DOCSLIB.ORG

To Extreme Forms of Repression and in Some Cases Extermination at the Hands of the Nazis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
To Extreme Forms of Repression and in Some Cases Extermination at the Hands of the Nazis DOCUMENT RESUME ED 318 654 SO 020 642 AUTHOR Reuter, Lutz R. TITLE Minorities in Germany after 1945. Discussion Papers. INSTITUTION Bundeswehr Univ. of Hamburg (West Germany). PUB DATE 89 NOTE 66p.; Presented at the Annual Conference of the German Studies Association (13th, Milwaukee, WI, October 5-8 1989). PUB TYPE Reports - Descriptive (141) -- Speeches/Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Cross Cultural Studies; *Cultural Pluralism; Cultural Traits; Ethnicity; *European History; Foreign Countries; *Minority Groups; Sociocultural Patterns; Subcultures IDENTIFIERS Germany; *West Germany ABSTRACT Members of minority groups in Germany were subjected to extreme forms of repression and in some cases extermination at the hands of the Nazis. Today, for many different reasons, members of minority groups are living in West Germany again. This paper presents the experience of minorities in West Germany since 1945 in light of the following factors: German history, living conditions, language skills, educational situation, political organizations, cultural activities and contributions, and the way minorities see themselves within the society. Minority-majority relations are especially considered as they constitute significant indicators for the political culture of West Germany or any other country. Four different minority groups are examined: Jews, Sinti and Roma (gypsies), Danish, and labor immigrants. The increasing ethic and cultural diversity of West Germany, and, indeed, all of Europe, is already a fact, but its consequences will depend on the attitudes of the citizens and the public policies pursued. Major policy areas include: the legal status and political rights of minorities, the equality of opportunities in terms of equal access to public goods, and the promotion of minority cultural activities. A 121-item bibliography is included. (DB) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document. *********************************************************************** MINORITIES IN GERMANYAFTER 1945 Bundeswehr University Hamburg School of Education and Social Science U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Office of Educational Research and Improvement EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) This document has been reproduced 85 received from the person or organization originating it CI Minor changes hive been made to improve reproduction quality Points of view or opinions stated in this doCu- menl do not necessarily represent official OERI position or policy "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MAT RIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)." BEST COPY AVAILABLE Discussion Papers November 1989 ) ti Minorities in Germany after 1945 Lutz R. Reuter School of Education and Social Sciences Political Science Bundeswehr University of Hamburg Thirteenth Annual German Studies Association Conference Milwaukee, Wisconsin October 5 - 8, 1989 2nd edition ei Lutz R. Reuter 1989 :3 2 Introduction Minorities--nationally, ethnically, racially, linguisticly,or religious- ly differentiated from the majority-have always been exposed to various kinds of stereotypes, prejudices,discrimination in terms of politicalor legal,social,or economic disadvantagesor even suppression and extermination. Mainly fascist, nationalist, religious-fundamentalistmovements and governments subscribeto ideologies ofracial,national,ethnic,or religious homogeneity (e.g., Nazi-Germany,pre-war Japan; Bulgaria; Iran; Turkey). They often try--in order tomaintain the power of the political elite or to gain societal cohesion -to'produce' an artificial national identity and cultural, linguistic,or religious homogeneity and to exclude or even destroy minoritygroups (e.g., Iran since the revolution; recently Bulgaria). Contrary totheir own ideology of Marxist-Leninism,based on internationalism, anti-colonialism,and the equality of nationalities, cultures, and minorities, communistgovernments de facto eiscriminate against minorities. This becomesespecially obvious, when minorities start to call for special rightssuch as freedom of faith and creed,the right to have theirown schools, the public use of their languages,or self-administration, in short: rightswhich are perceived to underminethe power of the communist party (e.g., China, Romania).But prejudices and discrimination against minoritiesare not restricted to the ruling party, they seem to be rather widespreadwithin the socialist societiesalso (e.g., USSR, Yugoslavia). Finally,withinthenorth-American,Asian,and West-European pluralist democratic societies,various prejudices and tensions,some- times even violent conflictscharacterize the relationships between majorities and their--autochthoneor immigrantminorities U.S., Japan, Spain,Italy, France,U.K.). Besides the diversity ofde facto discrimination against minoritieswithin democratic societies,even the legal discrimination is notunknown, which becomes especiallyobvious when minoritygroup members are not nationals and thereforeare denied to fully claim the existingpolitical, social, and economic rights. The idea of the liberal democracyor 'republic' had a cosmopolitarian nucleus, It was based on the principal ofuniversal human rights. Everybody was entitled to become citizen of the republic if heor she applied and confessed to the republican constitution,1 Contraryto the cosmopolitan open republic, the (European) concept of the nation statewas legitimized through particularistic nationaltraditions,constitutingitsidentity through separation and integration. Citizenshipwas based on national characteristics such as language, denomination,common history,or culture and was acquired by descent. Whilethe United States was founded in reference to the idea of universalhuman rights, it became a really ethnically open cosmopolitan republic notbefore the end of the second world war, when Catholics and Jews, blacksand immigrants from Eastern Europe and Asia became fully recognized citizens. Contrary to the North-American development, Europetransformed into a growing number of nation states during the nineteenthand twentieth centuries which--nevertheless--did not realize thebasic principle of the nation state: national homogeneity and ethnicidentity. Because of dynastic rule, a changeable history and Its greatnumber of ethnically diverse regions and dispersed minoritygroups all over Europe, nearly no European nation appears as a linguistically, culturally,or ethnically homogeneous unit (e.g., Spain, Italy, Yugoslavia, Belgium,France, England, Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Sweden, Danmark,Flnnland, USSR),2 During the last decades, two partly contrarydevelopments emerged in (Western)Europe:regionalism, i.e.thetransformationofmostly autochthone ethnic minorities into regionalsocial movements fighting for self-determination and autonomy, andintegration,i.e.the slow, but continuous process of interweavingformer separate economic, cultural, social, and political systems withinthe EC and between EC and EFTA. The increasing Europeanization andinternationalization of these states is confronted by a growing parochialism,nationalism, xenophobia, and discrimination against aliens; politicalright-wing extremism got support of up to 12% of the popular vote inthe 1989 European election (e.g., Italy: 5,5%; West Germany: 7.1%; France:11.7%; Belgium: 4.1 %; Danmark: 7.1%). The discrimination against ethnic minoritiesseems to be fed by a mixture ofoldnationalism,modernizationdeficii.s,bureaucratizationof EC-politics, social envy and difficultiesof some segments of the European societies esp. within the petty bourgeoisieand among unqualified workers 4 to adapt to the socio-economic,cultural, and technological change (joblessness, qualification deficits,housing shortages, anonymity, angst etc). In this context, the (West)German case appears to beeven more complex because of the traumaticexperiences of the physical annihilation -of minorities, especiallythe extermination of Jews,Sint' and Roma ("gypsies", "travellers"), but also--notto forget--of mentallyhandicapped, homosexuals, and politicalopponents (communists,social-democrats, resistance fighters); experienceswhich appear to be difficultto come to grips with for both, minoritymembers and majority Germans, stilltoday. DIESER ABSCHNIT1' KONNTE NICHTVON DER DISKETTE GELESEN WERDEN Because of many reasons, members ofdifferent minority groupsare living in Germany again. Amongthem are: national-eth= minoritygroups such as the Poles 2a who immigrateinto the Ruhr area some hundredyears ago and are meanwhile mostly assimil- ated andsince the fiftiesItalians, Spaniards, Turks, Yugoslays,and other labor Immigrants ('guest-workers') from southern andsouth-eastern Europe and northern Africa; Iranians, Palestinians, andmany other political rgfugeegroups from Asia, Africa, Latin America,and eastern Europe; autochthone national-ethnicminorities like the Danes andFrisians which have some parallels with thewestern European regionalmovements; religious minorities likeJews, Iluslems, etc.; old ethnic like Sinti and Roma; new immigrants mostly of German originfrom Poland, Romania, and the USSR as well as East Germansre-settling in West Germany; finally EC-citizens whoare entitled to the freedom tomove and to work everywhere within the EC. This paper emerged out ofa larger project- -started when I returned from Northwestern universityin fall 1988 and continuinga long-standing project about labor migrationand
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Plenarprotokoll 16/61 16
    Schleswig-Holsteinischer Landtag Plenarprotokoll 16/61 16. Wahlperiode 07-06-07 Plenarprotokoll 61. Sitzung Donnerstag, 7. Juni 2007 Wirtschaftsbericht 2007................... 4368, Manfred Ritzek [CDU].................. 4383, Karl-Martin Hentschel [BÜND- Bericht der Landesregierung NIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN]............ 4388, Drucksache 16/1411 Beschluss: Überweisung an den Wirt- Dietrich Austermann, Minister für schaftsausschuss zur abschließen- Wissenschaft, Wirtschaft und den Beratung.................................. 4389, Verkehr..................................... 4368, 4384, Johannes Callsen [CDU]............... 4370, 4383, Erste Lesung des Entwurfs eines Bernd Schröder [SPD]................... 4372, 4388, Gesetzes zur Änderung des Denk- Dr. Heiner Garg [FDP].................. 4375, 4386, malschutzgesetzes............................. 4389, Detlef Matthiessen [BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN]................... 4377, Gesetzentwurf der Fraktion BÜND- Lars Harms [SSW]......................... 4380, 4386, NIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN Jürgen Feddersen [CDU]............... 4382, Drucksache 16/1380 (neu) 4366 Schleswig-Holsteinischer Landtag (16. WP) - 61. Sitzung - Donnerstag, 7. Juni 2007 Karl-Martin Hentschel [BÜND- Günter Neugebauer [SPD], Be- NIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN]............ 4389, richterstatter.............................. 4415, Wilfried Wengler [CDU]............... 4391, Tobias Koch [CDU]....................... 4416, Ulrike Rodust [SPD]...................... 4392, Birgit Herdejürgen [SPD].............. 4417, Dr. Ekkehard Klug [FDP].............. 4393, Wolfgang
    [Show full text]
  • Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region
    Political Participation of National Minorities in the Danish-German Border Region A series of studies on two hard-to-identify populations in a role-model-region Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades Doctor philosophiae (Dr. phil.) an der Fakultät Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften, Fachbereich Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg vorgelegt von Adrian Schaefer-Rolffs Hamburg, den 06.06.2016 Erstgutachter : Prof. Dr. Kai-Uwe Schnapp Zweitgutachterin : Prof. Dr. Tove Hansen Malloy Tag der Disputation : 26.09.2016 “Always the hard way. Nothing was ever handed to me. Always the hard way. You taught me truth, you gave me strength. I learned everything the hard way” (Nicholas Jett and Scott C. Vogel) Contents Contents Contents ............................................................................................. V List of tables ............................................................................................ IX List of figures .......................................................................................... XI Abbreviations ....................................................................................... XIII Acknowledgements ................................................................................ XV Part I. Introductory part ..................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................ 3 1.1. Positioning and reflexivity .................................................................... 7 1.2. Relevant literature
    [Show full text]
  • Plenarprotokoll 15/56
    Plenarprotokoll 15/56 Deutscher Bundestag Stenografischer Bericht 56. Sitzung Berlin, Donnerstag, den 3. Juli 2003 Inhalt: Begrüßung des Marschall des Sejm der Repu- rung als Brücke in die Steuerehr- blik Polen, Herrn Marek Borowski . 4621 C lichkeit (Drucksache 15/470) . 4583 A Begrüßung des Mitgliedes der Europäischen Kommission, Herrn Günter Verheugen . 4621 D in Verbindung mit Begrüßung des neuen Abgeordneten Michael Kauch . 4581 A Benennung des Abgeordneten Rainder Tagesordnungspunkt 19: Steenblock als stellvertretendes Mitglied im a) Antrag der Abgeordneten Dr. Michael Programmbeirat für die Sonderpostwert- Meister, Friedrich Merz, weiterer Ab- zeichen . 4581 B geordneter und der Fraktion der CDU/ Nachträgliche Ausschussüberweisung . 4582 D CSU: Steuern: Niedriger – Einfa- cher – Gerechter Erweiterung der Tagesordnung . 4581 B (Drucksache 15/1231) . 4583 A b) Antrag der Abgeordneten Dr. Hermann Zusatztagesordnungspunkt 1: Otto Solms, Dr. Andreas Pinkwart, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion Abgabe einer Erklärung durch den Bun- der FDP: Steuersenkung vorziehen deskanzler: Deutschland bewegt sich – (Drucksache 15/1221) . 4583 B mehr Dynamik für Wachstum und Be- schäftigung 4583 A Gerhard Schröder, Bundeskanzler . 4583 C Dr. Angela Merkel CDU/CSU . 4587 D in Verbindung mit Franz Müntefering SPD . 4592 D Dr. Guido Westerwelle FDP . 4596 D Tagesordnungspunkt 7: Krista Sager BÜNDNIS 90/ a) Erste Beratung des von den Fraktionen DIE GRÜNEN . 4600 A der SPD und des BÜNDNISSES 90/ DIE GRÜNEN eingebrachten Ent- Dr. Guido Westerwelle FDP . 4603 B wurfs eines Gesetzes zur Förderung Krista Sager BÜNDNIS 90/ der Steuerehrlichkeit DIE GRÜNEN . 4603 C (Drucksache 15/1309) . 4583 A Michael Glos CDU/CSU . 4603 D b) Erste Beratung des von den Abgeord- neten Dr. Hermann Otto Solms, Hubertus Heil SPD .
    [Show full text]
  • University of Southern Denmark the 2017 Danish Regional Elections And
    University of Southern Denmark The 2017 Danish regional elections and the victorious parliamentary parties Kjaer, Ulrik Published in: Regional and Federal Studies DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2019.1689492 Publication date: 2020 Document version: Accepted manuscript Citation for pulished version (APA): Kjaer, U. (2020). The 2017 Danish regional elections and the victorious parliamentary parties. Regional and Federal Studies, 30(3), 461-473. https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2019.1689492 Go to publication entry in University of Southern Denmark's Research Portal Terms of use This work is brought to you by the University of Southern Denmark. Unless otherwise specified it has been shared according to the terms for self-archiving. If no other license is stated, these terms apply: • You may download this work for personal use only. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying this open access version If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details and we will investigate your claim. Please direct all enquiries to [email protected] Download date: 23. Sep. 2021 The 2017 Danish regional elections and the victorious parliamentary parties Ulrik Kjaer, Dept of Political Studies, University of Southern Denmark ([email protected]) Manuscript accepted for publication in Regional & Federal Studies (vol. 30, no. 3, pp. 461-473. DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2019.1689492) ABSTRACT Regional politics is not at the center of most Danes’ political attention, but at the 2017 regional elections more than seven in ten Danes showed up at the polls to vote in the five Danish regions.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Making, Experiencing and Managing Difference in a Changing Germany
    Introduction Making, Experiencing and Managing Difference in a Changing Germany Jan-Jonathan Bock and Sharon Macdonald In late August and early September 2015, thousands of asylum seekers from the Middle East were stranded in Hungary’s capital, Budapest. Many complained about heavy-handed mistreatment by the authorities, who also set up new ‘detention centres’ at the country’s southeastern border (Haraszti 2015; Kallius et al. 2016). When thousands of migrants left Budapest to march on a motorway towards Austria – and Germany – the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, and her Austrian counterpart, Werner Faymann, took a far-reaching decision. Bypassing the ordinary rules of the EU’s shared asylum system, both leaders agreed to permit asylum seekers entry into their countries to process applications for pro- tection and combat human trafficking. Only two weeks previously, the discovery of seventy-one dead bodies in a locked van on the A4 motorway in Austria – the victims of trafficking – had illustrated the fatal conse- quences of Europe’s insufficient protection schemes for those fleeing con- flict elsewhere (den Heijer et al. 2016). The pressure on European leaders to act further increased after the highly publicized death of a young boy, Alan Kurdi, who drowned on his way to Europe. Images of his lifeless body, washed up on a Turkish beach, shocked the world.1 According to the EU’s Dublin Regulation, asylum seekers ought to apply for protection in the first EU country they reach. In most cases, these are Greece or Italy – two countries that, in the mid 2010s, struggled with unemployment and austerity, and from which asylum seekers sought to continue northwards (Lucht 2012; Redattore Sociale 2015; Trauner 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • Manufacturing Discontent: the Rise to Power of Anti-TTIP Groups
    ECIPE OCCASIONAL PAPER • 02/2016 Manufacturing Discontent: The Rise to Power of Anti-TTIP Groups By Matthias Bauer, Senior Economist* *Special thanks to Karen Rudolph (Otto-Friedrich-University Bamberg) and Agnieszka Smiatacz (Research Assistant at ECIPE) for research support all along the process of the preparation of this study. ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016 ABSTRACT Old beliefs, new symbols, new faces. In 2013, a small group of German green and left- wing activists, professional campaign NGOs and well-established protectionist organisations set up deceptive communication campaigns against TTIP, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States. Germany’s anti-TTIP NGOs explicitly aimed to take German-centred protests to other European countries. Their reasoning is contradictory and logically inconsistent. Their messages are targeted to serve common sense protectionist demands of generally ill-informed citizens and politicians. Thereby, anti-TTIP communication is based on metaphoric messages and far-fetched myths to effectively evoke citizens’ emotions. Together, these groups dominated over 90 percent of online media reporting on TTIP in Germany. Anti-TTIP protest groups in Germany are not only inventive; they are also resourceful. Based on generous public funding and opaque private donations, green and left-wing political parties, political foundations, clerical and environmental groups, and well-established anti-globalisation organisations maintain influential campaign networks. Protest groups’ activities are coordinated by a number of former and current green and left-wing politicians and political parties that search for anti-establishment political profiles. As Wallon blockage mentality regarding CETA, the trade and investment agreement between the European Union and Canada, demonstrates, Germany’s anti-TTIP groups’ attempts to undermine EU trade policy bear the risk of coming to fruition in other Eurpean countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany and Japan As Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: a Role Theoretical Comparison
    Alexandra Sakaki Germany and Japan as Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: A Role Theoretical Comparison Trier 2011 GERMANY AND JAPAN AS REGIONAL ACTORS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA: A ROLE THEORETICAL COMPARISON A dissertation submitted by Alexandra Sakaki to the Political Science Deparment of the University of Trier in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Submission of dissertation: August 6, 2010 First examiner: Prof. Dr. Hanns W. Maull (Universität Trier) Second examiner: Prof. Dr. Christopher W. Hughes (University of Warwick) Date of viva: April 11, 2011 ABSTRACT Germany and Japan as Regional Actors in the Post-Cold War Era: A Role Theoretical Comparison Recent non-comparative studies diverge in their assessments of the extent to which German and Japanese post-Cold War foreign policies are characterized by continuity or change. While the majority of analyses on Germany find overall continuity in policies and guiding principles, prominent works on Japan see the country undergoing drastic and fundamental change. Using an explicitly comparative framework for analysis based on a role theoretical approach, this study reevaluates the question of change and continuity in the two countries‘ regional foreign policies, focusing on the time period from 1990 to 2010. Through a qualitative content analysis of key foreign policy speeches, this dissertation traces and compares German and Japanese national role conceptions (NRCs) by identifying policymakers‘ perceived duties and responsibilities of their country in international politics. Furthermore, it investigates actual foreign policy behavior in two case studies about German and Japanese policies on missile defense and on textbook disputes.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Relationship Between Legislators and Political Parties?
    Personalization of Representation: A New Relationship between Legislators and Political Parties? Marie Kaldahl Nielsen Personalization of Representation: A New Relationship between Legislators and Political Parties? PhD Dissertation Politica © Forlaget Politica and the author 2021 ISBN: 978-87-7335-276-2 Cover: Svend Siune Print: Fællestrykkeriet, Aarhus University Layout: Annette Bruun Andersen Submitted June 18, 2020 The public defense takes place May 7, 2021 Published April 2021 Forlaget Politica c/o Department of Political Science Aarhus BSS, Aarhus University Bartholins Allé 7 DK-8000 Aarhus C Denmark Table of Contents Acknowledgement ........................................................................................................ 7 Preface ........................................................................................................................ 11 Chapter 1. Introduction .............................................................................................. 13 Chapter 2. State-of-the-art: situating the project in a blooming research agenda ... 17 Three conceptual distinctions ............................................................................... 17 Literature review of political personalization ....................................................... 21 Institutional personalization ................................................................................ 23 Government institutions ....................................................................................... 23 Personalization
    [Show full text]
  • Beschlussempfehlung Und Bericht Des Ausschusses Für Kultur Und Medien (23
    Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 14/4597 (neu) 14. Wahlperiode Beschlussempfehlung und Bericht des Ausschusses für Kultur und Medien (23. Ausschuss) zu dem Antrag der Abgeordneten Dr. Norbert Lammert, Bernd Neumann (Bremen), Renate Blank, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der CDU/CSU – Drucksache 14/3182 – Hauptstadtkulturförderung A. Problem Das reiche preußische Kulturerbe und die besonderen Bedingungen der jahr- zehntelang geteilten Stadt haben die Kulturszene Berlins geprägt und eine Viel- falt entstehen lassen, deren Wahrung und Entwicklung nicht allein von der Stadt geleistet werden kann. In dieser Situation sind eine besondere Verantwortung des Bundes für Berlin gerade auf dem Gebiet der Kulturpolitik und eine deutliche Präsenz des Kultur- staates Deutschland in der Hauptstadt unter Wahrung der originären Verant- wortlichkeit der Länder erforderlich. Die Beteiligung des Bundes an der Finanzierung der Berliner Kulturszene ist notwendige, aber nicht hinreichende Bedingung für die überfällige Lösung struktureller Probleme. B. Lösung Annahme der Beschlussempfehlung des Ausschusses für Kultur und Medien. Einstimmige Annahme C. Alternativen Keine D. Kosten Keine über den Haushaltsansatz hinausgehenden Kosten. Drucksache 14/4597 (neu) – 2 – Deutscher Bundestag – 14. Wahlperiode Beschlussempfehlung Der Bundestag wolle beschließen: I. Folgende Entschließung anzunehmen: 1. Der Deutsche Bundestag bekennt sich zu der besonderen Verantwortung des Bundes für Berlin. Dies gilt vor allem für die kulturelle Entwicklung. Der Kulturstaat Deutschland muss unter Wahrung der originären Verantwortlich- keit der Länder und ihrer beispielhaften kulturellen Vielfalt ganz besonders in der Hauptstadt sichtbar sein. Das reiche kulturelle Erbe des preußischen Staates und die besonderen Be- dingungen einer jahrzehntelang geteilten Stadt haben die Kulturszene Berlins in einzigartiger Weise geprägt und zugleich eine außergewöhnliche Vielfalt entstehen lassen, deren Wahrung und Weiterentwicklung die Leistungsfähig- keit der Stadt allein überfordert.
    [Show full text]
  • Immigration, Ueberfremdung, and Cultural Chauvinism in German Far-Right Partisan Discourse
    Imagined Identity: Immigration, Ueberfremdung, and Cultural Chauvinism in German Far-Right Partisan Discourse Paul A. Harris, Ph.D. Augusta State University Abstract In recent years, issues of an imagined ethno-cultural identity and revived nationalism have received renewed attention in German partisan public discourse. Initially, this came as a shock to both Germans and non- Germans. Both inside and outside of Germany the rise of right-wing partisan rhetoric has evoked fearful memories of the Nazi past. Yet, given the political parties responsible for bringing this nationalist, xenophobic and anti-semitic discourse to the forefront, most notably the Die Republikaner (REP) , Deutsche Volksunion (DVU), and Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD)such reactions should hardly be surprising. The radical right’s adherence to racist ideology is both openly xenophobic and anti-Semitic and centers around the threat of elimination of the German kulturnation. This article addresses this right-extremist rhetoric in light of Germany’s liberal post-War immigration policies. I first undertake a historical examination of German immigration policy which has contributed to Germany’s multi-cultural milieu. I then examine German far right partisan discourse and its attack on Germany’s expansive immigration policies. My ultimate goal is to expose the illusory and fallacious character of the far right’s racist arguments in light of Germany’s post-War status as a true immigration country. Since the end of World War II Germany has witnessed changes in the demographic makeup of immigrants entering its borders. Whereas in the immediate post-War years co-ethnics from throughout Central and Eastern Europe dominated the immigrant landscape, since the 1960s a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural mix of peoples from throughout Eastern German Policy Studies/Politikfeldanalyse, 1(3), 2001, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Stalinism and the Stasi in the Former GDR
    GDR Bulletin Volume 18 Issue 1 Spring Article 6 1992 Whose Revolution Was It? Stalinism and the Stasi in the Former GDR Marc Silberman University of Wisconsin-Madison Follow this and additional works at: https://newprairiepress.org/gdr This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Silberman, Marc (1992) "Whose Revolution Was It? Stalinism and the Stasi in the Former GDR," GDR Bulletin: Vol. 18: Iss. 1. https://doi.org/10.4148/gdrb.v18i1.1028 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by New Prairie Press. It has been accepted for inclusion in GDR Bulletin by an authorized administrator of New Prairie Press. For more information, please contact cads@k- state.edu. Silberman: Whose Revolution Was It? Stalinism and the Stasi in the Former GD Sebastian Pflugbeil, "Stark oder Quark?" CONstruktivl. 10(1991): 24Ursula Feist, "Zur politischen Akkulturation der vereinten 14-15. Deutschen. Eine Analyse aus Anlaß der ersten gesamtdeutschen 4Bernd Köppl, "Organisationsfragen werden zu Bundestagswahl," A us Politik u nd Zeitgeschichte^ (March 1991): 21 - Überlebensfragen," Bündnis20001.25 (29 November 1991): vi-vii. 32. Uwe Thaysen sees the Round Table as the focus for hopes of a 'See, for example, Friedrich Schorlemmer, "Deutsch Qwahlen," new order beyond "realexistierender Sozialismus''and beyond the CONstructiv 2.1 (1991): 12-13. model of the old Federal Republic {Der Runde Tisch oder: Wo blieb 6See, for example, Heinz Klunker, '"Mut zur eigenen das Volk? [Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 19901 11.), yet he Verantwortung'. Ein Gespräch mit Christoph Hein," Deutschland questions the representative status of the Round Table (16).
    [Show full text]