahilaka; Ambitsika; Ambibe; and Sahamamy.

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

48 Map showing the Distribution of Local Pottery

49 Chlorite schist Artifacts

Of the locally produced pottery, chlorite schist deserves to be mentioned. Produced in Madagascar in areas with soapstone quarries, it comes from a rock whose particularity is the fact that it is malleable at extraction, but hardens upon contact with air. Chlorite schist utensils have been widely distributed throughout the island, as well as in neighbouring countries (Comoros, east coast of Africa). Many different types of artifacts have been made out of this material, but the most well-known are incense burners and tripod pots. These utensils were a lot more valuable than those made of local pottery. If damaged or cracked, chlorite schist utensils were repaired as evidenced by hole marks made when trying to mend the broken edges.

Chlorite schist (Soapstone) Extracted in some quarries in Madagascar, coast of Africa. chlorite schist is also known as steatite or Many types of artifacts were made out soapstone. It is malleable upon extraction of this material, but the most famous are but will harden in direct contact with air. incense burners and tripod pots. These The Malagasy word, vatodidy (lit. striated utensils were certainly more valuable stone), refl ects this feature. than those made out of local clay. This It was used to manufacture many different is proven by the fact that chlorite schist types of utensils that were widely utensils were repaired when damaged, disseminated throughout Madagascar as evidenced by the marks of holes made 0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm and exported to the Comoros and the east when trying to patch pieces together.

50 Map of Sites with Chlorite schist Artifacts

51 Imported Pottery

The map shows that the sites near the coast sheltered more imported artifacts. The high concentration of artifacts in the municipality of Ranomafana is explained by the extraordinary development of this region at the end of 18th century and moreover in the 19th century. All people travelling between Toamasina and Antananarivo at this time had to pass through the villages in this municipality. Indeed, the route from Toamasina fi rst followed the coast to the south all the way to Anivorano, then turned due west, all the way to Moramanga.

Ambatovy’s sites uncovered a number of imported ceramics that do not only provide evidence of the existence of relations with foreign countries, but also provide valuable insights into the periods of trade. Indeed, this southwestern region of the Indian Ocean was at the crossroads of trade involving Asia, Arabia, East Africa, and Europe, from the 16th century. Celadon and blue and white crockery mark relations with Asia. Sgraffi to, a decorative technique for ceramics, and Sassano-Persian pottery, are signs of trade with the Arab world and the Persian Gulf.

Shards of European ceramics from the Netherlands and France were also discovered at Ambatovy’s sites. Glassware and particular types of iron objects constitute the vast majority of imported objects, as the Malagasy population did not manufacture such items. During these ancient times, counterfeiting already existed as evidenced by the Dutch imitations of the blue and white ceramics from China. Each country’s potters tried to reproduce copies of objects that had the highest market value.

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

52 Map of Sites with Imported Pottery

53 Other Artifacts

• Metal Artifacts

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

54 Sites with Metal Artifacts

Merina historical traditions attribute the innovation of this technique to King Andriamanelo in the 16th century. However, the archaeological works show that metal existed in Madagascar since the time of the early settlements (see Radimilahy, 1988)16. Iron remains have been found in many sites, dating back well before the 16th century.

16 Radimilahy, Ch., L’ancienne métallurgie du fer à Madagascar, Cambridge, 1988. 55 • Bones

The comparison of bones from current animals with those of the past centuries show morphological changes that could be attributed to successive changes in their natural environment.

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

56 Map of Sites with Bones

57 • Glassware

The type of glassware found provides chronological information, given that casting techniques evolved over the years. Older glassware may still contain air bubbles, whilst such imperfections have disappeared in modern times. Since Malagasy artisans did not make such items, glassware is an excellent indicator of the volume of trade conducted with foreign countries: once again highlighting the importance of the Ampasimbe region.

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

58 Map of Sites with Glassware

59 Pottery Decorations

Based on these four basic patterns, the most skilful potters managed to design fairly successful aesthetically pleasing creations. Several types of decorative patterns may be found on one piece of pottery, including circular or triangular shapes embellished by parallel, horizontal or zigzag lines. Triangular and circular dot-shaped patterns were found on pottery at a site in Ampasamaro. The site is on a hill overlooking the left bank of the Mangoro River and on the perimeter of Antogombato, along access road number 7.

This technique is fairly simple and it was up to the skills of the craftsman to ensure the neatness of the features Herringbone decorations and the symmetry of the designs. Some pots are better constructed and designed than others.

The fi nal quality of a product would also be dependent on the social importance of the customer. It is possible that the same craftsman would work more carefully when the customer was a person of high social rank in the community. These patterns are found almost eve- rywhere in Madagascar and the Comoros, and even in East Africa. Stratigraphy comparison sometimes helps identify the exact cultural phase.

Triangular decorations in relief only seem to have existed in very few sites.

Incision decorations

60 This could be a type of pottery made in another region. In any case, it was widely disseminated as this pattern was also found at the site of Dembeni Mayotte (Comoros) and dates back to the 14th century.

The decorative patterns on all local potteries collected can be seen on the upper part of the vessel.

Triangular decorations

Dot-shaped decorations

61 Graphitized Potteries

0 1 2 3 4 5 Cm

62 Sites containing graphitized pottery

The decorative technique of graphitizing pottery is practised throughout Madagascar. However, the study area is particularly rich in graphite deposits and the graphitization technique is rather special. Craftsmen do not only coat the outside of the container with graphite to embellish it, but they also make some pottery out of only this material.

63 Summary

The typology of all excavated sites and artifacts analyzed presents a wide range of time and space. The pre-European period corresponds to the establishment of a few lineage clans and groups in modest villages, some of which will eventually grow stronger, especially during the internal wars prior to the appearance of kingdoms. Maps showing the distribution per period clearly indicate that this region was not highly populated until the late 17th century. However, this trend was set to increase throughout the 18th century. This is corroborated by the fi rst written testimonials on this region.

Analysis of the sites and artifacts collected clearly confi rm the existence of an ongoing relationship between the east coast and hinterland regions, especially during the 17th and 18th centuries. From the late 18th century, this region experienced disturbances due to the development of the slave trade and the presence of Pirates. Some clans established alliances with foreigners to capture and sell their own compatriots. Some offi cials demanded that transactions be paid in guns and powder so they could attack their rivals more easily. Eager to receive the maximum number of slaves in a minimum amount of time, foreign slave traders did not hesitate to accept such a deal. At fi rst, offi cials who obtained arms from such dealings could easily defeat other groups and capture a lot of people to be sold as slaves. This was a big mistake however as later, the same Malagasy offi cials would use their arms against the Europeans.

These periods of violence resulted in the population migrating to areas of refuge; they moved away from the coast, settling on hill top locations, or hiding temporarily in the forest. This could explain the proliferation of many small sites that were occupied for a short period of time. In the 19th century many forts were built due to threat of foreign intrusions.

In the early 19th century, the advent of King Radama I would give another dimension to the relationship between clans. At this time, the objective was no longer to fi ght against a rival, but to occupy and sustainably control a territory. Initially under the supervision of foreign military trainers and encouraged by the prophecies of many of his advisors from the southeast, Radama I believed he was on a mission to conquer the island. The war on the east coast was part of this ambition. The Betsimisaraka King, Jean René, was apparently opposed to the invasion of his territory, but eventually agreed to make an alliance. The two kings found a modus vivendi, which allowed them to become allies in the management of potential resources generated by the slave trade.

64 Control of the ports became a major political and strategic issue. The new kingdom of Madagascar considered the monitoring of slave trade points on the east coast as one of its prerogatives.

Numerous protagonists wanted to exploit the substantial resources generated by these ports. Many representatives of European nations were hanging around the area, but the French and English proved to be the most active. Their rivalry was manifested by competition for the favourable attention of the kings and princes of Madagascar. Assaults and treaties of alliance succeeded, but did not prevent disputes from happening. Added to the mix were individuals working for their own account: it was a period of great confusion.

The French murdered the French. The British attacked the French and vice versa. However, these two rival nations fi nally joined forces to unite against the Malagasy. In 1845, a Franco-British squadron bombed Tamatave.

Before the growth of the role of ports, the relationship between the coast and hinterlands was facilitated by large rivers that were the natural access routes.

In the study area, the Rianila River played a key role in the movement of goods and people, from its mouth up to Andevoranto, and on to Anivorano, where a concentration of sites, with chlorite schist tableware artifacts manufactured in the Vohemar region, more than 400 kilometers north, was located.

The Anivorano-Brickaville-Ranomafana area, located near the confl uence of the Vohitra and Rianila Rivers, played the role of a trader’s hub for the neighbouring areas. The intensity and quality of trades were also established based on the similarity between pottery decorations. Some patterns are similar to those found in very remote locations of the region and even in the Comoros. The presence of a few shards of imported pottery is further evidence of the existence of international trade relations.

65 During the construction phase, Ambatovy’s archaeological team was also mandated to ensure the integrity of cultural heritage and to respect local traditions.

Concentration of sites at the confl uence of the Rianila River and the Vohitra tributary, in the region and municipality of Anivorano

Anivorano

66 CULTURAL ASPECTS

67 One of the mandates of the archaeological team was to ensure respect for tradition and local culture; one of the peculiarities of Madagascar, a country of oral tradition, is that scientifi c results overlap or mix with oral stories conveyed from generation to generation. Therefore, the archaeological team was responsible for acknowledging and analyzing the communities’ perception of their own heritage. In order to do this, it was essential to collect the known oral traditions.

Each village from Mangoro to Ivondro has preserved the stories explaining the existence of these ancient sites, in their own way. Indeed, the local population tends to provide their own interpretations of these archaeological sites as a way of taking ownership of them. However, this attitude is understandable and can be explained by their fear of not being seen as the fi rst tompontany or owners of the land that they currently occupy.

All stories collected emphasize the existence of a founding ancestor, irrefutable proof of anteriority of the area. This point is important as it gives some idea about the original occupants who became tompontany or landowners, based on traditional rules. Their stories confuse periods and rarely take into account history’s different timelines. As their aim is not to prove but to convince, each narrator attempts to steer his story in favor of his own clan. When such demonstrations of anteriority for a particular area become too diffi cult and they can no longer trace back any plausible ancestors, stories move on to mythical characters. Since the eastern coast is particularly rich in this subject, populations will simply recount the legend of Darafi fy, the giant, whose tears of heartache gave rise to the large bodies of water, Rasoabe and Rasoamasay, south of Tamatave. It is sometimes diffi cult to disentangle the truth from myths, as the population still believes in the existence of exceptional beings who gave birth to their ancestors. From generation to generation, each community has reproduced stories that fully embellish the epic adventures of their brave ancestors. Whether they are true or false, these stories guarantee the legitimacy of their close ties to ancestral land that remains against all odds, sacred.

The archaeological works enabled the discovery of some aspects of this eastern region of Madagascar that have never been published in the past. During the thorough surveys conducted between Mangoro to Ivondro, several important cultural and religious sites were recorded. All Malagasy people designate these sites as fady, meaning prohibited, or masina, meaning sacred. Visiting these sites without taking all the necessary precautions, or at least obtaining approval from a notable, may result in heavy penalties. Foreigners may face diffi culties when going to such places as their locations are not clearly identifi ed or defi ned.

From their fi rst day at work, each Ambatovy agent working in the fi eld, and in direct contact with the local population, are quickly taught the meaning of two words: Tangalamena and Joro.

Due to its frequency, the latter has been a loyal companion of the project, throughout the construction phase. It should be noted that many staff, unfamiliar with Malagasy customs, did not always understand the importance of organizing Joro and sometimes had reservations when seeing the costs incurred.

68 Since ancient times, the Malagasy people have held Joro before any important event in their lives. The main purpose of this ceremony is to seek protection and blessing from the ancestors so that the deed or event may take place under the best conditions possible. Each Joro was therefore organized to protect both the company and the community.

• Joro Rituals

Based on a date pre-defi ned by an ombiasy or fortune-teller, a leader will communicate the wishes of a person, family, clan, or a whole community to the ancestors. Unlike commemorative celebrations, which should be held according to well-established calendar, there is no specifi c timeframe for organizing a Joro, which may take several different forms. The simplest form would be a person coming to make a wish at a sacred place bringing with him small gift. When the fi nancial situation permits, a larger Joro, which can bring together hundreds of people, can be organized.

For any important event in Ambatovy’s social life over the course of the construction phase, people have sought the organization of a Joro. In addition to asking protection from the ancestors, it is also an opportunity to request the involvement of all stakeholders concerned with the future event: offi cials, different social groups according to their importance and rank in the community, and Ambatovy staff. Through successive speeches, all entities present express their approval of the proposed project.

In the case of a new construction, the sequence of events for a Joro can be summarized as follows:

When a new construction is planned, Ambatovy’s social team informs the leaders of the neighbouring villages. Meetings are held to set the fi nancial and technical conditions. In general, the community is responsible for everything related to the rituals of the ceremony, while Ambatovy ensures the fi nancial side of things: the purchase of sacrifi cial zebus, drinks, and potentially transport. Thereafter, the Ombiasy or fortune-teller is consulted and determines the most fortunate day to organize the Joro. The community will take this into consideration.

When all the guests are gathered on-site, the master of ceremony begins a long speech, explaining to the guests the reason for the by mentioning their job titles without forgetting each clan represented by their respective leaders. He then mentions the names of the known primary ancestors, to ask for their blessing. This litany may seem tiresome by its repetitive nature, but any omissions may result in substantial damage. Therefore, the master of ceremony will make sure not to omit the reason of the joro for Ambatovy’s role in this new construction. When the long presentations are complete, the master of ceremony will sacrifi ce a zebu, whose head must always be turned eastward, by asking his assistants to cut the carotid artery of the animal, which is already lying down.

69 Some of the zebu’s blood is collected in a container and participants may, if they wish, mark their forehead with it as a sign of unity. Singing and dancing are an integral part of a Joro ceremony. During the Joro, sharing a toaka or betsa, a locally produced alcoholic drink, is a compulsory ritual. If someone cannot drink for religious or medical reasons, he must apologize. A refusal to drink without any explanation or an apology would be interpreted as an insult to the ancestors.

When the main part of the ceremony is over, offi cials and others who want to may leave, however usually people stay on to enjoy the festive side of the gathering.

According to laws of the ancestors, a knowledgeable clan representative should ensure the role of master of ceremony throughout the Joro ritual. Depending on the region of Madagascar, this important person is given a different name. In Ambatovy’s area of intervention, this person is known as a Tangalamena. He is a person like any other in everyday life, and is given the respect due to him by his daily functions, however during traditional ceremonies, he is considered sacred. A Tangalamena has no other power than that of enforcing customs and traditions, and contrary to popular belief, he does not hold any political or administrative role in his community.

70 • Burial Sites

In Madagascar, funerals are organized differently depending on the region. According to local customs, the objective is the same, which is that of honouring the deceased by marking, as solemnly as possible, his passage to a higher level of the Malagasy social hierarchy: that of becoming an ancestor.

Fasana, tranomanara, tembotrano, lolo and kibory are the most commonly used words for tombs, the protection of which has been the subject of long discussions with the communities throughout the whole duration of this study.

Regions affected by Ambatovy have two different types of burial places. In the Bezanozano area around the mine, tombs are built in plain view on the hillsides. They stand out from their surroundings by their earthen mounds, which were used for the older tombs, and the stone or concrete masonry of the most recent ones. All openings face west.

In the Betsimisaraka areas, cemeteries are built in remote areas and if possible out of sight, covered by thick vegetation. People living in areas of widespread deforestation have managed to preserve the intimacy of these burial places. However, they are easy to locate on aerial photographs. It is not advisable to visit these sites without a special motive, and certainly not without the presence of a notable from the community. Unlike in the Bezanozano area, the bodies are not buried, but lie instead in wooden coffi ns in the shape of a canoe. Everything is placed under a shelter and covered with grass, leaves or corrugated iron.

71 • Vato (Stone)

As in many countries, Madagascar has a lot of megalithic monuments whose style and workmanship differ depending on the region. However, all of them revolve around the word vato or stone (see glossary).

The most common form of vato discovered on Ambatovy’s sites is groups of standing stones, ranging from 50 cm to 2 m in height.

These dimensions seem very small compared to vato in other regions, where they can reach of height of 6 m. These stones may stand alone, be aligned with the cardinal points, or be grouped together. Isolated stones are usually the tallest, with a height ranging from 3 to 5 m.

72 73 • Fisokina

In a village, each existing clan must erect its own fi sokina or fi sokona, entrusted to the guardianship of a Tangalamena.

Fisokina are places of worship. At every important event that requires calling upon the ancestors, the Tangalamena are invited and lead the requests on behalf of the clan. The skull of a sacrifi cial zebu is then placed on the tip of the fi sokina.

A fi sokina cannot last forever, so when it is damaged or falls down, the clan must do everything possible to erect another one to avoid being disgraced. However, it is a very expensive undertaking that is increasingly diffi cult for communities to bear.

During the construction phase, one of the major challenges faced by Ambatovy was the relocation of sacred sites. However, Ambatovy’s social team was able to negotiate the transfer of one particular fi sokina that was found in the footprint of the plant.

74 This socially and culturally complicated operation eventually took place as shown in the photos below:

Sometimes in a village, the fi sokina is not more than a barely recognizable piece of wood. Due to lack of money, the current trend is to erect fi sokina that are made of stone and/or concrete.

75 In the District of Moramanga, sacred sites consist of small, aligned standing stones, the presence of which is indicated by one or more fork-like wooden branches known as jiro. They are implanted and placed near the stones of each family that have sacrifi ced a zebu17 there. The Bezanozano go to such places to pray, fi rst for a good yield and then to thank the ancestors during the harvest.

The fi rst ears of harvested rice are hung on the jiro as a token of gratitude

17 If a family was not able to sacrifi ce a zebu due to fi nancial reasons, 76 they simply covered their stone with white fabric. • Intangible Sacred Sites

Burial places, fi sokina and vato are the most visible and best-known sacred places. However, there are many special sacred places where anyone with a wish to fulfi ll may go to make a joro. Where specifi c objects are visible, it is easy to respect all the symbolisms attached to them. Sometimes however, such objects have long disappeared, but the rituals remain in the memory of the certain members of the community. Sometimes a place may become fady such as when a dead body rests at that site, for example, during a funeral ceremony or when it is being transported from the morgue to the village. Such an event only lasts a short time and leaves no specifi c trace on the place, but since it happened, the place must now be remembered and respected. Therefore, the sanctity lies more in the collective memory than in the actual event, thus making it intangible.

Any individual traveling in the region must respect any omnipresent and invisible sacred concepts, as well as any unwritten rules. A great deal of social unrest can arise by going against such rules. In such cases, penalties can range from a simple warning to sacrifi cing a zebu.

When a population, or even the older generations, does not remember precisely when or how special symbols or places such as trees, waterfalls, or a simple boulder have become sacred, they are systematically referred to as ‘of vazimba origin’. This term frequently comes up in conversations. Similarly, when a place has a somewhat unusual aspect about it, it is qualifi ed as vazimba. Therefore, this name, which originally designated the fi rst inhabitants of Madagascar, becomes an adjective to describe all the mythic beings and stories that still persist in the minds of many Malagasy.

Initially, the local population was reluctant to reveal their sacred places. Sometimes their revelations were made indirectly since some of their practices are judged to be non-compliant with offi cial religions. Therefore, while ensuring respect for people’s confi dence, the social team collected various stories concerning the origin of a fady for specifi c areas, such as: the Riana waterfalls; the Tany mahery, lit. ‘resistant’ land; the fanariana nify, a place where milk teeth are thrown away; or the fanariana tavony, a place where the placenta is buried. Therefore, according to local customs, certain places are chosen by each clan to bury the tavony or placenta of a newborn or to throw the milk teeth when they are not thrown on the roof of a house. As for stillborn babies, they do not have the right to be buried in the traditional family tomb; therefore a specifi c location is designated outside each village.

There are no distinctive signs or symbols to indicate to foreigners the kind of behaviour and attitude to be adopted near such kind of places. However, the spatial organization of a village complies with such codes, even though they are not written or posted for foreigners to see. Failure to comply with such unwritten rules, even inadvertently, will make communities uncomfortable even if they might not outwardly show it.

77 Recommendations

This study does not claim to have solved all the issues related to this region’s past. The main objective of this publication is to raise awareness of the richness of Madagascar’s cultural heritage. The archaeological surveys systematically covered the entire area within the footprint of Ambatovy’s components: plant, tailings, pipeline and mine.

The archaeological excavations carried out by the team revealed a lot of information that establishes the overall matrix for an initial interpretation of the facts. The next steps will be to further research the fi ndings by supporting the work of students working on their Master’s degree.

Ambatovy may claim, not only to have fulfi lled its preservation mission, but to have also signifi cantly contributed to and improved the knowledge of the history of Madagascar, in particular that of the eastern region between the Mine Site in Moramanga and the Plant Site in Tamatave.

Therefore, ongoing work should ensure the security of these artifacts and make them publicly available. For this purpose, a series of actions aimed at promoting this heritage, including the development of a comprehensive catalogue of the artifacts discovered that will be presented to Malagasy authorities, have been scheduled.

Work should continue so that Ambatovy may obtain its social and cultural license to operate from the population, to whom the company must report in accordance with the principles of transparency and accountability. It is necessary and important to show to affected communities that Ambatovy has fully met all their requirements. The population now expects concrete action from Ambatovy for the protection and promotion of some historical sites that have already been identifi ed. The most important sites will be rehabilitated.

Finally, the practical cultural tips on the following page might help those who wish to remain respectful and courteous towards the local population: they remain valid throughout the country. Through its social teams, Ambatovy is committed to a new era of dialogue with local communities especially in rural areas.

This document is a modest contribution, introducing you to the cultural riches of part of the amazing eastern region of Madagascar. The bibliography may be of use to those who wish to learn more about Madagascar’s cultural heritage.

78 SOME PRACTICAL CULTURAL TIPS

• Do not park in the middle of a village in case your vehicle is too close to a fisokina, a jiro, or any other sacred place

• Enquire as to who should be visited first (notable, village chief, etc.)

• Acknowledge your presence by asking permission to enter a house

• Enter through the west door

• Always enter a house with the right foot first

• Once inside a house, never sit along the eastern wall

• Always try to be accompanied by a person from the village

• Do not touch a Tangalamena’s hat or cane

• Do not take food containing pork to sacred sites

• Take time to learn about regional taboos and find out which places you can go to with ease

79 Bibliographical Indications

The publications listed here are basic illustrative accounts for people who would like to gain a better understanding of the history of the East Coast of Madagascar. A short selection had to be made from the tens of thousands of titles on Madagascar’s past. This selection was therefore made out of those documents having a link to our archaeological work. Since the initial publication is in french, for practical purposes, some publications in English have been included.

French Publications

ALFANO, 1949, Les chemins de fer à Madagascar et le port de Tamatave, Revue de Madagascar, n.s. n°6, juil. 1949, p.55 – 106.

ALTHABE, G., 1869, Oppression et libération dans l’imaginaire. Les communautés villageoises de la côte orientale de Madagascar, Paris, Maspero, 358 p.

ARAUD, C., 1969, Le mode de production Betsimisaraka, Terre malgache/ Tany malagasy, n° 6, 1969, p. 27-46.

AUJAS, L., 1907, Essai sur l’histoire et les coutumes des Betsimisaraka, La Revue de Madagascar, Tananarive, 1907, p. 510 – 515 et 549 – 564.

BARQUISSAU, R., 1924, De Tamatave à Tananarive, Bulletin Economique de Madagascar, 1er et 2ème trimestres 1924, p. 156-160.

BERTHIER, 1897, Notes sur les Betsimisaraka, Historique mœurs, maladies, Tananarive, Journal Offi ciel de Madagascar, 29 mai 1897. pp. 520-521.

BLOSSET, 1925, Le port de Tamatave. Son histoire, Bulletin Economique de Madagascar, 1er et 2ème trimestre 1925 n°1, p. 73-80, 1926, n°1, doc. pp. 40-46,

CARLE, G., 1916, Contribution à l’étude des terres de la côte Est, Tananarive, Bulletin Economique de Madagascar, pp. 35 - 41.

CAYEUX, E., 1898, Côte Est de Madagascar au point de vue de colon, ses produits, ses terres, ses forêts, ses ports, sa main d’œuvre de 1890 à 1895, Ile Maurice, 126 p.

COLONCON, M., 1931, Histoire de Jean René, chef héréditaire de Tamatave, imp. du Colon Tamatave 1931, 34 p.

80 COTTE, R.P., 1947, Regardons vivre une tribu malgache. Les Betsimisaraka, Paris, les nouvelles éditions, Antananarivo, 239 p. DANDOY, G., 1973, Terroirs et économies villageoises de la région de Vavatenina (Côte Orientale Malgache), Paris, O.R.S.T.O.M., 94 p.

DESCHAMPS, H., 1936, Tamatave, porte de l’Est, Revue de Madagascar, avril 1936, pp. 133 – 152.

DESCHAMPS, H., 1949, Les pirates à Madagascar aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Paris, Berger-Levrault et Cie, 244 p.

DEWAR, R., RADIMILAHY, C. et al., 2011, Early setllement in Fenoarivo Atsinanana, in Radimilahy et Rajaonarimanana (Dir), Civilisations des mondes insulaires, Karthala, Paris, pp.677-740.

DEZ, J., 1969, Au pays Betsimisaraka : habitat et communications, Bulletin de l’Académie Malgache, t. XLVII 1 – 2, p.115.

ESOAVELOMANDROSO, M., 1982, La province maritime orientale du « Royaume de Madagascar » à la fi n du XIXe siècle (1882 -1895), F.T.M. Antananarivo, 1982, 432 p.

FAUCHERE ,A. 1939 Rapport sur une tournée agricole dans la vallée de l’Ivondrona et de l’Ivoloina, Bulletin Economique de Madagascar, 1er trimestre 1939 p. 77 – 84.

FERNANDEZ, M..F., 1971, Quelques aspects des coutumes et des monuments funéraires sihanaka, Bulletin de Madagascar, n°297, fév. 1971, p. 187 – 192.

FLORENT, H., 1979, Le gouvernement de Tamatave de 1864 à 1882, Université de Madagascar, Tananarive, 279 p.

FONTOYNONT, Dr et NICOL., 1940, Les traitants français de la côte est de Madagascar de Ranavalona I à Radama II. Mémoires de l’Académie malgache. Fascicule XXXIII, Tananarive, 73 p.

FOUCART, G., 1890, De Tamatave à Tananarive (île de Madagascar). Lille, 47 p.

FRANÇOIS, J., 1897, Excursion dans la province de Tamatave, Notes, Reconnaissances, Explorations, t. I, 1897, pp 231-239.

GRIMAUD M. C., 1974 Contribution à l’étude du peuplement ancien de la région de l’Ankay (Madagascar). Mémoire de Maîtrise 1972. ICMAA, Musée d’art et d’Archéologie de l’Université de Madagascar. Travaux et Document XIII.

LEGUEVEL (de Lacombe), B. 1840, Voyage à Madagascar et aux Isles Comores (1823-1830), Paris, 293 p. et 375 p.

MOLET,L., 1951 -1952, Métier à tisser Betsimisaraka à deux rangs de lisse, Bulletin de l’Académie Malgache. t. XXX, 1951 -1952, pp. 79 – 80,

81 POIRIER, J., 1971, Les villages fortifi es bezanozano, première approche ethnographique, Taloha 4, ICMAA, Revue du Musée d’Art et d’Archéologie, pp. 127-152.

RADIMILAHY, Ch. 1988, L’ancienne métallurgie du fer à Madagascar, Cambridge.

RAKOTOARISOA, J.A., 1974, Notes archéologiques sur les forts de la région de Tamatave et de Fénérive, Taloha – 6, 1974, pp. 15 - 38.

RAMILISONINA,1990, Mandialaza à Moramanga : Essai d’approche pour la connaissance de l’urbanisation Madagascar, Proceedings of the 1989 Madagascar Workshop, Mantasoa, Working Paper No. 4. Uppsala, Sweden.

RANTOANDRO, G., 1985, Les échanges entre Antananarivo et Toamasina à travers le journal de Campan, Omaly sy Anio, Antananarivo, pp. 243-276.

RANTOANDRO, G., 1973, Le gouvernement de Tamatave de 1845 à 1865 – Développement économique - Université de Madagascar – Tananarive, , 210 p.

RASAMIMANANA (Dr), 1927 Voyage de Radama premier à la côte Est- Analyse du manuscrit de Ratsiambakaina suivie de quelques conclusions sur l’orthographe malgache, Bulletin de l’Académie Malgache, n. s. t. X, 1927, p. 47-59.

VALETTE J., 1959, La vie économique à Tamatave en 1888 – 1889 d’après les papiers de G-B Lavignac, Bulletin Economique de Madagascar. , n°157, juin 1959, p. 483 - 491.

VALETTE J., Les Lacs au sud de Tamatave d’après Mayeur, Bulletin de Madagascar, n° 254-255, juillet-août 1967, p. 593-600.

VALETTE, J., Tamatave en 1898, Bulletin de Madagascar, 234, nov. 1965, p. 965-967.

VALETTE, J., Deux documents sur la région de Tamatave en 1802, Bulletin de Madagascar, 261, Fév. 1968, p. 173-178.

VERIN, P., 1968, Observations sur les objets découverts à Fénérive, Bulletin de Madagascar, n°264, mai 1968, pp. 467 – 471.

WRIGHT, H.T., and FANONY F., 1993 L’évolution des systèmes d’occupation des sols dans la vallée de la rivière Mananara, au Nord-Est de Madagascar, Taloha 11: 16-64, ICMAA, Antananarivo

SYLLA, Y., Les malata : cohésion et disparité d’un «groupe», Omaly sy Anio, 21 – 22, p. 19 – 32.

82 English Publications

DEWAR, R., RADIMILAHY, C. et al., 2011, Early setllement in Fenoarivo Atsinanana, in Radimilahy et Rajaonarimanana (Dir), Civilisations des mondes insulaires, Karthala, Paris, pp.677-740.

ELLIS, S., 1985, The Rising of the Red Shawls : a revolt in Madagascar 1895-1899, Cambridge

ELLIS, W., 1838, History of Madagascar, London

ELLIS, W., 1859, Three Visits to Madagascar during the Years 1853-1854-1856: Including a Journey to the Capital, with Notices of the Natural History of the Country and the Present Civilization of the People, Ulan Press, 2011

KENT R., 1970, Early kingdoms in Madagascar, 1500-1700, New-York

KOTTAK, RAKOTOARISOA & al., 1986, Madagascar Society and History, Durham North Carolina MERWYN BROWN, 1979, Madagascar rediscovered: A history from early times to independence, Archon Books

OLIVIER, S. P. 1862, Madagascar and the Malagasy, with sketches on the provinces of Tamatave, Betanimena and Ankova, Londres, Day and Son, 105 p.

VERIN P., 1986, The History of Civilization in North Madagascar, Routledge. UK.

WRIGHT, H.,ed., 2007 Early State Formation in Central Madagascar: An Archaeological Survey of Western Avaradrano. Museum of Anthropology Memoir No. 43. 310 pp Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Museum of Anthropology.

83 Glossary of Malagasy Words

Borizano: a term of multiple meanings referring to the people of the highlands or trades requiring intense physical effort. Some say it is derived from the French word ‘bourgeois’. Fady: forbidden, taboo. Fahagola: literally means from the time of Gola. This is a generic term to mean ‘distant past’. Gola is a mythical population who lived before the Vazimba. Fasana: a generic name for a burial place. Feraomby: an enclosure that protects a sacred site from being trampled on by zebu and, by extension, any form of destruction. The term includes both the enclosure and its contents. In general, it is the grave of an individual who, for some reason, did not have access to the family tomb or burial place. A stranger or a person who passes away outside his place of residence can also be buried this way, as a temporary measure while waiting for a permanent transfer to his family tomb. Fijorona: a sacred place conducive to meditation. Filanjana: palanquin; a covered litter carried on poles on the shoulders of four or more bearers. Fisokina: wooden pole or post, between three to four meters high, planted in the middle of the village. It is the protective emblem of a clan. It is also a place for incantation during important ceremonies calling ancestors and their allies. Such rituals require the presence of a Tangalamena, who ensures the strict application of customary rules. Haolo: abandoned village. A site known as ‘Haolo’ is not necessarily old. Jiro: a family altar erected in the northeastern area of the courtyard to place offerings (sweet food items, honey, etc.). It is usually a small fl at stone beside a plant known as hasina (Dracaena marginata). In the area around Ankay, it is a sacred pole erected in the village or aligned with a standing stone. Joro: an incantatory ritual dedicated to the ancestors and often requiring the sacrifi ce of one or more zebu, known as ‘volavita’. Malata: from the French word "mulâtre" meaning mulatto; a population of mixed ancestry on the East Coast. Maromita: emissary in the 19th century; also derived from the French word ‘marmite’, meaning cauldron or cooking pot. Masina: sacred. Places or objects that are sacred for various customary reasons. They continue to be respected and votive worship rituals and other traditional ceremonies are practiced there. Riana: waterfall. The waterfall symbolizes the power to purify. People will go to waterfalls to cleanse themselves before going to a sacred site. Sampy: Trial by ordeal or protective talisman. Talisman were destroyed or burnt after Queen Ranavalona II converted to Christianity in 1868. They were banned, but have never really disappeared. Savoka: grassy vegetation with scattered trees.

84 Sorabe: a form of Malagasy writing with Arabic characters, considered sacred. It was used until the reign of Radama I (1810 - 1828), who decided to replace it with the Latin alphabet. Tanantaolo: abandoned village. (Tanana aolo) Tangalamena: local traditional religious leader, usually male, whose opinions are highly valued by the community. In principle, each lineage along the east coast has its own Tangalamena. Tany masina: sacred place. Tavy or Tevy: slash and burn agricultural method. Toaka or Tôka: the generic name for an alcoholic spirit, usually manufactured locally. Tranomanara: literal meaning, ‘cold house’. It refers to a tomb or a small wooden box built on top of a tomb and used as a shelter for ancestral spirits. Tromba: possession ritual, during which a person or persons go into a trance. Vato: megalithic monuments have several names in Madagascar: - Tsangambato, a standing stone or stone erected to commemorate a person, an important event, or to mark a boundary. - Vatolahy, a male stone. - Vatovavy, a female stone. - Vatomasina, a sacred stone. This term may also be used to describe a row of stones. Vazaha: stranger or foreigner in the region. Vazimba: an ancient population. Believed to be the fi rst inhabitants of certain regions of Madagascar. Myths and realities

Notes on the Malagasy terminology used

Words in Malagasy, except for proper names and names of place, are in italics and a translation is given in the glossary. In Malagasy, the «o» is pro- nounced «oo» and the fi nal «a» is invariably silent, except for rare exceptions.

Place names are given with either the ancient or modern spelling, e.g. Toamasina and Tamatave18 refer to the same city. The same is true of several railway stations that took on the names of a few exceptional French from the time of the installation of the ‘East Coast - Tananarive’ railway line or the TCE. After Madagascar’s political independence in 1960, the majority of these places were renamed.

Masse became Ampasimpotsy; Périnet became Andasibe; La Forêt was changed to An’Ala; Rogez became Andekaleka; Junck became Loharindava; Mouneyres was changed to Fanasana; Geraud became Razanaka; Labourdonnais became Ambodivandrika; and Brickaville was changed to Vohibi- nany. It took some time for the new names of the stations to be adopted. Nowadays, the only exception to this is Vohibinany, where residents continue to use its old name, Brickaville.

18Tamatave is the original name of this city as it was so-called by Flacourt in the 17th century. Toamasina has only been used since the 19th century. It is therefore wrong to believe that Toamasina is the original Malagasy name for the city and Tamatave is the name appointed by foreigners. Both names have been used throughout this book. 85 Acronymes

AD Anno domini, the year of the Lord or year zero

BC Before Christ

CEREL Centre for Ethnological and Linguistic Studies and Research

EIA Environmental Impact Assessment

ICMAA Civilization Institute, Museum of Art and Archaeology of the University of Antananarivo

ICOM International Council of Museums

ICOMOS International Council of Monuments and Sites

MLA Moramanga-Lac Alaotra

PGES Specifi c Environmental Management Plan

PPL Pipeline

TCE Tananarive-Côte Est, name of the railway line connecting Antananarivo to Toamasina

86 Coordination of Ambatovy’s Cultural Heritage Program: Eric Randrianasolo Technical Coordination and Editing: Rado Andriamarofara Translation from French to English: VIP Translation Photos: Jean Aimé Rakotoarisoa, Erick Randrianasolo, Ambatovy Archaeological Team, Ambatovy CSR Team. Photos of artifacts were taken using hyper focal image construction techniques by Rix Rafahely. Layout and design: Emma Rakotomalala. The archaeological works carried out during Ambatovy’s construction phase led to the identification of more than 100 sites dating back to the period between the 12th and 20th century AD, shedding light on 800 years of Madagascar’s history. This is a noteworthy contribution in a country whose history is known to only have begun 4,000 years ago.

The archaeological team has collected nearly 5,000 different artifacts that include: shards of local pottery; glass; iron; chlorite schist sherds; and ceramics from Europe and Asia. In addition to the archaeological sites, many cultural and religious sites were also identified: burial sites; standing stones; sacred poles, monuments, as well as sacred or forbidden sites. These important discoveries are currently being documented and are being stored in a room at the Centre for Ethnological and Linguistic Studies and Research (CEREL), at the University of Toamasina, prior to being made available to anyone wishing to expand their knowledge of the history of the eastern part of Madagascar.

Ambatovy’s contribution is undoubtedly valuable, and has led to the discovery and exposure of new archaeological sites, as well as the consolidation of prior knowledge through physical evidence.

Supporting local culture and heritage