ECIPE OCCASIONAL PAPER • 02/2016
Manufacturing Discontent:
The Rise to Power of Anti-TTIP Groups
By Matthias Bauer, Senior Economist*
*Special thanks to Karen Rudolph (Otto-Friedrich-University Bamberg) and Agnieszka Smiatacz (Research Assistant at ECIPE) for research support all along the process of the preparation of this study. ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
ABSTRACT
Old beliefs, new symbols, new faces. In 2013, a small group of German green and left- wing activists, professional campaign NGOs and well-established protectionist organisations set up deceptive communication campaigns against TTIP, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States. Germany’s anti-TTIP NGOs explicitly aimed to take German-centred protests to other European countries. Their reasoning is contradictory and logically inconsistent. Their messages are targeted to serve common sense protectionist demands of generally ill-informed citizens and politicians. Thereby, anti-TTIP communication is based on metaphoric messages and far-fetched myths to effectively evoke citizens’ emotions. Together, these groups dominated over 90 percent of online media reporting on TTIP in Germany.
Anti-TTIP protest groups in Germany are not only inventive; they are also resourceful. Based on generous public funding and opaque private donations, green and left-wing political parties, political foundations, clerical and environmental groups, and well-established anti-globalisation organisations maintain influential campaign networks. Protest groups’ activities are coordinated by a number of former and current green and left-wing politicians and political parties that search for anti-establishment political profiles. As Wallon blockage mentality regarding CETA, the trade and investment agreement between the European Union and Canada, demonstrates, Germany’s anti-TTIP groups’ attempts to undermine EU trade policy bear the risk of coming to fruition in other Eurpean countries. And they carry the real possibility of depriving EU Member States from new economic opportunities and economic convergence.
For Germany, we analyse a unique and comprehensive dataset of 1,508 publicly held “TTIP information” events to study the “local” (offline) politics of TTIP. We find that hostile anti-TTIP sentiment in Germany has not at all developed bottom-up. Leading protest campaign organisa- tions literally manufactured discontent about TTIP. Widespread aversion to TTIP in Germany is the result of an orchestrated, top-down campaign initiative launched by a small number of long-established, well-connected and, thus, highly influential politicians of Germany’s Green and left-wing political parties and associated NGO campaign managers masquerading and oper- ating under the guise of pro-democracy, pro-environment and pro-Christian civil society.
Nimble institutional structures, common ideological mind-sets and a strong affinity to modern online media allowed Germany’s anti-TTIP NGOs to turbo-charge online and on-the-ground protest activities in other European countries. At EU level, the European Commission itself pro- vided enourmous financial funding to a great number of declared anti-TTIP campaign NGOs – in full knowledge about these organisations’ ideologically driven, all too often deceptive, and therefore destructive, ways of political campaigning.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract 2 List of Figures 4 Executive Summary 6
1. Introduction 13 2. Germans’ Aversion to TTIP – Why the TTIP Agreement is so Different 14 3. What Do Germans Think About TTIP? 16 4. Anti-TTIP NGOs Exploiting Slacktivism: Messages and Information Spread about TTIP in Germany (and Austria) 23 5. Dataset and Methodological Considerations 27 5.1. The Dataset 27 5.2. Coding of Event Data 28 6. (Anti-) TTIP Campaign Work in Germany 30 6.1. Hosts and Organisers of TTIP Events in Germany 30 6.2. Thematic Issues Addressed by TTIP Events in Germany 37 6.3. Regional Distribution of TTIP Events in Germany 39 6.4. TTIP Experts and Speakers in Germany 40 6.5. Horse(s) and Rider(s) in Anti-TTIP Campaign Work in Germany 47 6.5.1. Top 50 Speakers on TTIP and Institutional Affiliations 48 6.5.2. Top Influencers and Institutional Networks within Germany’s Anti-TTIP Political Campaign Scene 54 6.5.3. Anti-TTIP Influencer Index 64 6.6. A Glance at Austria 67 7. The Dominant Role of German Organisations in Europe’s Anti-TTIP Campaign Scene 70 8. The European Commission’s Role in Financing Anti-TTIP Protest NGOs 77 9. The Role of Russia in Shaping Public Opinion about TTIP 83 10. Theses and Concluding Remarks 87
References 90
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: What Germans Associate with Market and Government-Planned Economies 15 Figure 2: Development of Search Interest for TTIP, May 2013 to June 2016 16 Figure 3: Google Search Interest by Country 17 Figure 4: Most Popular Google Search Queries Related to TTIP 18 Figure 5: European Citizens’ Feelings About TTIP Versus Germany and Austria 19 Figure 6: European Citizens’ Feelings About a “Transatlantic FTA” and a “TTIP” Between the EU and the US 19 Figure 7: Popularity Discount on “TTIP” Versus “Transatlantic FTA” in European Countries 20 Figure 8: European Citizens’ Sentiment Towards TTIP 20 Figure 9: TTIP Support and Youth Unemployment in the EU 21 Figure 10: TTIP Support and State of Intra-EU Economic Development 22 Figure 11: Number of Visits of EU Commission’s Official TTIP Negotiation Texts’ Webpage Versus Number of Signatures Collected by “Stop TTIP” Campaign Organisations 27 Figure 12: Distribution of Major Groups of Stakeholders Organising on TTIP 32 Figure 13: Top 20 Business Associations Organising TTIP Events in Germany, by Number of Hosted Events 33 Figure 14: Number of Individual Businesses Organising TTIP Events in Germany, by Number of Hosted Events 33 Figure 15: Top 30 “Declared” Anti-TTIP Campaign Network Member Organisations, by Number of Hosted Events 35 Figure 16: Political Parties, by Number of Hosted Events 36 Figure 17: Political Parties’ Event Activity Adjusted by Voters’ Support, Index Value 37 Figure 18: Major Subjects Addressed by TTIP Events in Germany 38 Figure 19: Sentiment Conveyed by Event Header 38 Figure 20: Development of Most Frequent Controversial Subjects Over Time, Absolute Numbers 39 Figure 21: Development of Most Frequent Controversial Subjects Over Time, Relative Proportion 39 Figure 22: Number of TTIP Events Broken Down by German Federal State 40 Figure 23: Distribution of Major Groups of Stakeholders’ Speakers at TTIP Events in Germany 41 Figure 24: Number of Speakers Affiliated with Business Associations (Top 20) 42 Figure 25: Number Speakers Affiliated with Individual Businesses 42 Figure 26: Number of Speakers at TTIP Events in Germany, by “Declared” Anti-TTIP Campaign Member Organisation (Top 30) 43 Figure 27: Number of Speakers from Political Parties 45 Figure 28: Political Parties’ Speaker Activity Adjusted By Voters’ Support, Index Value 46 Figure 29: Political Foundations in the TTIP Debate in Germany 46 Figure 30: Top 50 TTIP Experts in Germany and Institutional Affiliations 62 Figure 31: Anti-TTIP Campaign Groups’ Speakers (Among Top 50 Speakers on TTIP in Germany) and Institutional Affiliations 63 Figure 32: Anti-TTIP Influencer Index 65 Figure 33: Distribution of Major Groups of Stakeholders Organising on TTIP in Austria 67 Figure 34: Distribution of Major Groups of Stakeholders Organising on TTIP, Germany Versus Austria 68 Figure 35: Austria’s Top “declared” Anti-TTIP Campaign Network Member Organisations, by Number of Hosted Events 68 Figure 36: Top TTP-Related Subjects Addressed by TTIP Events in Austria 69
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Figure 37: Country of Origin of Declared Anti-TTIP Member Organisations of the “Self-Organised European Citizens Initiative (ECI)” Against TTIP 72 Figure 38: Relative Number of Citizens Signing Up for an European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) Against TTIP 72 Figure 39: Number and Country of Origin of Anti-TTIP ECI Members Versus Quorum Achieved at National Level 73 Figure 40: German Dominance Over Anti-TTIP Tweets on Twitter, @eci_ttip (Stop TTIP) 74 Figure 41: Anti-TTIP and Anti-TPP Organisations Funded by Germany’s Campact Including Campaign Funding and Funding for the Establishment of Infrastructure for Political Education 75 Figure 42: Top 3 TTIP-Related Topical Issues by Country 76 Figure 43: (EU) Funding and Spending on Trade and Investment Projects, Transnational Institute 79 Figure 44: Sentiment of TTIP-Related Online Media Reporting, Russia Today Versus Total Media Reporting 84 Figure 45: Sentiment of Country-Specific TTIP-Related Online Media Reporting, Russia Today Versus Total Media Reporting 86
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Narratives and Phrases Spread on TTIP by Germany’s Most Active Anti-TIPP Organisations 24 Table 2: Validity Check of Claims Spread by Germany’s Anti-TTIP Groups 25 Table 3: Declared Anti-TTIP Groups’ Sponsored TTIP Advertisements on Google Search Engine 26 Table 4: Top 50 TTIP Event Speakers and Institutional Affiliation 49 Table 5: TTIP-Related Comments and Statements of Bernd Lange 56 Table 6: TTIP-Related Comments and Statements of Sven Giegold 57
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
On Germany’s Anti-TTIP Scene
1. Ideology-driven clicktivism, paid anti-TTIP advertisments on online search en- gines, a hijacked public consultation on investment protection, a de facto loss of the EU’s legal competences in trade policy, and Wallonia blocking the EU’s most advanced free trade agreement CETA – originating in Germany, fierce, forceful and deceptive anti-TTIP campaign- ing by super-connected anti-TTIP campaign NGOs not only managed to turn the public debate about TTIP toxic; it also brought about the deepest crisis in the history of EU trade policy.
2. Opinion polls indicate that the majority of EU citizens are in favour of TTIP. At the same time, Germans (and Austrians) drop out of their presumed roles of being reasonable supporters of well-regulated free trade and open markets. Survey data suggest that some 70 percent of German citizens oppose TTIP, almost twice the average of other EU countries. Due to unprecedented campaigning against TTIP and the proliferation of powerful metaphors, the public debate about TTIP in Germany turned toxic. Public opinion about TTIP in Germany got so tainted that it became even politically expedient for pro-TTIP-negotiations political par- ties to withdraw from the debate. Similarly, due to fears of reputation (ergo revenue) losses, it became economically rational for private sector proponents of TTIP negotiations to keep their distance.
3. Political observers and pollsters alike negligently failed to name the principal cause of profound levels of TTIP aversion in Germany (and Austria). They failed to address the mind-penetrating force of those groups and individuals, including influential figureheads of well-established political parties, that initially set up and orchestrated an influential anti-TTIP scene in Germany – which is at the very heart of trickling anti-TTIP protest scenes in other European countries. They also failed to explain why 1.6 million Germans singed an (online) petition against TTIP when at the same time the European Commission’s German language webpage for TTIP negotiation texts received a mere 13,000 visits, amounting to only about 0.8 percent of the anti-TTIP signers in Germany.
4. Germany’s well-connected anti-TTIP NGOs originally initiated, and, ever since, orchestrate the “self-organised” European movement against TTIP. They explicitly aim to take German protests to other European countries. Thereby, the campaign network’s core in- stitutions are not only inventive; they are also resourceful. Based on generous public funding and private donations, several long-established political parties, political foundations, environmental groups, as well as Christian clerical and anti-globalisation organisations, maintain reliable net- works within and beyond Germany. They systematically reached out to NGOs in other Euro- pean countries to form a forceful anti-TTIP movement. Germany’s major anti-TTIP NGOs provided substantial financial funding (e.g. Campact) and training expertise (e.g., attac and Rosa Luxemburg foundation) to empower anti-TTIP activists in several European countries. In addition, the European Commission’s Directorate-General for International Development and Cooperation (DevCo) provided substantial amounts of public money to declared anti-TTIP NGOs to effectively raise TTIP (and EU investment policy) opposition in EU Member States.
5. Anti-TTIP sentiment in Germany is not the result of a bottom-up movement. An- ti-TTIP sentiment in Germany is the result of an orchestrated, top-down initiative launched by a small number of influential politicians of Germany’s Green and Left-wing political parties (GRUENE, DIE LINKE, the Parliamentarian Left of the SPD) and associated political cam- paign managers masquerading and operating under the guise of pro-democracy, pro-environ- ment and pro-Christian (values) civil society groups. Anti-TTIP campaign operations are effec-
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tively coordinated among these groups, which at individual group level attracted record-high donation contributions. At the same time, attac Germany and the protest platform Campact, which was funded by attac members in 2004, pull most of the strings in Germany’s online and offline anti-TTIP-negotiations scene.
6. In Germany (and Austria), a small number of well-connected anti-TTIP-negoti- ations groups managed to exploit modern online media to determine what citizens’ think about TTIP and globalisation in general. “TTIP kills” and “TTIP is an attack on democracy”: Social online media, 5-minute video clips and powerful metaphors spread via paid-for Google advertisements were anti-TTIP campaigner’s strongest weapons. Taken together, declared an- ti-TTIP groups dominated over 90 percent of online media reporting on TTIP in Germany. As a consequence, Google search interest for TTIP is now 3 times higher in Germany compared to Spain, 16 times higher compared to France and 40 times higher compared to Canada and the United States. At the same time, biased, negative sentiment queries are the most widely applied TTIP-related queries.
7. On search engine Google, the most queried TTIP-relevant information is for “TTIP demo”, followed by “Stop TTIP”. Contrary to anti-TTIP groups’ announcements, Germans are not intrinsically smarter than their European neighbours when it comes to eco- nomic policymaking. On the contrary, due to latent anti-Americanism, aversion to Brussels-cen- tred policymaking and surprisingly high levels of public support of elements of central planning, forceful anti-TTIP campaigners met a firmly fertile ground. Our research shows that 8 of the 20 top globally conducted Google queries related to TTIP were entered in German language. An- other 8 queries included generic terms that generally apply for German and other languages. 6 of the top 20 queries globally are biased towards a negative “picture” of TTIP. “TTIP demo”, the German acronym for anti-TTIP protest demonstrations, ranks first in the list of global queries related to TTIP. “Stop TTIP”, an initiative against TTIP started by highly active and extremely forceful German campaign NGOs, ranks fourth.
8. Anti-TTIP groups exploited the “power of going negative”, fuelling scepticism. Simplistic, selective and deceptive metaphors now determine what a great number of Ger- man (and Austrian) citizens think about TTIP. “TTIP is an attack on democracy”, “TTIP kills”, “Kill TTIP”, “TTIP Protest Picnic”, and “Tango Against TTIP” – in Germany, anti-TTIP lobbying groups’ protest activities present themselves in colourful, but unambiguous ways. Their repeatedly stated, often virally (re)tweeted myths became mind-penetrating for many. As a result, the debate about TTIP in particular and globalisation in general turned toxic enough to make it politically or economically rational for friends of trade and open markets to keep out of the debate.
9. All politics is local, and anti-TTIP groups are aware of that matter. Our analysis of 1,508 information events on TTIP reveals a severe asymmetry in the public debate about TTIP negotiations. TTIP event headers largely convey a negative picture of TTIP. Leaving aside event headers of neutral sentiment, only 9 percent of all the remaining events headers convey a positive message, while 91 percent draw negative pictures of TTIP. At the same time, both the number of TTIP information event organisers and the number of (self-proclaimed) “TTIP experts” is distinctly skewed towards declared anti-TTIP groups. Almost 60 percent of local TTIP event organisers in Germany were declared anti-TTIP organisations. At the same time, 48 percent of all (self-proclaimed) “TTIP experts” speaking on TTIP information events were affiliated with declared anti-TTIP organisations.
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10. In Germany, those political parties in favour of TTIP negotiations significantly lost out against those parties that expressed stark TTIP opposition. Declared anti-TTIP political parties show a significantly higher level of activity in organising events and sending speakers to inform and shape the debate about TTIP. Furthermore, although Germany’s Social Democrat government coalition party SPD, whose party leader Sigmar Gabriel serves as Min- ister of Economic Affairs, has not officially declared formal affiliation to anti-TTIP protest- net works in Germany (contrary to Austria’s Social Democrats), SPD politicians across all spectrums of political conviction frequently expressed ambiguous aversion to TTIP and, at the same time, sympathy to the protest NGOs’ activities.
11. Both Germany’s conservative and liberal parties have lost the prerogative of inter- preting and educating about TTIP negotiations and globalisation in general. Event num- bers adjusted by voter support demonstrate that Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), as well as Germany’s Green party (GRUENE), are more than three times as active in hosting and organ- ising TTIP-related events as Germany’s leading conservative political parties (CDU and CSU taken together). Moreover, Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE) is more than twice as active as Germany’s Christian Democrats. Similarly, Germany’s liberals (FDP) are 6 times less active than both the Greens and the Social Democrats, and 4 times less active than Germany’s left-wing party.
Germany’s green and left-wing political parties GRUENE and DIE LINKE performed poorly in the federal elections of 2013, standing at 8.4 and 8.6 percent of total votes respectively. Accord- ingly, both parties were desperately looking for new thematic issues to maintain and establish (anti-establishment) political profiles.
12. Concerning the number of “TTIP experts” speaking at local TTIP events, Ger- many’s conservative and liberal political parties do not even come close to those political parties opposing TTIP negotiations. Numbers for political parties’ speakers adjusted by voter support demonstrate that politicians of Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), Germany’s Green party (GRUENE) and Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE) were about 10 times more active in speaking on TTIP-related events than Germany’s leading conservative political parties (CDU and CSU taken together). Politicians of both the Greens and Social Democrats were more than three times as active as politicians of the Christian Democrats. Similarly, politicians of Ger- many’s left-wing party were almost three times as active as politicians of the Union of Christian Democrats (CDU and CSU). Politicians of Germany’s liberal party (FDP) were significantly less active compared to Social Democrats, Greens and the Left. Adjusted by voters’ support, however, Germany’s liberals were still more active than Christian Democrats.
13. 75 percent of Germany’s top 50 TTIP speakers (as measured by the registered number of public appearances) represent declared anti-TTIP organisations. The great ma- jority of Germany’s most active TTIP speakers are affiliated with one or more declared anti-TTIP organisation. Almost all of Germany’s top anti-TTIP speakers work for public sector institutions, labour unions, and clerical and environmental NGOs, without consid- erable professional experience in private sector enterprises. Pro-TTIP-negotiations speakers are significantly outnumbered by declared anti-TTIP speakers. The group of top 50 speakers on TTIP in Germany includes 11 individuals/active politicians that are affiliated with Green party (GRUENE), 10 individuals affiliated with environmental organisations, 8 individuals/ politicians affiliated with Germany’s Social Democratic party (SPD), 7 individuals affiliated with labour unions, 6 individuals/politicians affiliated with Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE), 6 individuals affiliated with clerical, i.e. Catholic or Evangelical organisations, 4 individuals affiliated with “attac Germany”, 3 individuals that are affiliated with “Mehr Demokratie”, a civil society group promoting elements of direct democracy, 2 politicians that are affiliated with the Union of Christian Democrats, and 1 politician of Germany’s liberal party FDP.
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14. Germany is Russia Today’s most important marketplace for TTIP-related (bash- ing) news. Russian government-controlled media systematically impact on public opinion about TTIP in Germany and other European countries. Russia Today offers a telling example. Negative online media reporting of Russia Today is particularly strong in Germany (66 percent of 896 RT contributions), the Netherlands (75 percent of 156 RT contributions), the United Kingdom (82 percent of 96 RT contributions), and the United States (80 percent of 1,219 RT contributions).
For the period under study, the absolute number of media contributions spread by Russia Today in Germany was about 4 times higher than those emerging from Russia Today in France, and almost 10 times higher than in the United Kingdom. The vast majority of Russia Today’s me- dia reporting about TTIP in Germany conveyed a distinct negative message. For Germany, 71 percent of Russia Today’s online media reporting about TTIP conveyed a negative sentiment to readers, compared to 51 percent for global online media reporting about TTIP. TTIP coverage of Russia Today is multifaceted. For example, Russia Today’s German outlet strongly promoted anti-TTIP demonstrations in Germany. It even provided an exclusive livestream of the protest- ers’ march in Berlin. In addition, Russia Today’s US television outlet provided detailed guidance on how to campaign against TTIP on the Internet.
15. No public information is available on how anti-TTIP campaign organisations were supported with money originating from Russian sources. It should be noted, however, that one of Germany’s most resourceful and most influential anti-TTIP campaign organisations, Campact (spending half of its campaign budget on anti-TTIP campaigns; total 2015 budget about 7 million Euro), does not publish the origin of any donation below the threshold of 5,000 Euro. According to Campact, none of its individual campaign donations exceeded the 5,000 Euro threshold level in 2015. The fact that Campact states that it did not receive any individual contribution exceeding 5,000 Euros in 2015 indicates that donations of individual groups and/ or individual persons exceeding the threshold level of 5,000 Euros (if they occurred) had to be split.
The lack of transparency of Campact and other declared anti-TTIP organisations’ finances stands in great opposition to what anti-TTIP organisations call for with respect to transparency. The lack of transparent information about the origin of donations gives rise to the concern that substantial financial funding may have arrived from pressure groups and individuals that are particularly interested in systematically adverse coverage of TTIP, including Russian sources and other vested interests.
On Europe’s Anti-TTIP Scene
16. In spring 2014, Germany’s leading anti-TTIP organisations decided to launch a European protest movement against TTIP and other trade agreements: the European “Stop TTIP” alliance including the “self-organised” European Citizens (ECI) Initiative against TTIP. EU Member States’ citizens support of the “Stop TTIP” campaign is highly asymmetric. 25 percent of all declared European “Stop TTIP” member organisations are headquartered in Germany. In addition, 48 percent of all individual signatories supporting “Stop TTIP” are Ger- many by passport.
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17. The coordination centre of the European “Stop TTIP” platform is headquartered in Germany. The organisation “Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung” (“Environment and Devel- opment Forum”) with its head office in Berlin, officially serves as a platform coordinating initia- tives of German organisations that focus on environmental policies and developing countries. It also acts as the coordination centre of the German anti-TTIP campaign “TTIPunfairhandelbar” and coordinates the “self-organised” European movement against TTIP. Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung has long-established ties to Germany’s major environmental organisations – of which all are declared anti-TTIP organisations – and Germany’s Green Party (GRUENE). The organisation’s major anti-TTIP campaign “TTIPunfairhandelbar” received generous financial support from Germany’s Federal Ministry for the Environment.
18. German anti-TTIP NGOs explicitly aim to take German protests to other Europe- an countries. Berlin-based Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung, which represents several environ- mental and (clerical) development policy NGOs, coordinates Germany’s anti-TTIP campaign “TTIPunfairhandelbar” (which was originally financed by Germany’s Federal Ministry for the Environment). It also serves as the coordination centre of the EU-wide “Stop TTIP” campaign. In addition, Campact, a professional campaign platform that was founded by members of attac in 2004, provided funding for declared anti-TTIP organisations PROGRESSI (Italy: 50,000 Euros), Skiftet (Sweden: 70,000 Euros), Uplift (Ireland: 50,000 Euros), Aufstehn (Austria: 25,000 Euros), and Fundacja Akcja Demokracja (Poland: 25,000 Euros). The money was either explicitly granted for anti-TIPP campaigns or labelled as “infrastructure for political education”. Moreover, Germany’s Rosa-Luxemburg Foundation, the government-financed political founda- tion of Germany’s left-wing party DIE LINKE vividly engages in anti-TTIP information events and anti-TTIP activists training events in several European countries, e.g., Belgium, Greece, France, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom.
19. The European Commission’s DG DEVCO provided substantial amounts of EU taxpayer money to declared anti-TTIP organisations, while the European Commission’s DG TRADE engaged in official TTIP negotiations.Our research revealed that the web pages of at least two declared anti-TTIP organisations were “made financially possible by EC funding through the project “Making EU Investment Policy work for Sustainable Development”: Stop TTIP Denmark and the Seattle to Brussels Network (steered by German activists). According to the EU’s Transparency Register, these two organisations did not receive any financial fund- ing from the European Commission. We found that this EC project was originally awarded to the Stichting Transnational Institute (TNI), an advocacy institute in the Netherlands. TNI received about 700,000 Euros from the European Commission in 2013. Explicit “expected re- sults” agreed between the EU ommission’s DG DevCo and TNI: to ensure that 3 Million EU citizens are aware of the link between investment and development, to specifically target MEPs and MEP candidates, to make 200 policymakers call for a revision of EU investment policy, to ensure that 600 civil society organisations are exposed to TNI’s messages and to ensure that 200 civil society organisations engage in eaction (i.e. online campaigns and petitions). TNI Presi- dent, Susan George, argued at a TNI-hosted anti-TTIP stakeholder conference at the European Parliament in December 2014 that “TTIP is a very dangerous animal. It is an animal that does not deserve to be on the list of protected species […], and that [TTIP] is a treaty that has to be refused absolutely and entirely”.
A fundamental question emerges: given the great degree of simplification in the provision of information on investment protection as well as the chimerical character of affiliated NGOs’ campaigning messages on the Internet, positions papers and calls to join online petitions, is this the way of policymaking that is appropriate, helpful and sustainable at and beyond EU level?
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20. It is generally almost impossible to directly retrieve information about how the European Commission grants money to civil society organisations (CSOs; NGOs). It is also practically impossible for outsiders to reproduce on which terms EU taxpayer money was originally granted and how the spending and contractual terms were actually monitored by the Commission during and after the provision of public grants. The opaque funding procedures of the EU Commission to NGOs give extreme cause for concern for supporters of open societies, good governance and the accountability of governmental institutions.
21. European Commission funding to NGOs creates a closed echo chamber of NGOs where the truth is often swallowed by a common set of ideologies. The authors of the NGO Report (2016b, p. 1) argue that the “relationship between the European Union (EU) and civil society is marked by an unbalanced distribution of funding, favoring a small number of highly interconnected NGOs. The EU and NGOs rely on one another for information, creating a closed echo chamber, undisturbed by any external input or independent evaluation.” They also argue that “[t]he biggest beneficiary NGOs are highly interconnected – with overlapping mem- berships in multiple networks and shared board members.”
22. EU institutions and EU Member States do not ensure that the European Com- mission effectively monitors how EU taxpayer money is spent by NGO recipients, which sub-contractors are involved and whether EU policy objectives are actually met. Our find- ings indicate that the European Commission may have to reconsider the terms and policy ob- jectives underlying NGO funding. In the light of deceptive (social) online media campaigns, including paid online ads against TTIP, the European Commission would be advised to stronger monitor how NGOs engage in shaping public opinion. The European Commission may have to provide access to public funds according to clearly defined rules on how to engage in communi- cation activities and the provision of information in general. The European Commission should ensure that all NGOs undergo proper and comprehensive evaluation procedures – all along the project period whenever public funding by EU institutions is involved.
23. Negative discourse can have positive effects, but anti-TTIP groups selfishly and recklessly exploited the political power of going negative by targeting ill-informed citizens. It is a necessary condition for modern democracies to have a broad debate about all the laws and policies initiated and enforced at EU level, Member State level and sub-federal level. It is a suffi- cient condition, however, that the debate is also informed and shaped by trusted experts who are aware of the fact that the great miseries of today’s world, including those of the European Union, are not to be found in trade. Trade (and migration) are usual suspects in the search for causes of inequality, social isolation, social immobility, or the dysfunction of governmental institutions in general. But trade must not become the scapegoat for failed policies in education, the regulation of competition and market power abuse, redistribution and democratic representation.
24. TTIP has become a vital element of a number of political parties’ and NGOs’ political business models. TTIP was, from the very beginning, presented as an embodiment of fracking, genetically-modified organisms, ruthless multinational corporations and eroding labour standards. Germany’s, and other EU countries’, green and left-wing political parties (e.g., in Belgium and France) boldly bet on the political victories from exploiting citizens latent mis- trust in domestic and, primarily, EU institutions. Affiliated civil society NGOs like attac as well as labour unions were literally revived by the dissemination of crisis and end of capitalism men- talities. Their narratives are, to the largest extent, simplistic, ideological and distant from empir- ical evidence. Contrary to empirical evidence, their messages reveal an elusive picture, namely that only blocking TTIP negotiations would contribute to the economic and social development of EU countries, let alone developing countries.
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25. For political parties, businesses and citizens that are interested in a Transatlantic dialogue about high standards, good rules for fair competition and, not least, good rules for good society, it is time to begin to challenge anti-TTIP propaganda in Germany, Austria and other European countries. The friends of open and pluralist societies, as well as supporters of TTIP negotiations, should not blame ill-informed and often anxious protesters on the streets, but confront the protest campaigns’ “puppet masters”, i.e. protest groups’ campaign manag- ers. Both political parties and civil society organisations must be held accountable for evoking (largely ill-informed and therefore vulnerable) citizens’ emotions by directly spreading myths or contributing to the disemination of myths and hate speech on the Internet and beyond.
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1. INTRODUCTION
This study takes up the insights of two previous analyses of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and political parties campaigning against the negotiations of the Transatlantic Part- nership Agreement (TTIP) in Germany. Both analyses were conducted in 2015 and focussed on how public opinion was shaped by anti-TTIP campaign NGOs after the launch of TTIP negotiations in June 2013 (see Bauer 2015a; 2015b). Accordingly, the motivation of this study builds on three major findings. Firstly, although anti-TTIP groups in Germany pursue hetero- geneous interests, they share a common goal: unshakable despise for TTIP. Secondly, anti-TTIP campaign groups’ messages are based on powerful metaphors aimed at awaking and anchoring negative feelings about TTIP in Germany’s wider, generally ill-informed public. Thirdly, an- ti-TTIP groups dominated over 90 percent of (social) online media reporting in Germany. The tremendous impact of anti-TTIP groups in Germany (and Austria) cannot be denied: while a majority of European citizens support TTIP in general, aversion to TTIP negotiations (or just TTIP) is by far strongest in Germany and Austria.
The original motivation of this follow-up study was to investigate whether the dominance of anti-TTIP groups on the Internet (the online sphere) also prevails in local TTIP information events that took place across Germany (the offline sphere) over the period February 2015 to February 2016. Accordingly, the first part of this study is based on a unique and comprehensive dataset of 1,508 local TTIP events in Germany allowing us to identify and discuss key protago- nists of the anti-TTIP scene in Germany.
It was revealed from this analysis that Germany’s declared anti-TTIP organisations are highly connected, causing us to look deeper into the organisations major “self-proclaimed” TTIP ex- perts, and organisational motivations and objectives. Therefore, the second part of this analysis provides multiple insights about those groups and individuals that so far played a dominant role in setting up and orchestrating Germany’s and Europe’s anti-TTIP protest movement. We not only discuss repeatedly stated messages; we also focus on some of the major means of communi- cation used to “manufacture” widespread discontent about TTIP. In addition, the second part of this study considers several further aspects directly or indirectly related to anti-TTIP campaign- ing in other European countries, e.g., German NGOs’ deliberate attempts to set up a European protest movement, the role of Russian government-controlled media in negative reporting about TTIP, and the EU Commission’s role in, perhaps unintended, indirect financing of a great num- ber of Europe’s major anti-TTIP organisations with public money.
The report is structured as follows. Chapter 2 elaborates on multi-dimensional symptoms and causes of German citizens’ aversion to TTIP. Chapter 3 presents how public opinion about TTIP stands in Germany, Austria and other EU Member States. Chapter 4 provides an over- view of repeatedly stated narratives and major means of communication used to “manufacture” widespread public discontent about TTIP in Germany. Our dataset, as well as methodological considerations, are presented in Chapter 5. Germany’s anti-TTIP NGO’s campaigning activities are discussed in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 discusses the dominant role of German NGOs in Eu- rope’s anti-TTIP campaign scene. Chapter 8 critically examines how the European Commission nanced major European anti-TTIP protest campaign organisations. The role of Russian govern- ment-controlled media is shaping public opinion about TTIP in Europe is discussed in Chapter 9, and Chapter 10 concludes.
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2. GERMANS’ AVERSION TO TTIP - WHY THE TTIP AGREEMENT IS SO DIFFERENT
“TTIP kills”, “Kill TTIP”, “TTIP Protest Picnic”, and “Tango Against TTIP”. In Germany, anti-TTIP lobbying groups’ protest activities present themselves in colourful, but unambigu- ous ways, united in an irremovable aversion to TTIP. Highly professionalised campaign groups spread abstruse messages about a modern trade agreement that aims to pave the way for well-reg- ulated commerce between European and US firms and citizens. By provoking and stimulating negative emotions, anti-TTIP-negotiations groups managed to collect almost 1.6 million signa- tures of Germans (primarily via the means of online petitions) against TTIP when at the same time only 13,117 visits were registered at the European Commission’s German language website for TTIP documents and negotiation texts (for an overview see Figure 11 below).
In Germany, anti-TTIP protest groups are not only inventive; they are also resourceful. Based on generous public funding and private donations, political parties, political foundations, en- vironmental groups as well as clerical and anti-globalisation organisations, maintain influential networks orchestrated and utilised by green and left-wing political parties searching for anti-es- tablishment political profiles. At the same time, the protest scene’s major organisations vividly engage in the financing and training of activists in other Member States to contaminate a broad- er audience of European Union citizens.
A salient systematic characteristic of anti-TTIP campaign groups’ catch phrases is that they are based on myths, fear-mongering and creative guesswork. Thereby, their banners are eye-catch- ing. Nimble institutional structures, common ideological mind-sets and a strong affinity to modern online media allow super-connected groups and individuals to turbo-charge online and on-the-ground protest activities. Their activities are extremely influential in the way they anchor German-speaking citizens’ views about TTIP (Bauer 2015a; 2015b; 2015c). Accordingly, for Germany and Austria opinion polls draw an alarming picture.
A recent survey commissioned by the Bertelsmann Foundation reports that the European major- ity welcomes TTIP, but Germany and Austria are particularly sceptical. A major matter of con- cern is the dramatic drop in the fundamentally positive opinion of trade in Germany from 2014 to 2016 (Bertelsmann Foundation 2016). Recent survey data of infratest dimap suggest that some 70 percent of German citizens oppose TTIP, almost twice the average in other EU coun- tries (infratest dimap 2016; Eurobarometer 2015). Similarly, data of Dalia Research’s “eu28” sur- vey indicate that support for TTIP is lowest in Germany (and Austria, another German-speaking country) while aversion to TTIP is far less pronounced in all other EU countries (Dalia Research 2016). What is worrisome for supporters of open markets and trade liberalisation: the negative – protest campaign-evoked – sentiment towards TTIP already spilled over to other European countries such as France (Fabry 2015) and those that are known for their citizens’ general sup- port of open markets and pluralist societies such as Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom (van Ham 2016).
Many observers on both sides of the Atlantic attest German citizens’ pronounced levels of risk aversion, frequently paraphrased as “German Angst.” Others argue that many Germans show distinct levels of anti-Americanism, especially after the revelation of the US National Security Agency’s (NSA) spying affairs (e.g., Sparding 2014). In addition, as is argued by Kolev (2016), German citizens’ aversion to TTIP increases the less they trust in the European Union’s insti- tutions. The data discussed by Kolev explain why the majority of TTIP critics are generally in favour of free trade. TTIP is, in the eyes of many, shaped behind closed doors, fuelling the per- ception that German interests are sold out in Brussels. Furthermore, in an article about “Germa- ny’s Strange Turn Against Trade,” Marcel Fratzscher (2016), a well-known rather leftist German economist who supports TTIP and investment protection, argues that Germany’s position as “Europe’s economic superstar” causes a general aversion to changing the status quo. Besides that, Fratzscher argues, TTIP aversion in Germany is rooted in a general surge of populist and nation-
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alist political forces in the Western world while, in addition, opposition to TTIP can be attribut- ed to widely perceived inequality and perceptions related to wealth and income distribution.
In 2013, the Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach (IfD Allensbach 2013) found that many Ger- mans show some affection, or even “love”, for a number of elements of government-planned economies, such as prices for goods set by governments. Opinion pollster Thomas Peterson (2015) argues that it would be wrong to assume that the advantages of market economies are recognised by large parts of the Germany society. Asked for their attitudes towards planned econ- omies, 40 percent of German survey respondents associated government-planned economies with a sufficient supply of goods, 51 percent with security and 40 percent with social equality. On the other hand, market economies were associated with greed, ruthlessness and exploitation by 56 percent, 53 percent and 51 percent respectively (Figure 1).
FIGURE 1: WHAT GERMANS ASSOCIATE WITH MARKET AND GOVERNMENT- PLANNED ECONOMIES
40 Sufficient supply of goods 68
26 Prosperity 66
29 Greed 56
25 Ruthlessness 53
28 Exploitation 51
35 High Prices 49
19 Freedom 48
81 Bureaucracy 47
51 Security 31
40 Scarcity 23
43 Social Equality 12
40 Inefficiency 11
27 Humanity 10
Government-planned Economic System Market Economy
Source: IfD Allensbach (2013); Peterson (2015). November 2013 survey. Percentage of respondents. Underlying survey question: Which of the following terms do you associate with market economies/ government-organised economic systems? See association profile provided by IfD Allensbach (2010).
The reflections outlined above draw a realistic picture of causes and, primarily, symptoms of TTIP opposition in Germany. What they fail to elucidate, however, is the mind-penetrating force of those groups and individuals, including influential figureheads of well-established -po litical parties, that set up the anti-TTIP scene in Germany in the first place – and since try to expand it to other European countries.
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Most observers’ reflections also fail to draw the greater implications for the future “purpose” of the European Union, EU institutions’ credibility, and the zeitgeist of both protectionism and globalisation (e.g., Politico 2016a and van Ham 2016). Financial Times (2016) trade correspon- dent Shawn Donnan summarises that in “Europe, protesters are taking to the streets against the agreement, while populists on both the right and the left have it in their sights as an easy proxy for both suspicion of Brussels and a thinly-veiled anti-Americanism.” Related, Politico (2016b) reporter Hans von der Burchard comments that “protectionist winds are blowing stronger than in a long time on both sides of the Atlantic — the product, in part, of a coordinated campaign by a panoply of organisations sceptical of globalisation.”
Indeed, right before TTIP negotiations started in June 2013, only a few people realised that trade agreements concretely affect their lives on a daily basis, right down to the food they eat, the coffee they drink, the medicine they take, the cars they drive and services they consume. However, after three years of TTIP negotiations, even less Europeans seem to understand, care about or recognise the merits of liberalised trade, and the benefits of vivid competition for open and pluralist societies. Now, after three years of professionally-orchestrated anti-TTIP campaign work, every favourable word on TTIP is a trigger of sharp opposition. Importantly, in Germa- ny and some other European countries, defence of TTIP, competition and open markets has become almost politically toxic. Even friends of trade liberalisation and empowerment by trade are increasingly voicing scepticism of TTIP and calling for the trade agreement to be dropped.
3. WHAT DO GERMANS THINK ABOUT TTIP?
European citizens’ interest and views about free trade in general and TTIP in particular form the starting point of our analysis. Four major trends can be taken from data on public opinion:
1) According to Google Trends, global search interest for the term “TTIP” has increased steadily since the first round of TTIP negotiations took place in June 2013 (see Figure 2). Peaks of people’s search interest were triggered by traditional and online media coverage before and during negotiation rounds. Search peaks for October 2015 and May 2016 coincided with a TTIP protest day in Berlin and Greenpeace’s announcement of having leaked TTIP negotiation texts.
FIGURE 2: DEVELOPMENT OF SEARCH INTEREST FOR TTIP, MAY 2013 TO 120 JUNE 2016 Greenpeace 100 claims leak Anti-TTIP of TTIP 80 demonstration in documents Berlin, Germany 60 Negotiation rounds 40
interest for ‘TTIP’ for interest 20 Google global search
0
12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 12 ------07 09 01 03 05 11 01 03 05 07 09 11 01 03 05 07 09 11 01 03 05 ------2013 2013 2013 2013 2013 2013 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2014 2015 2015 2015 2015 2015 2015 2016 2016 2016 12 Jan 2013 12 Jan 2014 12 Jan 2015 12 Jan 2016 12 Jan 12 July 2013 12 July 2014 12 July 2015 12 July 12 Mar 2013 12 Mar 2014 12 Mar 2015 12 Mar 2016 12 Mar 12 Nov 2013 12 Nov 2014 12 Nov 2015 12 Nov 12 Sept 2013 12 Sept 2014 12 Sept 2015 12 Sept 12 May 2013 12 May 2014 12 May 2015 12 May 2016 12 May
ECIPE analysis. Source: Google Trends. January 2013 to June 2016. Numbers do not convey absolute search volumes. Numbers represent search interest relative to the highest point on the chart. If, for example, at most 10 per cent of searches for the given region and time frame were for “TTIP”, it is taken as 100.
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2) For the period January 2013 to June 2016, region-size-adjusted Google Trends data show that citizens’ search interest for TTIP is by far strongest in Austria and Germany (Figure 3). This means that the concentration of Austrians and Germans for “TTIP” is much higher than the concentration of other Europeans (and US American citizens) searching for “TTIP”. It is striking that interest in TTIP is three times higher in Germany compared to Spain, 20 times higher compared to France and 40 times higher compared to Canada and the United States.
The remarkably outstanding position of Germany and Austria in citizens’ interest in TTIP is also reflected by the content and relative number of Google Search queries related to TTIP (Figure 4). 8 of the 20 top Google queries related to TTIP were entered in German language. Another 8 queries include generic terms that generally apply for German and other languages. 6 of the top 20 queries are biased towards a negative picture of TTIP. “TTIP demo”, where “demo” is a German acronym for protest demonstration, ranks first in TTIP-related queries while “Stop TTIP”, an initiative against TTIP that has its origin in Germany and is coordinated by German campaign groups, ranks fourth.
By comparison, only one of the top 20 queries is in Spanish language. It ranks rather low and, importantly, conveys a rather neutral sentiment (ttip que es). The same applies for queries en- tered in English language. Accordingly, the data do not indicate that Germans generally care much more about trade agreements and TTIP in particular. The interest in TTIP and the neg- ative sentiment conveyed by Google queries is, as will be extensively discussed below, the con- sequence of professional campaign efforts of Green, Left-wing and anti-establishment political groups and individuals seeking to manufacture discontent about TTIP.
FIGURE 3: GOOGLE SEARCH INTEREST BY COUNTRY
Austria 100 Germany 80 Belgium 42 Spain 31 Netherlands 30 Finland 28 Ireland 21 United Kingdom 21 Italy 20 Czech Republic 20 Switzerland 18 Sweden 15 Norway 14 Denmark 14 Hungary 10 Greece 9 Poland 9 Portugal 9 France 5 Australia 2 United States 2 Canada 2
ECIPE analysis. Source: Google Trends. Numbers do not convey absolute search volumes. Numbers represent search interest relative to the highest point on the chart. If, for example, at most 10 per cent of searches for the given region and time frame were for “TTIP”, it is taken as 100.
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FIGURE 4: MOST POPULAR GOOGLE SEARCH QUERIES RELATED TO TTIP
TTIP demo [TTIP demonstration] 100 EU TTIP 95 TTIP trade 75 Stop TTIP 70 Was ist TTIP [what is TTIP] 65 CETA 65 TTIP CETA 65 TTIP wiki 55 TTIP Berlin 55 TTIP Freihandelsabkommen [TTIP free trade agreement] 50 Freihandelsabkommen [free trade agreement] 50 Gegen TTIP [against TTIP] 50 Petition TTIP 45 TPP TTIP 45 What is TTIP 40 Pro TTIP 35 TTIP que es [what is TTIP] 35 Nachteile TTIP [disadvantages of TTIP] 30 TTIP news 30 TTIP Abkommen [TTIP agreement] 30
ECIPE analysis. Source: Google Trends. Numbers do not convey absolute search volumes. Numbers represent search interest relative to the highest point on the chart. If, for example, at most 10 per cent of searches for the given region and time frame were for “TTIP”, it is taken as 100. Blue bars indicate queries conveying a negative sentiment to TTIP.
3) Data of Dalia Research’s eu28 survey of March 2016 indicate that the majority of European citizens support TTIP. For the group of EU Member States excluding Germany and Austria, 64 percent of citizens are in favour of TTIP. On the other hand, only 48 percent of Germans and Austrians taken together support TTIP (Figure 5).
The data also show that EU citizens have a stronger aversion to a “TTIP between the EU and the US” than a “Free Trade Agreement between the EU and the US”. In December 2015, 73 percent of respondents were favorable to an “FTA”. In March 2016, when the same question was asked about TTIP, the support numbers fell to 61 percent (Figure 6). Germans show the highest rate of aversion and lowest support rates for TTIP respectively. However, the TTIP-FTA popularity discount is also pronounced for other major European countries (Figure 7), which is a direct consequence of a targeted key word campaigns against TTIP and targeted campaign activities spilling over to other European countries.
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FIGURE 5: EUROPEAN CITIZENS’ FEELINGS ABOUT TTIP VERSUS GERMANY AND AUSTRIA
64%
52% 48%
36%
EU ex Austria ex Germany, Austria and Germany, positive EU ex Austria ex Germany, Austria and Germany, Positive Sentient Sentiment Negative Sentiment negative Sentient
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research. European-wide survey e28. Numbers presented refer to “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?” (March 2016 survey).
FIGURE 6: EUROPEAN CITIZENS’ FEELINGS ABOUT A “TRANSATLANTIC FTA” AND A “TTIP” BETWEEN THE EU AND THE US
"TTIP" between EU and US, 03/2016 Survey 13% 26% 51% 10%
"FTA" between EU and US, 12/2015 Survey 9% 18% 52% 21%
Very negative Somewhat negative Somewhat positive Very positive
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research. European-wide survey e28. Numbers presented refer to two questions: 1) “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (FTA) with the US?” (De- cember 2015 survey) and 2) “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?” (March 2016 survey).
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FIGURE 7: POPULARITY DISCOUNT ON “TTIP” VERSUS “TRANSATLANTIC FTA” IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES
28% 26% 22% 20% 21% 20% 18% 16% 15% 14% 13% 12% 10% 10% 11% 9% 8% 8% 7% 7% 7% 6% 7% 3%
Germany Spain France United Kingdom Italy Poland
FTA between EU & US: Very Negative, 12/2015 TTIP between EU & US: Very Negative, 03/2016 FTA between EU & US: Very Positive, 12/2015 TTIP between EU & US: Very Positive, 03/2016
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research. European-wide survey e28. Numbers presented refer to two questions: 1) “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (FTA) with the US?” (De- cember 2015 survey) and 2) “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?” (March 2016 survey).
4) In line with the EU’s latest publicly available Eurobarometer poll results, data of Dalia Research’s March 2016 wave indicate that aversion to TTIP is, by far, strongest in Germany. For those countries where a representative sample of the population was asked the question “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?,” 51 percent of Ger- mans were generally negative towards the trade agreement, compared to 43 percent in France, 41 percent in the United Kingdom, 33 percent in Spain and Italy, and 28 percent in Poland (Figure 7).
FIGURE 8: EUROPEAN CITIZENS’ SENTIMENT TOWARDS TTIP
Germany 49% 51%
France 57% 43%
United Kingdom 59% 41%
Spain 67% 33%
Italy 67% 33%
Poland 72% 28%
Generally positive Generally negative
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research. European-wide survey e28TM. Numbers presented refer to the following question: “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?” (March 2016 survey). Number of surveyed citizens: Germany = 1,420, France = 1,248, United Kingdom = 1,199, Spain = 1,005, Italy = 1,138, Poland = 860.
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For the overall sample of EU Member States, there is a distinct correlation between aversion to TTIP and youth (and general) unemployment and aversion to TTIP (Figure 9 and Figure 10). Obviously, EU citizens of those countries that show high unemployment rates and relatively low levels of the state of economic development are either less interested (and therefore less prone and affected) by anti-TTIP campaigning or they consider TTIP a welcome vehicle to create new opportunities. The numbers support the argument of Fratzscher (2015) and others that German (and Austrian) citizens show a tendency to reject policies which they perceive to change a liveable status quo.
On the other hand, the data indicate that those Europeans that are economically less well-off show much greater support for TTIP (e.g., Poland and the Baltic states) and are exposed to the threat of being deprived of new economic opportunities by forceful anti-TTIP and anti-free trade campaign initiatives. For Eastern-European citizens in particular, preferences to deepening economic and political relations with Western European countries and the United States may add to citizens’ favour of TTIP.
In addition, as outlined by Dreyer (2015), opinion polls reveal that aversion to TTIP is related to the proportion of elderly people in the overall population of a country. For Germany (median age 46.1), Italy (44.5), Austria (44.3), Greece (43.5) and Slovenia (43.5), public opinion polls reveal that the majority in three of these five countries hold rather unfavourable views about TTIP. For Germany, Eurobarometer (2015) poll results reveal that 65 percent of 30-39 year- olds believe TTIP would be “good for Germany”, while only 34 percent of those aged 60 years or more shared that view. Accordingly, TTIP failure would reflect the preferences of Germany’s ageing median voter. In other words, TTIP failure would primarily meet the preferences of those that are retired, economically inactive, adverse to change, entitled to pension plans, and thus already relatively rich and less exposed to adverse business cycle variations. In addition, as will be shown and discussed below, anti-TTIP campaigners are by a great margin most active in Germany’s most economically-sated federal states: Bavaria, Baden-Wuerttemberg and North Rhine-Westphalia). At the same time, they are less active in the states of former East Germany, where the average state of economic development is still lagging behind.
FIGURE 9: TTIP SUPPORT AND YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE EU
70% Austria
60%
Germany Luxembourg Slovakia 50% Malta Slovenia Belgium Czech Republic Cyprus United Kingdom Latvia France 40% Finland Netherlands Hungary Croatia Greece Sweden Bulgaria Ireland Italy Spain 30% LithuaniaPoland Member State Denmark Portugal 20% Estonia Romania
10% Aversion toin TTIPcentrespondents per of by EU 0% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Youth Unemployment Rate in per cent
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research and Eurostat. European-wide survey e28. Numbers presented refer to the following question: ‘How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?’ (March 2016 survey).
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FIGURE 10: TTIP SUPPORT AND STATE OF INTRA-EU ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
70% Austria
60%
Slovakia Luxembourg 50% Malta Germany Cyprus Belgium Czech Republic Latvia Slovenia France 40% Croatia United Kingdom Finland Netherlands HungaryGreece Bulgaria Italy Sweden LithuaniaSpain Ireland 30% Poland Denmark Member State Portugal 20% Romania Estonia
10%
Aversion toin TTIPcentrespondents per of by EU 0% 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 GDP per Capita expressed in relation to the European Union (EU28) average set to equal 100
ECIPE analysis. Source: Dalia Research and Eurostat. European-wide survey e28. Numbers presented refer to the following question: “How do you feel about the EU signing a free trade agreement (TTIP) with the US?” (March 2016 survey). GDP per capita is expressed as percentage of the EU28 average set equal to 100.
To sum it up: the survey data presented above show that the majority of European citizens sup- port a trade and investment agreement between the European Union and the United States. At the same time, the data indicate that a “TTIP between the EU and the US” is seen far less fa- vourable than an “FTA between the EU and the US,” i.e. it is the four letters already anchored in peoples’ minds and how these letters were framed that account for the difference in perception. At the same time, polling data draw the most adverse picture for TTIP opinion in Austria and Germany, where unprecedented campaigns against TTIP were run by a well-connected, well-fi- nanced group of organisations and individuals since TTIP negotiations were launched in June 2013. Given that open markets for trade and investment are crucial for the success of Germany’s current economic landscape, it goes without saying that the anti-TTIP scene in Germany is vital in understanding such paradoxical patterns in public opinion. The huge gap in interest in TTIP between German and French citizens and German and US citizens can hardly be explained by cultural attitudes embedded in peoples “national mind-sets.” These findings strongly indicate that other forces are at work.
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4. ANTI-TTIP NGOs EXPLOITING SLACKTIVISM: MESSAGES AND INFORMATION SPREAD ABOUT TTIP IN GERMANY (AND AUSTRIA)
Irrespective of innumerable clarifications made by leading German and European politicians and the European Commission, it is particularly worrisome that Germany’s major anti-TTIP groups did not distance themselves from their original reasoning with respect to core critical issues addressed. Accordingly, Germany’s (and Austria’s) leading anti-TTIP groups to this date proliferate messages that evoke wide-spread fears about TTIP and CETA. Key narratives are: “TTIP encourages the proliferation of genetically-modified organisms in the EU”, “TTIP and CETA are an attack on democracy”, “TTIP allows the United States to veto on and eventually block EU law-making”, and “TTIP allows multinational corporations to sue EU governments for enforcing laws on consumer, health, and environmental safety”. It is crucial to understand, however, that all of these claims fail to pass the validity check. By doing so, as is argued by Po- litico (2016b), TTIP “elevated [German NGOs] to positions of unprecedented influence. Their coffers have swollen with funds, enabling them to boost their staff and their political profile.” For an overview of major narratives developed for political campaigning see Table 1. For a validity check of claims voiced by major anti-TTIP organisations, see Table 2.
In the past, Germans were not more interested in the negotiations of (free) trade agreements per se. However, the metaphoric messages spread by Germany’s major anti-TTIP groups triggered widespread, far-above EU average, interest in Germany.
The (social) online media played a critical role. As Bauer (2015a) shows for the period June 2014 to December 2014, negative online media reporting about TTIP in Germany was more than 20 times higher than positive reporting. Declared anti-TTIP groups dominated the online media debate by far. In the period July to December 2014, anti-TTIP groups’ announcements in Ger- many amounted to 83 percent of total online media reporting on average, rising to 93 percent at peak times. Peak-time media reporting took place around the TTIP negotiation rounds. 85 percent of the total number of TTIP-related posting were originally authored and spread by anti-TTIP groups. Declared anti-TTIP groups’ messages were primarily spread through social online media. Almost 80 percent of anti-TTIP groups’ positions are spread via Twitter, while 20 per cent of their posts spread through Facebook.
Even more, from the very beginning of TTIP negotiations, Germany’s anti-TTIP groups rein- forced their own newsletters and negative social media reporting about TTIP by the targeted placements of sponsored advertisements on search machines like Google or Yahoo. Early-stage advertisements were, for example, placed by “TTIPunfairhandelbar”, Germany’s major cam- paign against TTIP that is coordinated by the Berlin-based Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung. Others were placed by Campact, Greenpeace Germany and foodwatch Germany.
The promoted advertisements’ impact was twofold: not only did they convey negative emotions about TTIP by the use of emotionally-appealing titles; they also directed persons interested in background information on TTIP straight to the campaign groups’ TTIP information pages. As a consequence, even those citizens (interested and probably unbiased pupils, students, employ- ees, entrepreneurs etc.) who searched for facts and balanced perspectives about the agreement hardly found it by the use of major search engines.
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TABLE 1: NARRATIVES AND PHASES SPREAD ON TTIP BY GERMANY’S MOST ACTIVE ANTI-TTIP ORGANISATIONS
Claim Spread by BUND (German Campact Federation for (funded Foodwatch Greenpeace attac Germany1 the Environment by attac Germany3 Germany4 and Nature members)2 Conservation)5 TTIP allows for the proliferation yes yes yes yes yes of GMO’s in the EU TTIP is an attack on democracy yes yes yes yes yes and the right to regulate TTIP allows the United states and/or yes yes yes yes yes multinational corporations to block EU Laws TTIP allows multinational corporations to sue EU governments for yes yes yes yes yes enforcing laws on consumer safety, health, and environmental safety Political catch “Freihandelsfalle “Stoppt TTIP” “Ein Angriff auf “TTIP und CETA “TTIP Stoppen” – phrases TTIP” – TTIP is a free – “Stop TTIP”; Demokratie Stoppen” – Stop “Stop TTIP”; “Stop trade trap”; “Konzerne “Konzernen und Verbrau- TTIP and CETA; CETA und TTIP”; machen Staaten den noch mehr cherrechte” “Böse Saat” – “Evil TTIP, nicht mit uns” Prozess” – Multina- Macht geben” – An attack Seeds”; “CETA ist – TTIP – We we tional enterprises rule – TTIP gives on democracy brandgefährlich” – will never agree”; over governments”; additional power and consumer “CETA is extremely Kommunale Daseins- “Technokraten ent- to multinational rights” dangerous” vorsorge unter Lib- machten Parlamente” corportions; eralisierungsdruck” – – “Technocrats de- “TTIP beschnei- Public Services under prive governments of det die Men- pressure to privatise”; power” schenrechte” “Wir werden CETA – “TTIP cuts Stoppen” – We will human rights” stop CETA”
Source: ECIPE analysis. For major anti-TTIP groups in Germany see also Bauer (2015a, 2015b and 2016). For references on information spread by individual groups, see footnotes.
1 See information provided by attac Germany, http://www.attac.de/kampagnen/freihandelsfalle-ttip/hintergrund/, http://www.attac.de/kampagnen/freihandelsfalle-ttip/hintergrund/was-ist-regulatorische-kooperation/ and http:// www.attac.de/kampagnen/freihandelsfalle-ttip/freihandelsfalle-ttip/, accessed on 15 September 2015. 2 See information provided by Campact e.V., “5 minute info on TTIP“, https://www.campact.de/ttip/appell/5-mi- nuten-info/ and https://blog.campact.de/2015/02/diese-150-sekunden-haben-es-in-sich-video-enthuellt-neuen- ttip-skandal/ accessed on 15 September 2016. 3 See information provided by foodwatch Germany, https://www.foodwatch.org/de/informieren/freihandel- sabkommen/2-minuten-info/, https://www.foodwatch.org/de/informieren/freihandelsabkommen/mehr-zum-the- ma/private-schiedsgerichte/ and https://www.foodwatch.org/de/informieren/freihandelsabkommen/mehr-zum- thema/ttip-ceta-tisa/, accessed on 15 September 2016.
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In September 2016, for example, sponsored Google ads of Germany’s green political party DIE GRUENEN and civil society organisations foodwatch, publik forum (an organisation rooted in Christian religious belief), BUND (German Federation for the Environment and Nature Con- servation, Friends of the Earth) and Greenpeace Germany ranked first in plain vanilla searches for TTIP – labelled “The Green Position on TTIP”, “Stop TTIP Now”, “The War on TTIP”, and “Stop CETA and TTIP” (Table 3). Likewise, several heavily promoted online petitions, such as anti-TTIP groups call on email newsletter subscribers to contribute to the European Commission’s online consultation on investment protection conducted in 2015 (by completing forms made available to potential signatories) contributed to spreading dubious claims rather than fact-based, balanced information (see, e.g., Bauer 2015c and European Commission 2015).
TABLE 2: VALIDITY CHECK OF CLAIMS SPREAD BY GERMANY’S ANTI-TTIP GROUPS
Claim Clarification be EU Commission6 CETA7,8 TTIP/CETA al- No. The EU has a strict system for deciding whether to allow com- No. CETA does not affect EU restrictions lows for the panies to sell any given GMO in the EU. This is entirely separate on beef containing growth hormones proliferation of from trade negotiations. The EU basic law on GMOs - including the or GMOs. See CETA text and European GMO’s in the EU. European Food Safety Authority’s (EFSA) safety assessment and Commission summary clarification. the risk management procedure - is not up for negotiation. It will not change as a result of TTIP. TTIP/CETA is an No. 1) On investment protection and ISDS: TTIP does not stop gov- No. See CETA text. The right to regulate is attack on democ- ernments passing laws, but where new laws discriminate against explicitly guaranteed in investment protec- racy and the right foreign firms it allows them to bring a claim for compensation. 2) tion chapter, trade and labour chapter and to regulate. On regulatory cooperation: TTIP will not overrule, repeal or amend trade and environment chapter. EU legislation. The EU's 28 member countries and the European Parliament would have to approve any changes to EU laws or reg- ulations in order to liberalise trade. TTIP/CETA al- No. TTIP aims to encourage discussion about regulations. Although No. Under CETA, the EU and Canada have lows the United EU and US regulations are often very similar they sometimes agreed to set up a Regulatory Coopera- states and/or achieve their aims in different ways. TTIP aims to encourage EU tion Forum. The Forum will function as a multinational cor- and US regulators to work more closely when setting new regula- voluntary cooperation mechanism to ex- porations to block tions, and to recognise each other's regulations where they provide change experiences and relevant informa- EU Laws. equivalent protection. tion among regulators, and to help identify areas where regulators could cooperate. It will not be able to change existing regula- tions or develop new legislation. TTIP/CETA al- No. EU laws set high standards that protect, among others: human No. See CETA text. The right to regulate is lows multination- life and health, animal health and welfare, the environment and con- explicitly guaranteed in investment protec- al corporations sumers. In the EU, independent regulators advise governments on tion chapter, trade and labour chapter and to sue EU gov- how strict these standards should be, based on the latest scientific trade and environment chapter. ernments for en- research. TTIP will safeguard these standards, and a government’s forcing laws on right to set them as high as they wish in the future. consumer safety, health, and envi- ronmental safety.
Source: ECIPE analysis. For major anti-TTIP groups in Germany see also Bauer (2015a, 2015b and 2016). For references on information spread by individual groups, see footnotes.
4 See information provided by Greenpeace Germany, https://www.greenpeace.de/ttip-stoppen and https://www. greenpeace.de/themen/landwirtschaft/gentechnik/boese-saat, accessed on 15 September 2016. 5 See information provided by BUND Germany, http://www.bund.net/fileadmin/bundnet/pdfs/umweltschutz_in- ternational/150710_bund_umweltschutz_international_ttip_kommunen.pdf and http://www.bund.net/themen_ und_projekte/internationaler_umweltschutz/ttip_ceta/, accessed on 14 September 2016. 6 See information provided by the European Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/in-focus/ttip/about-t- tip/questions-and-answers/index_en.htm, accessed on 15 September 2016. 7 See text provided by European Commission, http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2014/september/tra- doc_152806.pdf, accessed on 15 September 2016.
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TABLE 3: DECLARED ANTI-TTIP GROUPS SPONSORED ADVERTISEMENTS ON GOOGLE’S SEARCH ENGINE
Ungefähr 14.200.000 Ergebnisse (0,20 Sekunden)
Jetzt TTIP verhindern - Wir informieren Sie - publik-forum.de abo.publik-forum.de/ Kostenloses Dossier & Publik-Forum. Jetzt zwei Hefte kostenlos lesen.
Was ist und will TTIP? - Die Grüne Position zu TTIP, CETA www.gruene-bundestag.de/TTIP Nur fairer Handel ist freier Handel
Was steckt hinter TTIP - foodwatch.org www.foodwatch.org/ceta-und-ttip Mehr auf foodwatch.de zu den Vor- und Nachteilen von TTIP- und CETA Mehr zu TTIP und CETA . foodwatch unterstützen . Online-Aktionen . Newsletter bestellen
CETA & TTIP stoppen - für einen gerechten Welthandel - bund.net aktion.bund.net/ceta-verhindern Hilf mit deiner Stimme CETA un TTIP zu stoppen.
Source: ECIPE analysis. Author’s queries on Google search engine on 14 September 2016. First query made on 12:36, second query on 12:56. Note that TTIP information was exclusively advertised by declared anti-TTIP groups. Advertised messages: “What does TTIP want?”, “Who is behind TTIP?”, “TTIP? CETA? Referendum – Sign call against TTIP”, “Fight against TTIP – Environmental Pro- tection since 1971”, “Stop TTIP now!”, “Stop CETA and TTIP”.
As a consequence, Germany’s most active anti-TTIP groups successfully managed to manu- facture widespread discontent about TTIP. They dominated (and still dominate) the public information space about TTIP. In Germany, TTIP information spread by sources other than declared anti-TTIP organisations were, and still are, hard to find on the Internet, which is for most people the most primary source of policy-specific background information and political education in general. The same applies for journalists and media representatives. Accordingly, official information about TTIP negotiations, including negotiations texts published by the Eu- ropean Commission were evidently not taken into consideration by those citizens that signed the “self-organised European Citizens Initiative” (ECI, for a broader discussion see below) against TTIP. The prerogative on interpretation of “what TTIP is about” was, and still is, with declared anti-TTIP organisations (Figure 11).
8 See summary information provided by the European Commisison, http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/in-focus/ ceta/questions-and-answers/index_de.htm, accessed on 15 September 2016.
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FIGURE 11: NUMBER OF VISITS TO EU COMMISSION’S OFFICIAL TTIP NEGOTIATION TEXTS’ WEBSITE VERSUS NUMBER OF SIGNATURES COLLECTED BY “STOP TTIP” CAMPAIGN ORGANISATIONS
1,577,042
501,819 360,227 90,868 30,882 10,425 117,381 4,451 62,317 13,117 3,961 1,060
Germany France Spain United Kingdom
Visits of EU Commission negotiation texts website in country-specific language, 29 April 2015 - 6 October 2015
Visits of EU Commission negotiation texts website in country-specific language, 29 April 2015 - 29 April 2016
Signatures for ECI against TTIP (closing date: 6 October 2015)
Source: EU Commission, DG Trade, and Stop TTIP (www.stop-ttip.org). Note that visits of the EU Commission’s English language webpage do not directly correspond with visits paid by English-spea- king citizens of the United Kingdom. A discussion of the “self-organised” European Citizens Initiative in given below. 6 October 2015 marks the closing date of the ECI against TTIP. We provide numbers for a second period (13 months) in order to give the reader an impression about how national citizens interest in TTIP-related information provided by the EU Commission evolved over time.
5. DATASET AND METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
The analyses conducted in Chapters 4 and 5 are based on a unique set of data collected by the authors. The methodology applied in data mining is described below.
5.1. THE DATASET
The data have been collected via online research from publicly available sources including search engines and search purpose related websites. The search queries concerned announcements of public events organised by various groups and individuals to discuss and inform about the “Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement” between the European Union and the United States of America and its commonly recognised abbreviation “TTIP.” The dataset, therefore, includes mainly events about TTIP, but it also includes events which address fre- quently criticised trade and investment agreements such as the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between the European Union and Canada (CETA) and the Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA).
The time period of the analysis comprises one full year and covers events that took place between February 2015 and February 2016. The focus of the data collection is on events which took place in Germany (1,508 events, for an overview see Annex II). In addition, a number of public events that took place in other European countries were collected, i.e., Austria (112), Belgium (101),
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France (18), the Netherlands (6), and the United Kingdom (32).9 Due to low numbers of reg- istered TTIP events, event data for Belgium, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom are only taken into consideration for the qualitative analyses provided below.
The information included for each of the events comprised the following details as far as these were available:
1. title of the event, 2. place where it took place, 3. date and time when it took place, 4. institution organising the event (event owner), 5. names of the speakers and the institutions they represented as well as 6. title of their speeches if available.
5.2. CODING OF EVENT DATA
The information available for each event was coded according to three categories of information: (1) the event title, (2) the event organiser, and (3) speakers. In order to conduct a comprehensive and consistent analysis of the data, we defined a set of criteria which is described in the following paragraphs.
For each of our sub-categories more than one criterion can apply. In order to account for in- ter-coder reliability (to avoid biased/subjective individual assessment), the coding was carried out by two different researchers. Accordingly, categories and criteria were only coded when they were chosen by both researchers independently. Differences in individual coding were discussed at a second stage and aligned based on consensus.
(1) Event Title
Regarding the event title, three different criteria were coded: first, the subject matter addressed in the title was coded according to the following set of issues (multiple selections may apply):
1: Investor-State-Dispute Settlement (ISDS) 2: Transparency 3: State & Democracy 4: Consumer & Health Protection 5: Environmental Protection 6: Public Services 7: Culture (i.e. issues related to arts etc.) 8: Private Sector 8: Multi-National-Corporations (MNC) 9: Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) 10: Regulatory Cooperation 11: Fair Trade 12: Alternative Mandate 13: Trade and Economic Growth
9 “Flagship TTIP action days”, e.g. the “Tag der Kultur” (Day of Culture) on 18. May 2015, with a host of events across germany were taken as only one event under one heading. Information stands in pedestrian areas or church conventions have not been captured. However, such events were supposed to generate greater local publicity to reach a broader specturm of society. Internal events such as regular meetings of anti-TTIP campaigners, which are occasionally open to interested people were not considered as information events in the context of the study. Therefore, this study may in paticular underestimate the local presence of declared anti-TTIP organisations and their representatives.
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14: Jobs and Employment 15: Competition 16: Innovation 17: Investment 18: Communal or Regional Impact (i.e. impacts on a specific region, federal state, commune, etc.) 19: Sector-specific impact (if the event title alluded to impacts on a specific economic sector, e.g. agriculture) 20: Values 21: Other/Non-specific (if there was no specific subject matter alluded to, or a subject matter not listed)
Second, it was coded which trade agreement was addressed in the event title. The criteria applied are: “TTIP”, “CETA”, “TiSA” or “other”.
Third, it was coded which sentiment was conveyed through event header, i.e., if the formulation and words used indicated a positive, negative or neutral position regarding the subject matter. For example, formulations alluding only to the “danger” or “risks” of a trade agreement were coded as indicating a negative attitude, whereas formulations alluding to the “risks and benefits” were coded as conveying a neutral sentiment, while suggesting a balanced discussion of the sub- ject matter. Event titles containing the German word “Folgen” (i.e. consequences) were coded as indicating a negative attitude as it is perceived to have a negative connotation, while titles using the German word “Auswirkungen” (impacts) were coded as indicating a neutral sentiment as it carries a rather neutral connotation. Event titles containing the words “benefits” or “potentials” were coded as conveying a positive sentiment.
(2) Event Organiser
Regarding the second category, it was coded which kind of institution organised the event. For each event up to three organisers were coded in case there were more than one organisers. The following criteria apply, whereby multiple coding may apply (e.g. for category 11 and categories 6, 10 and 11):
1: Civil Society, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO’s) 2: Political Party 3: Political Foundation 4: Individual Corporation 5: Business Federation 6: Labour Union 7: Academia/University (this included, above al,l universities and research institutes associated with a university or carrying out academic research, but also student organisations associated to a university) 8: EU, Federal or Sub-Federal Ministry or Public Institution 9: Anti-TTIP Campaign Group Member Organisation10 10: Consumer Protection Organisation 11: Environmental Protection Organisation 12: Media (e.g. journalists) 13: Educational Institutions (i.e. non-academic institutions such as training centres or adult education centres)
10 These include institutions or organisations listed in one of the following sources: members of the organisation “TTIP unfairhandelbar” [TTIP non-negotiable]: http://www.ttip-unfairhandelbar.de/start/wer-wir-sind/mitglie- derliste/, network of the anti-TTIP manifestations in Germany: http://ttip-demo.de/home/netzwerk/, members of the alliance “Stop TTIP”: https://stop-ttip.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/ECI-Partner-List_16_05_30.pdf.
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14: Religious Institution (i.e. organisations associated with the church or the church itself) 15: Other
(3) Panelists
In the third category, the panellists (speakers; experts) as well as their institutional background were coded. For each event up to five speakers were coded. The coding is based on the following criteria, whereby multiple coding may apply (e.g. for category 11 and categories 6, 10 and 11):
1: Civil society (if the speaker was representing e.g. an NGO or another form of organised civil society group) 2: Political party 3: Political Foundation 4: Individual corporation 5: Business federation 6: Labour union 8: Federal or sub-federal ministry or public institutions 9: European governmental body or public institution (i.e. mainly the European Parliament and European Commission) 10: Foreign governmental body or public institutions (e.g. the US Chamber of Commerce) 11: Anti-TTIP campaign group member organisation 12: Consumer protection organisation 13: Environmental protection organisation 14: Media/Journalist 15: Academia (for specification see explanation in previous category) 16: Educational Institution (for specification see explanation in previous category) 17: Religious Background (for specification see explanation in previous category) 18: Other
6. (ANTI-) TTIP CAMPAIGN WORK IN GERMANY
Germany has emerged to the EU’s major “pro-TTIP versus anti-TTIP” political battlefield, and German campaign groups are at the origin of the European movement against TTIP. In this Chapter, we conduct an event analysis to study and discuss major institutional and individual players, as well as interests and messages spread in the debate over TTIP in Germany.
6.1. HOSTS AND ORGANISERS OF TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY
Like all previous trade and investment agreements that were concluded by the EU and its Mem- ber States, TTIP’s prime concern is to break down discriminatory and unnecessary barriers for businesses engaging in cross-the-border trade and investment. Accordingly, TTIP can be as- sumed to be in the interest of those German firms that already engage, or are considering en- gaging in the US marketplace. Accordingly, TTIP should also be in the interest of the business associations representing the interests of those firms. TTIP, like any other EU trade agreement, also bears a political dimension, i.e. to strengthen or even cement EU-US political cooperation. Hence, the agreement should find strong support of those political parties in Germany that sup- port transatlantic political relations. In addition, since the German government is one of the 28 signatories of the mandate that formally enables the European Commission to negotiate TTIP with its counterpart, the United States Trade Representative, the German coalition government should generally back and support TTIP negotiations. Note that Germany’s current coalition
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government is comprised of three political parties: the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU), the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU) and the Social Democratic Party of Ger- many (SPD).
A bird’s eye view on those institutions that organised TTIP-related events in Germany reveals a considerable asymmetry in the institutional background of hosts and organisers of TTIP infor- mation events (see Figure 12). On the one hand, individual businesses and business associations represent a tiny fraction of TTIP event organisers in Germany. Collectively, only 12 percent of TTIP event organisers in Germany are business associations and individual businesses respec- tively. By comparison, those political parties that have not declared membership to a formal anti-TTIP campaign group network account for 30 percent of TTIP events organised in Germa- ny. The majority of TTIP event organisers (58 percent of all registered events) are associations, organisations and political parties that initially set up or declared membership to formal an- ti-TTIP campaign group networks in Germany (i.e., “TTIPunfairhandelbar” and “Stop TTIP”, see Section 3 for clarification). These networks include four well-established political parties in Germany: Buendnis 90/GRUENE (the Alliance ‘90/The Greens), DIE LINKE (The Left), Die Piraten (The Pirates Germany) and the Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei (ÖDP, Ecological Democratic Party).11
The overall picture already indicates that, contrary to the reasoning outlined above, businesses and business associations, as well as those political parties that constitute the German govern- ment, show a relatively weak motivation to engage and shape the debate compared to the activ- ities of the anti-TTIP movement. Declared anti-TTIP campaign group member organisations show a significantly higher activity in organising events to inform and shape the debate about TTIP, and, as will be discussed below, to set the agenda on subjects related to TTIP.
Moreover, although Germany’s Social Democrat government coalition party, whose party lead- er Sigmar Gabriel serves as Minister of Economic Affairs, has not officially declared formal affiliation to anti-TTIP protest networks in Germany, SPD politicians across all spectrums of political conviction (the “Parlamentarian Left” group in particular) frequently express ambigu- ous aversion to TTIP and sympathy to the protest groups’ activities.12 Accordingly, if the total of 208 events organised by the SPD, which is more than twice the number of events organised by Germany’s CDU, were ascribed to the group of TTIP protest organisations, the anti-TTIP scene controlled more than 75 percent of the local debate in Germany in the period under study.
11 Germany’s political party “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD, Alternative for Germany) is not a declared member of an official anti-TTIP campaign groups, but officially rejects TTIP. We therefore included this part to the group of anti-TTIP groups. Since the AfD accounts for 6 registered events only, the results do not affect the overall pattern in the data. 12 In addition to the Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Energy, which is led by SPD’s Sigmar Gabriel, there are three more SPD-led ministries at German federal government level that have a stake in TTIP: the Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, Building and Nuclear Safety (which has directly provided generous public funding for the coordination office of anti-TTIP campaign network “TTIPunfairhandelbar”; DNR 2013, pp. 20), the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs and the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection.
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FIGURE 12: DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR GROUPS OF STAKEHOLDERS ORGANISING ON TTIP
Individual Businesses 1% Business Federations 11%
Political Party w/o Anti-TTIP Member of Anti- Campaign Group TTIP Campaign Members Group 30% 58%
Source: ECIPE analysis. The sub-group “Member of Anti-TTIP Campaign Group” includes thoses political parties that formally declared support of anti-TTIP campaigns.
Compared to both anti-TTIP groups and political parties, German business associations have generally been much less active in organising TTIP-related events. As outlined by Figure 13, regional Chambers of Commerce (39 events) have been the most active business associations in organising TTIP-related events, followed by business groups and associatons affiliated to the CDU (22 events, e.g. CDU-Mittelstandsvereinigung; CDU Association of SMEs), and local Chambers of Crafts (11). In addition, the Association of Bavarian Industry was among the most active business federations owing to the strong anti-TTIP protest scene in the federal state of Bavaria, which is spearheaded by highly vocal farmers’ associations and environmental groups. The Association of Germany Industry (BDI), its member organisations as well as German asso- ciations of small and medium-sized businesses (SMEs) have been significantly less active in either hosting or organising TTIP-related events.
A similar picture emerges for individual businesses in Germany (see Figure 14). Based on a sam- ple of 1,508 TTIP-related events, just 0.53 percent of all TTIP events in Germany were hosted or organised by individual firms. A mere total of 7 individual firms and 8 TTIP events organised by these firms are registered for the period under study.
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FIGURE 13: TOP 20 BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS ORGANISING TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY, BY NUMBER OF HOSTED EVENTS
IHK/DIHK (Association of German Chambers of Industry and IHK/ DIHK (Association of German Chambers of Industry and 39 Commerce) Commerce) CDU Mittelstandvereinigung/CDU Mittelstandvereinigung/Wirtschaftsrat (CDU Business Wirtschaftsrat (CDU Business Circles) Circles) 22
HandwerkskammernHandwerkskammern (Chamber of (Chamber of Crafts) Crafts) 11
Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft vbw Association of Bavarian Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft vbw (Association of Bavarian 8 Industry) Industry)
AmericanAmerican Chamber Germany Chamber Germany 6
Bundesverband derBundesverband Deutschen der Deutschen Industrie (BDI, Association of Industrie (BDI, Association of German Industry)German Industry) 3 Zentralverband Elekrotechnik-Zentralverband Elektrotechnik und Elektronikindustrie- und Elektronikindustrie (Central (Central Association of the ElectricalAssociation of the Electrical Engineering and Electronics Engineering andElectronics Industry)… 2
Bundesverband Deutscher Milchviehhalter (Association of Dairy Bundesverband Deutscher Milchviehhalter (AssociationFarmers) of Dairy Farmers) 2 Verband der ChemischenVerband der Chemischen Industrie (VCI, Industrie (VCI, Association of Chemical Association of Chemical Industry) Industry) 2 SPDSPD Mittelstandsvereinigung/Arbeitskreis Juristen (SPD Business Mittelstandsvereinigung/ Arbeitskreis Juristen Circles)(SPD Business Circles) 2
Verein demokratischer Pharmazeutinnen und Pharmazeuten Verein demokratischer Pharmazeutinnen und Pharmazeuten 1 (Association of Pharmacists)(Association of Pharmacists) UnternehmerVerbandUnternehmerVerband (Association of (Association of North Rhine-Westphalian North Rhine-Westphalian Businesses) Businesses) 1 Verband VerbandVerband für Medien für Medien-- und Veranstaltungstechnik (Association of und Veranstaltungstechnik (AssociationMedia Businesses) of Media Businesses) 1
KreisbauernverbandKreisbauernverband Reutlingen (Association of Farmers) Reutlingen (Association of Farmers) 1
German AmericanGerman American Business Business Council Council 1
US ChamberUS Chamber of of Commerce Commerce 1
Walter Raymond Stiftung (BDA, Umbrella Org. of Germany Walter Raymond Stiftung (BDA, Umbrella org.Employers) of Germany Employers) 1
SPECTARIS (HighSPECTARIS (High Tech Industry Association) Tech Industry Association) 1
EinzelhandelsverbandEinzelhandelsverband Nord (Association of Retail Businesses) Nord (Association of Retail Businesses) 1
BundesverbandBundesverband Mittelständische Mittelständische Wirtschaft (BVMW, Wirtschaft (BVMW,Association of SMEs) Association of SMEs) 1 Source: ECIPE analysis.
FIGURE 14: NUMBER OF INDIVIDUAL BUSINESSES ORGANISING TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY, NUMBER OF HOSTED EVENTS
Büsing, Müffelmann & Theye 1
Commerzbank AG 1
Lanxess Deutschland GmbH 2
Daimler AG 1
Feri EuroRating Services AG 1
Deutsche Messe AG 1
Deutsche Börse AG 1
Source: ECIPE analysis.
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Figure 15 depicts the 30 most active anti-TTIP campaign network organisations (for an over- view of institutional backgrounds see Annex I). In the period under study, declared anti-TTIP protest groups hosted or organised 683 events (58 percent of all registered events) in Germa- ny. Accordingly, the number of TTIP events organised by member organisations of official an- ti-TTIP campaign networks exceeded those of business associations by 400 percent and those of political parties that are not affiliated with the protest networks by 90 percent. If the Social Democrat political party (SPD) were taken as an anti-TTIP organisation, the number of events of anti-TTIP groups would amount to 891 events and exceed those of business associations by 560 percent and those of non-affiliated political parties by 500 percent.
Local anti-TTIP alliances primarily understand and promote themselves as region- or city-spe- cific coalitions against TTIP. Therefore, these groups’ events were coded as “local anti-TTIP groups”. The data illustrate that events hosted by local anti-TTIP groups, including events la- belled and organised by “Stop TTIP” and “TTIPunfairhandelbar”, account for the largest num- ber of anti-TTIP events in Germany (138 events) for the period under study. It should be noted, however, that local anti-TTIP alliances’ events were frequently planned, set up and promoted by major, i.e. most active and most vocal, anti-TTIP organisations in Germany, such as “attac Germany”, “Mehr Demokratie” as well as the political parties “GRUENE” and “DIE LINKE” (e.g. “Stop TTIP Alliance of Memmingen/Unterallgäu”, “No TTIP Alliance Cologne”, “Stop TTIP Alliance of Münster”).
As concerns individual anti-TTIP organisations that officially declared membership in an- ti-TTIP campaign networks, the political party GRUENE (126 registered events) hosted and organised the most TTIP-related events in Germany, followed by attac Germany (67 events), the political party DIE LINKE (61 events), BUND (German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation, 52 events), DGB (Confederation of German Trade Unions, 50 events), and KAB (Catholic Labour Movement, 41 events). Further highly vocal anti-TTIP campaign organisations are ver.di (United Services Union, 25 events), ÖDP (Ecological Democratic Party, 23 events), Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (the political foundation of DIE LINKE, 18 events), and Mehr Demokratie (a German NGO promoting democracy and stronger citizen participa- tion, 17 events).
TTIP events organised by political parties reveal a further asymmetry in the debate. Those politi- cal parties that are generally in favour of TTIP are significantly less active in hosting events relat- ed to TTIP. The political scene regarding TTIP was (and still is) heavily dominated by Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD, 208 events) and Germany’s Green Party (GRUENE, 126 events). In addition, Germany’s left-wing party DIE LINKE (61 events), as well as the Ecologic and Demo- cratic Party (ÖDP, 23 events), show high activity in hosting and organising TTIP-related events. On the other hand, the Liberal Party of Germany (FDP), which is generally in favour of open markets is less active in hosting events on TTIP. Taken together, those political parties that reject TTIP account for 75 percent of all TTIP events organised in Germany between February 2015 and February 2016 (see Figure 16 and Figure 17). Note that Germany’s green and left-wing political parties GRUENE and DIE LINKE performed poorly in the federal elections of 2013, standing at 8.4 and 8.6 percent of total votes respectively. Accordingly, these findings indicate that Germany’s green and left-wing political parties took advantage of TTIP when searching for new thematic issues (high-potential political hot spots) to maintain and establish (anti-estab- lishment) political profiles. The overview of major individual political protagonists, as well as their NGO and political party affiliations, strengthens this hypothesis (see discussion provided below).
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FIGURE 15: TOP 30 “DECLARED” ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN NETWORK MEMBER ORGANISATIONS,Local Anti-TTIP BY Groups NUMBER incl. Stopp TTIPOF and HOSTED EVENTS 138 TTIPunfairhandelbar GRUENELocal (Bündnis90/Die Anti-TTIP Groups Grünen, incl. StoppAlliance TTIP '90/The and Local Anti-TTIP Groups incl. Stopp TTIP and 126138 Greens,TTIPunfairhandelbar GermanTTIPunfairhandelbar Green Party) attacGRUENE Germany (Bündnis90/Die (Association for Grünen, the Taxation Alliance of Financial '90/The GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance ‘90/The Greens, German 67 126 TransactionsGreens, German and Citizen's Green Action) Party)Green Party) DIEattac LINKE Germany (Left- (Associationwing Party, Democratic for the Taxation Socialist of Financial Political attac Germany (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions 6167 TransactionsParty in and Germany) Citizen'sand Citizen’s Action) Action) DIE LINKE (Left-wingDIE Party,LINKEBund für democratic(Left Umwelt-wing Party,und socialist Naturschutz Democratic political Deutschland Socialist party Political e. V.in 52 61 (BUND, GermanParty Federation in Germany) for the EnvironmentGermany) and… DGBBund (Deutscher für Umwelt Gewerkschaftsbund, und Naturschutz Deutschland Confederation e. V.of Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German 5052 Federation for the(BUND, Environment GermanGerman Federation and Trade Nature for Unions) the EnvironmentConservation) and… DGB (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund,DGBKatholische (Deutscher ArbeiterbewegungConfederation Gewerkschaftsbund, (KAB, of German ConfederationCatholic LabourTrade of 41 50 GermanMovement) Trade Unions) Unions) Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, Catholic Labour ver.di (United Services Union) 41 Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, CatholicMovement) Labour Movement) 25 ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, Ecological ver.di (Unitedver.di (United Services Services Union) Union) 2325 Democratic Party) ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, Ecological ÖDP (Ökologisch-DemokratischeRosa-Luxemburg Partei,-Stiftung Ecological (Rosa Luxembourg Democratic Foundation) Party) 23 Democratic Party) 18 Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO Promoting Rosa-Luxemburg-StiftungRosa-Luxemburg (Rosa-Stiftung Luxembourg (Rosa Luxembourg Foundation) Foundation) 1718 Democracy and Stronger Citizen Participation) Mehr Demokratie e.V. Forum(GermanMehr Umwelt DemokratieNGO und Entwicklung Promoting e.V. (German (Berlin Democracy NGO-based Promoting platform and 8 17 coordinatingDemocracy initiativesStronger and ofStronger organisations Citizen Citizen Participation) that Participation) focus on… Forum UmweltForum und Umwelt Entwicklung und Entwicklung (Berlin-based (Berlin-based platform platform IG Metall (Metal Workers Union) 8 coordinating initiativescoordinating of organisations initiatives of that organisations focus on that sustainable focus on… 8 development, coordination center of anti-TTIP initiative AfD (Partei Alternative für Deutschland, Alternative for IG Metall (Metal Workers Union) 68 IG MetallGermany (Metal Party) Workers Union) AfDAfD (Partei (Partei Alternative Alternative für Deutschland, für Deutschland, Alternative for Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) 6 AlternativeGermany Party) for Germany Party) Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German NaturfreundeNaturfreunde e.V. (Friends e.V. (Friends of of Nature) Nature) 56 Evangelical/Protestant Church) Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Brot für die Welt (Aid DeutscherOrganisation Kulturrat of (GermanGerman Cultural Evangelical/ Council) 5 Evangelical/ProtestantProtestant Church) Church) Deutscher DeutscherKulturratPiratenpartei Kulturrat (German (German(Pirates Cultural Party Cultural of Council) Germany) Council) 5
PiratenparteiPiratenparteiAbL (Association(Pirates (Pirates Party of Smallholder Party of Germany)of Germany) Farms) 45
AbLDeutscher (AssociationAbL Kulturrat (Association of (German Smallholder of Smallholder Cultural Council)Farms) Farms) 4
NABU (Nature and Biodiversity Conservation Union Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) 34 NABU (Nature and Biodiversity ConservationGermany) Union Germany) PowerShift e.V. (Verein fürPowerShiftNABU eine (Nature ökologisch-solidarische e.V. (Verein and Biodiversity für eine ökologisch Conservation Energie--solidarische Union & Weltwirtschaft e.V., Berlin-based NGO promoting ecologic and 3 Energie- & WeltwirtschaftGermany) e.V.,solidary Berlin-based economy) NGO… BundesverbandPowerShift e.V.Deutscher (Verein Milchviehhalter für eine ökologisch e.V. -(Associationsolidarische Bundesverband Deutscher Milchviehhalter e.V. 23 Energie- & Weltwirtschaft(Associationof Dairy Farmers) e.V., ofBerlin Dairy-based Farmers) NGO… BundesverbandDer Paritätische Deutscher Gesamtverband Milchviehhalter (Federal e.V. Social (Association Welfare Der Paritätische Gesamtverband 2 (Federal Social WelfarePromotionof Dairy Promotion Farmers) Organisation) Organisation) Der Paritätische Gesamtverband (Federal Social Welfare Greenpeace Germany 2 Promotion Organisation)Greenpeace Germany 2
BayernparteirBayernparteiGreenpeace (Bavarian (Bavaria Germany Party) Party) 12
Bioland e.V. (Largest Organic-Food Association in Bayernpartei (Bavaria Party) 1 Bioland e.V. (Largest Organic-Food AssociationGermany) in Germany) Bioland e.V. (Largest Organic-Food Association in Campact (German Campaign and Pretition Network) 1 Campact (German CampaignGermany) and Petition Network) 1 Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO, NGO focussing on Corporate EuropeCampact Observatory (German Campaign(CEO, NGO and Pretition focussing Network) on 1 CorporateCorporate Lobbying Lobbying at EU Level) at EU Level) DKPCorporate (Deutsche Europe Kommunistische Observatory Partei, (CEO, Communist NGO focussing Party on of DKP (Deutsche Kommunistische Partei, Communist Party of 1 CorporateGermany) Lobbying at EU Level) Germany DKP (Deutsche Kommunistische Partei, Communist Party of 1 Germany)
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: institutions include institutions or organisations listed in one of the following sources: members of the organisation “TTIP unfairhandelbar”: http://www.ttip-unfairhan- delbar.de/start/wer-wir-sind/mitgliederliste/, network of the anti-TTIP manifestations in Germany: http://ttip-demo.de/home/netzwerk/, members of the alliance “Stop TTIP”: https://stop-ttip.org/wp- content/uploads/2016/05/ECI-Partner-List_16_05_30.pdf.
35 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
FIGURE 16: POLITICAL PARTIES, BY NUMBER OF HOSTED EVENTS
SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) 208 GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) 126 CDU (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) 103 DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) 61 ÖDP (Ecologic Democratic Party of Germany) 23 FDP (Liberal Party of Germany) 17 Freie Wähler (Free Voters of Germany) 10 AfD (Alternative for Germany) 6 Piratenpartei (Pirate Party of Germany) 5 CSU (Christian Social Union) 4 ALFA (Alliance for Progress and Renewal Party of Germany) 1 Bayernpartei (Bavaria Party of Germany) 1
Source: ECIPE analysis.
For political parties, the asymmetries in the motivation to engage in TTIP events becomes even more obvious when the number of hosted events is adjusted by electorate support. According to 26 July 2016 survey data of Forsa (2016), Germany’s major political parties would represent the following shares of votes:
- CDU/CSU: 35 percent - SPD: 22 percent - GRUENE: 13 percent - DIE LINKE: 9 percent - AfD: 9 percent - FDP: 6 percent - Other 6 percent
Event numbers adjusted by voter support demonstrate that Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD) as well as Germany’s Green party (GRUENE) are more than three times more active in hosting and organising TTIP-related events than Germany’s leading conservative political parties (CDU and CSU taken together). Moreover, Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE) is more than twice as active as Germany’s Christian Democrats. Similarly, when voters’ support is taken into consideration, Germany’s liberal party (FDP) performs rather poorly. Germany’s liberals are 6 times less active than both the Greens and the Social Democrats, and 4 times less active than Germany’s left-wing party.
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FIGURE 17: POLITICAL PARTIES’ EVENT ACTIVITY ADJUSTED BY VOTERS’ SUPPORT, INDEX VALUE
GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) 969.2
SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) 945.5
DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) 677.8
Others 466.7
Christian Democrats (CDU and CSU) 305.7
FDP (Liberal Party of Germany) 166.7
AfD (Alternative for Germany) 66.7
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: voters’ support data are taken form Forsa’s weekly survey, which is available at: http://www.wahlrecht.de/umfragen/forsa.htm. The data applied for this index reflect the results of Forsa’s July 26 2016, survey. The general pattern in the data would only marginally change for survey data of February 2015 and February 2016 respectively. For February 2015, the starting point of our analysis, the “activity gap” between the leading party CDU and other parties would even be higher as voter support for Germany’s Christian Democrats was 42 percent (compared to 35 percent on 26 July 2016).
6.2. THEMATIC ISSUES ADDRESSED BY TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY
For issues addressed by TTIP-related events (see Figure 18), it turns out that TTIP events’ agen- da setters predominantly chose subjects related to “state and democracy” (126 mentions), “com- munal or regional impact” (97 mentions) and “consumer and health protection”. These issues strongly prevail over other issues. In addition, issues related to the “private sector” (businesses, industries and markets, 60 events) and “environmental protection” (53 events) are among those subjects that are frequently addressed by TTIP event organisers.
While other issues such as “ISDS” (39 events), “multinational enterprises” (MNC, 39 events) and “values” (39 events) have also been commonly addressed by the agenda setters, major em- pirically proven social and economic benefits of open markets have very rarely been addressed. Issues related to “trade and economic growth” (24 events), “jobs and employment” (13 events), “competition” (3 events), innovation (1 event), and investment (2 events) have evidently not played an important role in the discussions set up for TTIP. Taken together, issues that are widely associated with the positive effects that are likely to result from free trade account for a mere total of 2 percent of all issues addressed by local TTIP events in Germany. 98 percent of all issues that were set to be publicly presented and debated do not refer to standard pro-trade arguments.
The asymmetry in the number of issues chosen for public debate is also mirrored by the senti- ment expressed as conveyed by TTIP event headers and sub-titles. While a majority of 66 per- cent of event headers convey a neutral sentiment to TTIP, 31 percent of TTIP headers convey a negative message about TTIP. Only 3 percent of TTIP events convey positive sentiments. Taking into consideration that neutral statements are usually less intuitive and less memorable for the personal mind than biased and more polarised ways of expression, the imbalance between pos- itive and negative sentiment headers becomes even more pertinent. Leaving aside event headers of neutral sentiment, only 9 percent of all remaining events headers convey a positive message, while 91 percent draw negative pictures of TTIP (see Figure 19).
37 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
FIGURE 18: MAJOR SUBJECTS ADDRESSED BY TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY
3: State & Democracy 126 18: Communal or regional impact 97 4: Consumer & health protection 95 8: Private sector 60 5: Environmental protection 53 19: Sector-specific impact 45 11: Fair Trade 39 20: Values 39 8: MNC 39 1: ISDS 35 7: Culture 27 9: SME 26 13: Trade and economic growth 24 14: Jobs and employment 13 6: Public Services 13 2: Transparency 11 10: Regulatory Cooperation 7 12: Alternative Mandate 4 15: Competition 3 17: Investment 2 16: Innovation 1
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note that 988 events have been coded “other/non-specific”. Multiple selec- tions may apply. Note that “17: Investment” refers to “implications for investment” and “opportunities for investment”, while “1: ISDS” refers to topical issues related to investment protection and (bilateral) investment treaties.
FIGURE 19: SENTIMENT CONVEYED BY EVENT HEADER
positive 3%
negative 31%
neutral/ambivalent 66%
Source: ECIPE analysis.
As concerns the development of those issues most frequently addressed by TTIP-related events, the number of events slightly decreased over time. Summer and Christmas holidays mark low activity periods (see Figure 20). At the same time, the composition of events changed somewhat over time. In February 2015, issues related to “state and democracy”, “consumer and health pro- tection” and “communal and regional impact” were most frequently addressed by TTIP event organisers. While issues related to “consumer and health protection”, “ISDS” and “environ- mental protection” lost momentum over time, subjects related to “state and democracy” and “communal and regional impact” kept momentum in the public debate (see Figure 21). The
38 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
numbers indicate that issues related to democratic participation at federal and sub-federal level, including regulatory cooperation, public services, public procurement and ISDS, which is fre- quently claimed to be an “attack against democracy”, dominate the TTIP debate in Germany.
FIGURE 20: DEVELOPMENT OF MOST FREQUENT CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS OVER TIME, ABSOLUTE NUMBERS
70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
1: ISDS 3: State & Democracy 4: Consumer & health protection 5: Environmental protection Source: ECIPE analysis.18: Communal or regional impact
FIGURE 21: DEVELOPMENT OF MOST FREQUENT CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS OVER TIME, RELATIVE PROPORTION
100%
75%
50%
25%
0%
1: ISDS 3: State & Democracy 4: Consumer & health protection 5: Environmental protection Source: ECIPE analysis.18: Communal or regional impact
6.3. REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY
The regional analysis reveals that the greatest number of TTIP events took place in Germany’s largest federal states, as measured by population size: Bavaria (314 events), North Rhine-West- phalia (278 events) and Baden-Wuerttemberg (242 events). Bavaria and Baden-Wuerttemberg also rank high (2nd and 3rd) when event numbers are adjusted by population size, followed by Bremen, which is a stronghold of attac and Campact. At the same time, as shown by Figure 22, the number of those events whose headers and sub-titles convey a negative message about TTIP is highest in Berlin, Bavaria, Baden-Wuerttemberg, and Bremen. By comparison, the number of
39 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
TTIP-related events adjusted by population size is significantly lower for former East German states (New Länder, see Figure 22).
FIGURE 22: NUMBER OF TTIP EVENTS BROKEN DOWN BY GERMAN FEDERAL STATE
Berlin Bavaria Baden-Wuerttemberg Bremen Hesse Hamburg Saarland North Rhine-Westphalia Rhineland-Palatinate Lower Saxony Saxony* Schleswig-Holstein Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania* Thuringia* Brandenburg*
Saxonynegative-Anhalt* neutral positive 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00
negativ neutral positiv
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: asterisk marks former East Germany states. Number of events adjusted by size of state population and multiplied by 1,000.
6.4. TTIP EXPERTS AND SPEAKERS IN GERMANY
Our dataset allows us to study TTIP events’ panellists (speakers and experts) as well as their institutional background. 2,051 speakers were allocated to political parties, individual business- es, business associations, and declared anti-TTIP campaign groups. For this grouping of ma- jor stakeholders, the data reveal that the majority of speakers, which were often presented as distinguished experts on TTIP, is affiliated with declared members of professional anti-TTIP campaign groups in Germany (46 percent), followed by panellists affiliated with political parties (32 percent). 15 percent of speakers were affiliated with business associations and 7 percent rep- resented individual businesses (see Figure 23).
40 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
FIGURE 23: DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR GROUPS OF STAKEHOLDERS’ SPEAKERS AT TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY
Individual Businesses 7% Business Federations 15% Member of Anti- TTIP Campaign Group 46%
Political Party w/o Anti-TTIP Campaign Group Members 32%
Source: ECIPE analysis.
As concerns business associations, most speakers were affiliated with regional Chambers of Com- merce and their umbrella organisations, the Association of German Chambers of Industry and Commerce (IHK and DIHK, 103 registered speakers), followed by the confederation of Ger- man Industry (BDI, 19 speakers), the American Chamber of Commerce (17 speakers), German Chambers of Crafts (16 speakers), and the Bavarian Industry Association (vbw, 10 speakers). Business groups affiliated with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) accounted for 9 speak- ers (see Figure 24). 137 speakers were affiliated to individual businesses, and only three (major German industrial) companies and one law firm sent speakers to more than one event: (BASF SE: 7 speaker occurrences, Siemens AG: 5 speaker occurrences, Daimler AG: 4 speaker occur- rences, McDermott Will and Emery: 2 speaker occurrences, see Figure 25).13
The number of speakers affiliated with declared member organisations of anti-TTIP protest networks significantly outweighs the number of speakers affiliated with businesses and business associations (see Figure 26). Between February 2015 and February 2016, speakers affiliated with the political parties GRUENE (Greens, 225 speakers) and DIE LINKE (The Left, 124 speakers) dominated in local debates set up to inform and discuss TTIP. Further salient players in the debate are speakers affiliated with DGB (the Confederation of German Trade Unions, 88 speak- ers), attac Germany (an anti-globalisation, anti-corporate activist group, 83 speakers), Mehr Demokratie (an NGO Promoting Democracy and Stronger Citizen Participation, 61 speakers), BUND (the German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation, 57 speakers), and speakers affiliated with local anti-TTIP groups (46 speakers). It should be noted that DGB and BUND are member organisations of attac Germany.
13 McDermott Will and Emery is an internationally operating law firm specialised in international dispute arbitra- tion. Dr Sabine Konrad, a German Partner focusing on international dispute resolution, is a well-recognised expert for international dispute arbitration and was designated by the federal government of Germany to the Panel of Arbitrators of the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID).
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FIGURE 24: NUMBER OF SPEAKERS AFFILIATED WITH BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS (TOP 20)
IHK/DIHK (Association of German Chambers of Industry and Commerce) 103
Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie (BDI, Association of German… 19
American Chamber of Commerce 17
Handwerkskammern (Chamber of Crafts) 16
Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft vbw Association of Bavarian Industry) 10
CDU Mittelstandvereinigung/Wirtschaftsrat (CDU Business Circles) 9
Verband der Chemischen Industrie (VCI, Association of Chemical Industry) 6
Liberaler Mittelstand (Association of Liberal SMEs) 5
Die Familienunternehmer (ASU, Association of German Family Businesses) 5
Verband der Automobilindustire (VDA, Association of Automotive Industry) 5
Bundesverband Mittelständische Wirtschaft (BVMW, Association of SMEs) 4
Deutscher Bauernverband (German Farmers' Association) 4
US Chamber of Commerce 4
Unternehmerverbände Niedersachsen (Business Associations of Lower … 3
American Chamber of Commerce 3
Bundesverband Deutscher Milchviehhalter (Association of Dairy Farmers) 3
UnternehmensGrün (Association of Green Businesses) 2
Zentralverband Elektrotechnik- und Elektronikindustrie (Central… 2
Verband Deutscher Maschinen-und Anlagenbau (German Engineering… 1
Source: ECIPE analysis.
FIGURE 25: NUMBER OF SPEAKERS AFFILIATED WITH INDIVIDUAL BUSINESSES
BASF SE 7
Siemens AG 5
Daimler AG 4
McDermott Will & Emery 2
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: number reflect businesses’ whose speakers appeared at more than one event.
In addition to speakers representing labour unions (193 speakers including DGB), speakers af- filiated with clerical organisations (103 speakers) such as KAB (the Catholic Labour Movement, 35 speakers) as well as Brot für die Welt (an Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church, 13 speakers), are also frequently found on expert panels on TTIP. On the other hand, while speakers affiliated with environmental organisation (129 speakers) often appear on TTIP panels, speakers affiliated with consumer protection organisations (30 speakers) are relatively underrepresented.
It turns out from the data that the number of speakers representing the top 2 most active an- ti-TTIP groups already exceeds the number of speakers representing top 20 most active business organisations. Moreover, the number of speakers representing the top 20 most active anti-TTIP groups exceed the number of speakers sent by the top 20 business associations by more than 300 percent, and the number of all speakers that are affiliated with individual businesses (109 speakers) by more than 700 percent.
42 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
FIGURE 26: NUMBER OF SPEAKERS AT TTIP EVENTS IN GERMANY BY “DECLARED” ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN MEMBER ORGANISATIONS
GRUENE (Bündnis90/DieGRUENE Grünen, (Bündnis90/ Alliance '90/The Die Grünen, Greens, Alliance ‘90/ GermanThe Greens,Green Party) German Green Party) 225
DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, democratic socialist political party in DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, 124 democraticGermany) socialist party in Germany)
DGB (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund,DGB (Deutscher Confederation Gewerkschaftsbund, of German ConfederationTrade Unions) of German Trade Union) 88
attacattac Germany Germany (Association (Association for the Taxationfor the Taxation of Financial ofTransactions Financial and Citizen'sTransactions Action) and Citizen’s Action) 83
Mehr DemokratieMehr Demokratiee.V. e.V. (German NGO (German Promoting NGO Democracy promoting and democracyStronger and Citizen stronger Participation) citizen participation) 61
Bund fürBund Umwelt für Umwelt and Naturschutzund Naturschutz Deutschland Deutschland e.e.V. V. (BUND,(BUND, German FederationGerman Federation for the Environment for the Environment and Nature and Nature Conservation) Conservation) 57
Local Anti-LocalTTIP GroupsANTI-TTIP incl. Stopp Groups TTIP and incl. TTIPunfairhandelbar Stpp TTIP and 46 TTIPunfairhandelbar
Katholische ArbeiterbewegungKatholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, (KAB, Catholic Catholic Labour Labour Movement) Movement) 35
ver.diver.di (United (United Services Services Union)Union) 33
ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, Ecological Democratic ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, 26 Party)Ecological Democratic Party)
IG MetallIG Metall (Metal (Metal Workrs Workers Union) Union) 23
ForumForum Umwelt Umwelt und Entwicklungand Entwicklung (Berlin-based (Berlin-based platform coordinating platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development,initiatives of organisations coordination that focus centre on sustainableof anti-TTIP development, initiative 20 coordination center of anti-TTIP initiative ‘TTIPunfairhandelbar’) 'TTIPunfairhandelbar') DeutscherDeutscher Kulturrat Kulturrat (German (German Cultural Cultural Council) Council) 16
Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/ 13 Church) Protestant Church) PowerShiftPowerShift e.V. (Vereign e.V. (Verein für eine für eine ökologisch-solidarische ökologisch-solidarische Energie Energie-- & & WeltwirtschafWeltwirtschaft e.V., Berlin-based e.V., Berlin-based NGO NGO promoting promoting ecologic and and 13 solidary economy) solidary economy) UmweltinstitutUmweltinstitut München München e.V. (Munich-based e.V. (Munich-based NGO NGO promoting promoting ecologicecologic policies policies and sustainableand sustainable agriculture) agriculture) 12
AbL (AssociationAbL (Association of ofSmallholder Smallholder Farms)farms) 10
NaturfreundeNaturfreunde e.V. e.V. (Friends (Friends of of Nature) Nature) 10
FoodFood Watch e.V. e.V. (Organisation (Organisation that focusesthat focuses on protecting on protecting consumer consumerrights as theyrights pertain as they to food pertain quality) to food quality 9
PiratenparteiPiratenpartei (Pirates (Pirates Party Party of of Germany) Germany) 9
AfD (ParteiAfD Alternativ (Partei Alternative für Deutschland, für Deutschland, Alternative Alternative for for Germany Germany Party) Party) 8
Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO, NGO focussing on Corporate Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO, NGO focussing on 7 LobbyingCorporate at EU Level) Lobbying at EU level
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Rosa Luxembourg Foundation) 5 Continued... Campact (German Campaign and Pretition Network) 4
Greenpeace Germany 4
Der Paritätische Gesamtverband (Federal Social Welfare Promotion 2 Organisation) 43
Germanwatch (Bonn-based Sustainable Development NGO) 2
LobbyControl e.V. 2
AfA of SPD (SPD Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Arbeitnehmerfragen, SPD Working Group on Issues Concerning Employees) 1
Deutscher Naturschutzring (German League for Nature, Animal and Environment Protection) 1
Friends of the Earth (International Network of Environmental Organizations) 1
NABU (Nature and Biodiversity Conservation Union Germany) 1
OXFAM (Anti-poverty, Sustainable Development NGO) 1
UnternehmensGrün (Association of 'Green' Businesses) 1 GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/The Greens, German Green Party) 225
DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, democratic socialist political party in Germany) 124
DGB (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) 88 attac Germany (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Citizen's Action) 83
Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO Promoting Democracy and Stronger Citizen Participation) 61
Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation) 57
Local Anti-TTIP Groups incl. Stopp TTIP and TTIPunfairhandelbar 46
Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, Catholic Labour Movement) 35
ver.di (United Services Union) 33
ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, Ecological Democratic Party) 26
IG Metall (Metal Workers Union) 23
Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, 20 coordination center of anti-TTIP initiative 'TTIPunfairhandelbar')
Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) 16
Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church) 13
PowerShift e.V. (Verein für eine ökologisch-solidarische Energie- & Weltwirtschaft e.V., Berlin-based NGO promoting ecologic and 13 solidary economy) Umweltinstitut München e.V. (Munich-based NGO promoting ecologic policies and sustainable agriculture) 12
AbL (Association of Smallholder Farms) 10
Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) 10
Food Watch e.V. (Organisation that focuses on protecting consumer rights as they pertain to food quality) 9
Piratenpartei (Pirates Party of Germany) 9
AfD (Partei Alternative für Deutschland, Alternative for Germany Party) 8 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016 Corporate Europe Observatory (CEO, NGO focussing on Corporate Lobbying at EU Level) 7
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Rosa(Rosa LuxembourgLuxembourg Foundation) Foundation) 5
CampactCampact (German (German Campaign campaign and and Pretition petition Network) network) 4
GreenpeaceGreenpeace Germany Germany 4
Der ParitätischeDer Gesamtverband Partitätische Gesamtverband (Federal Social (federal Welfare social Promotion welfare Organisation) promotion organisation) 2
GermanwatchGermanwatch (Bonn (Bonn-based-based Sustainable Sustainable Development Development NGO)NGO) 2
LobbyControlLobbyControl e.V. e.V. 2
AfA ofAfA SPD of (SPD SPD (SPDArbeitsgemeinschaft Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Arbeitnehmerfragen, für Arbeitnehmerfragen, SPD WorkingSPD Group Working on GroupIssues Concerningon Issues Concerning Employees) Employees) 1
Deutscher Naturschutzring (German League for Nature, Animal and Deutscher Naturschutzring (German League for Nature, Animal 1 Environment Protection)and Environment Protection)
FriendsFriends of of the the Earth Earth (International (international Network network of of Environmental environmental Organizations) organisations) 1
NABUNABU (Nature (Nature and and Biodiversity Biodiversity Conservation Conservation Union Union Germany) Germany) 1
OXFAMOXFAM (Anti (anti-poverty,-poverty, Sustainable sustainable Development devlopment NGO)NGO) 1
UnternehmensGrünUnternehmensGrün (Association (Association of of'Green' ‘Green’ Businesses) Businesses 1
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: institutions include institutions or organisations listed in one of the following sources: members of the organisation “TTIP unfairhandelbar”: http://www.ttip-unfairhan- delbar.de/start/wer-wir-sind/mitgliederliste/, network of the anti-TTIP manifestations in Germany: http://ttip-demo.de/home/netzwerk/, members of the alliance “Stop TTIP”: https://stop-ttip.org/wp- content/uploads/2016/05/ECI-Partner-List_16_05_30.pdf.
For speakers representing political parties in Germany, the numbers reveal that politicians of the Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens (GRUENE) and the Left (DIE LINKE) heavily dominat- ed the panels on local TTIP events in Germany. By contrast, those parties that are generally in favour of free trade and open markets (the Christian Democrats and the Liberals) were signifi- cantly less active in discussing and informing about TTIP (see Figure 27).
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FIGURE 27: NUMBER OF SPEAKERS FROM POLITICAL PARTIES
SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) 383 GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) 226 CDU (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) 183 DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) 123 FDP (Liberal Party of Germany) 32 CSU (Christian Social Union) 31 ÖDP (Ecologic Democratic Party of Germany) 28 Freie Wähler (Free Voters of Germany) 20 AfD (Alternative for Germany) 8 Piratenpartei (Pirate Party of Germany) 8 ALFA (Alliance for Progress and Renewal Party of Germany) 6 Bayernpartei (Bavaria Party of Germany) 1
Source: ECIPE analysis.
Numbers for political parties’ speakers adjusted by voter support demonstrate that politicians of Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), Germany’s Green party (GRUENE) and Germany’s left- wing party (DIE LINKE) were about 10 times more active in speaking on TTIP-related events than Germany’s leading conservative political parties (CDU and CSU taken together, see Figure 28). Politicians of both the Greens and Social Democrats were more than three times as active as politicians of the Christian Democrats. Similarly, politicians of Germany’s left-wing party were almost three times as active as politicians of the Union of Christian Democrats. Adjusted by voters support, politicians of Germany’s liberal party (FDP) were significantly less active compared to Germany’s Social Democrats, the Greens and the Left, but slightly more active than Germany’s Christian Democrats.
The asymmetry in political parties’ engagement in local debates, which can be taken as a close proxy for parties’ overall engagement in the debate about TTIP, is also mirrored by the activ- ity of those political foundations that are affiliated to major political parties in Germany.14 As outlined by Figure 29, the political foundation of Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), as well as the political foundation of Germany’s left-wing party, are most active in organising TTIP-re- lated events. At the same time, speakers representing the SPD’s Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung are most active in TTIP panel debates, followed by speakers representing the political foundation of the liberal party, the FDP’s Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung. By contrast, both the CDU’s Kon- rad-Adenauer-Stiftung and the CSU’s Hans-Seidel-Stiftung underperform in speaker activity. It is noteworthy that the political foundation of Germany’s left-wing party also underperforms in speakers’ activity. Given the foundation’s high degree of activity in organising events, as well as the outstandingly high level of activity of left-wing party politicians in anti-TTIP campaign work, these numbers already indicate that the Rosa-Luxemburg-Foundation served as a public- ly-funded platform for anti-TTIP campaign groups (see discussion below).
14 In Germany, political foundations are state-financed organisations that are affiliated to those political parties (typically) represented in the federal parliament (the Bundestag). Political foundations’ work is primarily based on each party’s doctrines and priorities, and includes work related to providing information about the ideological cause, organisation of public and non-public events, publication of pamphlets and international funding for demo- cracy building (in cooperation with partners around the world).
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FIGURE 28: POLITICAL PARTIES’ SPEAKER ACTIVITY ADJUSTED BY VOTERS’ SUPPORT, INDEX VALUE
SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) 1740.9
GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) 1738.5
DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) 1366.7
Others 1050.0
FDP (Liberal Party of Germany) 533.3
Christian Democrats (CDU and CSU) 522.9
AfD (Alternative for Germany) 88.9
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: voters’ support data are taken form Forsa’s weekly survey, which is available at: http://www.wahlrecht.de/umfragen/forsa.htm. The data applied for this index reflect the results of Forsa’s July 26 2016, survey. The general pattern in the data would only marginally change for survey data of February 2015 and February 2016 respectively. For February 2015, the starting point of our analysis, the “activity gap” between the leading party CDU and other parties would be even higher as voter support for Germany’s Christian Democrats was 42 percent (compared to 35 percent on 26 July 2016).
FIGURE 29: POLITICAL FOUNDATIONS IN THE TTIP DEBATE IN GERMANY
2 Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (GRUENE) 6 3 Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung (CSU) 18 7 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (CDU) 21 13 Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung (FDP) 17 16 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (SPD) 32 6 Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (DIE LINKE) 21
Number of Panelists/Speakers Number of 'TTIP, CETA, TiSA' Event Owners
Source: ECIPE analysis.
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6.5. HORSE(S) AND RIDER(S) IN ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN WORK IN GERMANY
Taking a bird’s eye perspective on the TTIP debate scene in Germany, the data presented in Sec- tions 4.1 (events hosts and organisers), 4.2 (thematic issues addressed by events), 4.3 (regional distribution of events) and 4.4 (speakers on event panels), reveal a number of patterns that can be summarised as follows:
1. Businesses and political parties that are generally pro trade show a weak motivation to engage and shape the debate, compared to organisations that officially constitute or show sympathy to the anti-TTIP campaign network. Declared anti-TTIP campaign group member organisations show a significantly higher activity in organising events and setting the agenda on subjects related to TTIP.
2. TTIP events’ agenda setters primarily chose topical subjects related to “state and democ- racy”, “communal or regional impact”, “consumer and health protection”. Accordingly, 98 percent of all issues that were set to be publicly presented and debated do not refer to pro- trade, pro-competition, pro-open markets arguments.
3. Anti-TTIP groups are most active in Germany’s most densely populated federal states, which account for about 50 percent of Germany total population: Bavaria, Baden-Wuert- temberg and North Rhine-Westphalia.
4. The number of speakers that officially represent the top 2 most active anti-TTIP groups (Germany’s Green party GRUENE and Germany’s left-wing party DIE LINKE) exceeds the number of speakers officially representing the top 20 most active business organisations.
5. Numbers for political parties’ speakers demonstrate that politicians of Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), Germany’s Green party (GRUENE) and Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE) were about 10 times more active in speaking on TTIP-related events than Germany’s leading conservative political parties (CDU and CSU taken together). Politi- cians of both the Greens and Social Democrats were in each case more than three times as active as politicians of the Christian Democrats. Politicians of Germany’s left-wing party were almost three times as active as politicians of the Union of Christian Democrats. Pol- iticians of Germany’s liberal party (FDP) were significantly less active compared to Social Democrats, Greens and the Left, but more active than Christian Democrats.
The patterns in the data show that the public debate about TTIP in Germany is highly biased to- wards events and issues set by declared anti-TTIP organisations and the Social Democratic Party of Germany, which is highly critical of TTIP. This asymmetry is reflected by the sheer number and frequency of events. Anti-TTIP organisations shape the TTIP debate in Germany by setting agendas and framing the narratives about TTIP.
In this section, we zoom in to explore in more depth the most prominent individuals and organ- isations that engage in public debates about TTIP and we depict the messages spread by those organisations and individuals that voice strongest criticism about TTIP and other trade and investment agreements. In addition, we discuss motivations and interest of those organisations and individuals that engage most actively in professional protest campaigns against TTIP.
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6.5.1. TOP 50 SPEAKERS ON TTIP AND INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATIONS
Table 4, which provides an overview of the 50 most active TTIP speakers in Germany, offers a good starting point for the analysis of opinion leaders in the debate about TTIP in Germany. Table 4 reveals that 37 of Germany’s most active speakers on TTIP either represent declared member organisations of Germany’s formal anti-TTIP protest network (33 individuals) or have voiced strong aversion to TTIP (4 individuals).
Adjusted by the number of public appearances, 66 percent of Germany’s top 50 TTIP panellists officially support the anti-TTIP protest scene in Germany. Similarly, about 70 percent and 60 percent of Germany’s most active, i.e. top 20 and top 10 TTIP figureheads respectively, either represent declared anti-TTIP protest groups or strongly reject TTIP. It should be noted that, contrary to Germany’s leading conservative parties CDU and CSU, 4 of Germany’s most active Social Democratic Party’s speakers are among the top 10 speakers on TTIP in Germany. With the exception of SPD MEP Bernd Lange, who is the Chairman of the European Parliament’s Committee on International Trade, and SPD MP Dirk Wiese, who is a member of the Bunde- stag Committee on Economic Affairs and Energy, 6 SPD politicians that are in the list of top 50 speakers on TTIP strongly reject TTIP.
A great majority of anti-TTIP speakers, including politicians of Germany’s Green (GRUENE), left-wing (DIE LINKE) and Social Democratic (SPD) parties, are affiliated with more than one declared anti-TTIP organisation, e.g., environmental organisations, clerical organisations and labour unions.
The group of top 50 speakers on TTIP in Germany includes:
-11 individuals/politicians that are affiliated with Green party (GRUENE), - 10 individuals that are affiliated with environmental organisations, - 8 individuals/politicians that are affiliated with Germany’s Social Democratic party (SPD), - 7 individuals that are affiliated with labour unions, - 6 individuals/politicians that are affiliated with Germany’s left-wing party (DIE LINKE), - 6 individuals that are affiliated with clerical, i.e. Catholic or Evangelical, organisations, - 4 individuals that are affiliated with “attac Germany”, - 3 individuals that are affiliated with “Mehr Demokratie”, a civil society group promoting elements of direct democracy, - 2 politicians that are affiliated with the Union of Christian Democrats, and - 1 politician of Germany’s liberal party FDP (see Table 4).
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TABLE 4: TOP 50 TTIP EVENT SPEAKERS AND INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION
Speaker member Number of of or affiliated with Public Position Name “declared” Institutional Affiliation Appear- anti-TTIP Campaign ances Group - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany) - Chairman of INTA, the European Parliament Committee on International Trade no, but SPD generally - Theologian and professional teacher of religious sceptical towards thought TTIP, CETA and TiSA, Bernd Lange, 1 46 member of, or affiliated - Former head of discussion group “Church and MEP with, several anti-TTIP SPD” protest movement - Founder of Union-Regio-Net – an international organisations network of labour unions - Member of German Metal Workers Union - Member of Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature Germany) - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ The Greens, German Green Party) - State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-West- phalia (together with top 50 TTIP speakers Stefan Engstfeld and Ernst-Christoph Stolper) - Co-founder of attac Germany (which is, amongst others, supported by prominent anti-TTIP groups ver.di, GEW, BUND, Naturfreunde, Pax Christi, Arbeitsgemeinschaft bäuerliche Landwirtschaft, and various individuals such as Andrea Nahles (the SPD’s current Minister for Labour and Social Affairs and member of the German government) - Long-standing advisor to the advisory board of attac Germany - Advisor to Campact e.V. - Former representative of environmental group Sven Giegold, 2 29 yes BUND to attac Germany MEP - Member and advisor to the German institute “Green Budget Germany” (together with top 50 TTIP speaker and lead campaign coordinator Jürgen Maier of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung) - Member of Greens/EFA group in European Parliament - Member of ver.di (United Services Union) - Member of Mehr Demokratie e. V. (together with top TTIP speakers Sarah Händel, Alexander Trennhäuser, Roman Huber) - Member of steering board of German Evangelical Church Conference - Advisor to German Ecumenical Church - Founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with top 50 TTIP speakers Karl Bär, Nina Scheer, Hilde Mattheis) - Initiative Junger Transatlantiker (Young Transat- lantic Initiative) 3 Jacob Scrot 28 no - Member of youth organisation of CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands, Christian Democratic Union of Germany) - ÖDP (Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei, Klaus Buchner, Ecological Democratic Party) 4 22 yes MEP - Member of Greens/EFA group in European Parliament
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Speaker member Number of of or affiliated with Public Position Name “declared” Institutional Affiliation Appear- anti-TTIP Campaign ances Group - Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO promoting 5 Sarah Händel 20 yes democracy and stronger citizen participation) - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany) no, but strong voice Maria Noichl, 6 20 against TTIP, CETA - Member of European Parliament Committee of MEP and TiSA Agriculture and Rural Development - Affiliated with Stop-TTIP-Munich initiative Daniel Caspary, - CDU (Christlich Demokratische Union Deutsch- 7 19 no MEP lands, Christian Democratic Union of Germany) - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ The Greens, German Green Party) Uwe Kekeritz, 8 14 yes - Development Policy Spokesman of GRUENE MP (Germany) party Germany - Member of attac Germany - Member of ver.di (United Services Unions) - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany) - Federal Commissioner for cultural affairs in the Hans-Jürgen 9 13 yes trade policy committee of the European Council Blinn (services and investments) - Affiliated with Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany), left-wing Joachim 10 12 yes of SPD Schuster, MEP - Member of ver.di (United Services Union of Ger- many) - Umweltinstitut München e.V. (Munich-based NGO promoting ecologic policies and sustainable agriculture) - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ 11 Karl Bär 12 yes The Greens, German Green Party) - Founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with Sven Giegold, Nina Scheer, Hilde Mattheis) - AmCham (Amerikanische Handelskammer, Amer- 12 Andreas Povel 12 no ican Chamber of Commerce) - DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, democratic socialist Fabio De Masi, political party in Germany) 13 12 yes MEP - Member of ver.di (United Services Union of Ger- many) - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ Stefan The Greens, German Green Party) Engstfeld, - State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-West- 14 Member of 11 yes phalia (Sven Giegold and Ernst-Christoph Stolper) State Parliament - Member of the State Parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia) - Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environ- Ernst- ment and Nature Conservation) 15 Christoph 11 yes - State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-West- Stolper phalia (Sven Giegold and Stefan Engstfeld) - Official coordinator/speaker of campaign group “TTIPunfairhandelbar”
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Speaker member Number of of or affiliated with Public Position Name “declared” Institutional Affiliation Appear- anti-TTIP Campaign ances Group - Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development) - Head of coordination centre of German anti-TTIP initiative “TTIPunfairhandelbar” - Head of coordination centre of European Citizens’ Initiative against TTIP “Stop TTIP” and “European Stop TTIP” campaign (funded by German Federal Ministry for the Environment)
16 Jürgen Maier 11 yes - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ The Greens, German Green Party, member of the federal executive board of GRUNE 1987-1991) - Affiliated with Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung steering board member and top 50 TTIP speaker Sven Hilbig who represents Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church) - Coordinator of most declared anti-TTIP protest groups that are active members of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung Alexander - Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO promoting 17 11 yes Trenn-heuser democracy and stronger citizen participation) Wolfgang - Publik-Forum (German magazine covering Chris- 18 11 yes Kessler tian, religious and societal issues) - Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO promoting 19 Roman Huber 10 yes democracy and stronger citizen participation) - GRUENE (Bündnis90/Die Grünen, Alliance '90/ Harald Ebner, The Greens, German Green Party) 20 10 yes MP - Member of NABU (Nature and Biodiversity Con- servation Union Germany) - foodwatch e.V. (Organisation that focuses on protecting consumer rights as they pertain to food 21 Thilo Bode 10 yes quality) - Former Directo
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Speaker member Number of of or affiliated with Public Position Name “declared” Institutional Affiliation Appear- anti-TTIP Campaign ances Group John B. - US Embassy in Germany 30 8 no Emerson - Bundesministrerium für Wirtschaft und Energie 31 Heinz Hetmeier 8 no (BMWi, Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy) William E. - US Consul General to Bavaria 32 8 no Moeller 33 Lutz Güllner 8 no - European Commission - DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, democratic socialist Klaus Ernst, political party in Germany) 34 8 yes MP - Former secretary at Metal Workers Union Ger- many - Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Rosa Luxembourg Foundation), 35 Christa Luft 7 yes - Member and former MP of DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) - Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland 36 Maja Volland 7 yes e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environ- ment and Nature Conservation) - Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) - Member and former MP of DIE LINKE (Left- wing Party, democratic socialist political party in 37 Uwe Hiksch 7 yes Germany) - Speaker of the Communist-Marxist Forum of DIE LINKE (classified as anti-constitutional by Ger- man courts in 2009) - University of Bielefeld, Faculty of Law 38 Andreas Fisahn 7 yes - Member of scientific council of attac Germany - Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, Catholic 39 Ralf Welter 7 yes Labour Movement) - DIE ZEIT (national weekly newspaper published in the Free Hanseatic City of Hamburg) 40 Petra Pinzler 7 yes - Affiliated with attac Germany - Affiliated with official Anti-TTIP protest movement - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany) - Member of Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) - Former head of “Unternehmensgrün e.V.”, a Ger- no, but highly critical Nina Scheer, man association of “green” businesses 41 7 towards TTIP, CETA MP - Member of Parliamentarian Left of SPD (Parlam- and TiSA entarische Linke der SPD) - Founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with Sven Giegold, Karl Bär, Hilde Mat- theis) - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, no, but SPD generally Social Democratic Party of Germany) 42 Dirk Wiese, MP 7 sceptical towards TTIP, - Member of Bundestag Committee of Economic CETA and TiSA Affairs and Energy
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Speaker member Number of of or affiliated with Public Position Name “declared” Institutional Affiliation Appear- anti-TTIP Campaign ances Group - Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) Olaf - Member of cultural forum of SPD 43 7 yes Zimmermann - Member and cultural advisor to Protestant Church's state synod of Berlin and Brandenburg Bertram - Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft (vdb, Associa- 44 6 no Brossardt tion of Bavarian Businesses - DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, democratic socialist Helmut Scholz, 45 6 yes political party in Germany) MEP - Founding member of the European Left - SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, Social Democratic Party of Germany) - Member of Parliamentarian Left of SPD (Parlam- entarische Linke der SPD) - Founder and speaker of SPD Forum Demokratische Linke 21 (Forum of Democratic Left 21) - Member of Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) Hilde Mattheis, no, but rejecting TTIP, 46 6 - Member of Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz MP CETA and TiSA Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation) - Member of Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissen- schaft (GEW, Union for Education and Science) - Founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with Sven Giegold, Nina Scheer, Karl Bär) - University Erlangen-Nürnberg - Affiliated with SPD Markus Kra- no, but critical towards 47 6 Affiliated with Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, the ed- jewski TTIP, CETA and TiSA - ucational foundation of DGB (Deutscher Gew- erkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) - attac Germany (Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Citizen's Action) 48 Steffen Stierle 6 yes - Member of DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party, demo- cratic socialist political party in Germany) - ver.di (United Services Union) - Former employee of DGB (Deutscher Gewerk- 49 Dierk Hirschel 6 yes schaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) - Member of board of SPD Forum Demokratische Linke 21 (Forum of Democratic Left 21) - Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church) - Former employee of Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, the political foundation of GRUENE (Bündnis90/ Die Grünen, Alliance '90/The Greens, German 50 Sven Hilbig 6 yes Green Party) - Member of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable develop- ment, coordination centre of anti-TTIP initiative 'TTIPunfairhandelbar')
Source: ECIPE analysis.
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6.5.2. TOP INFLUENCERS AND INSTITUTIONAL NETWORKS WITHIN GERMANY’S ANTI-TTIP POLITICAL CAMPAIGN SCENE
Based on the information provided by Table 4, a visualisation of how Germany’s top 50 speakers on TTIP are connected with those institutions that are most active in shaping the debate is given by Figure 30 (full network of TTIP speakers) and Figure 31 (network of anti-TTIP speakers and institutions). Figure 31 shows that the great majority of top 50 speakers on TTIP are either officially affiliated with those institutions that are declared members of anti-TTIP campaign- net works, or they strongly reject TTIP in public discourse. By contrast, representatives of individual businesses and business associations (2 affiliated speakers) are significantly underrepresented in the list of top 50 TTIP influencers (and beyond). For anti-TTIP protest groups and speakers, the institutional linkages reveal a number of noteworthy facts:
1. The two leading speakers on TTIP in Germany, Bernd Lange (SPD Member of the European Parliament) and Sven Giegold (Green Party Member of the European Par- liament) are affiliated with several, i.e. more than one, declared anti-TTIP protest -or ganisations.
Bernd Lange, MEP (SPD)
Although Bernd Lange, who is the Chairman of the European Parliament’s Committee on In- ternational Trade, does not officially support anti-TTIP campaign networks, he is a declared member of several organisations that are official members of Germany’s anti-TTIP campaign networks such as “Stopp TTIP” and “TTIPunfairhandelar” (Lange is also a member of the Ger- man Metal Workers Union and Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature Germany)). In addition, Lange, who is a professional teacher of religious education, maintains contact with several cler- ical organisations in Germany, of which some sweepingly reject TTIP. Bernd Lange is generally highly critical to ISDS provisions in CETA and TTIP.
Although Lange does not oppose TTIP, he is exposed to prominent views of anti-TTIP interest groups – beyond the high number of critics within the Social Democratic Party (the “Parlia- mentary Left” of the SPD in particular, as discussed below). Accordingly, Lange does neither officially support TTIP, nor does he officially reject the trade agreement. In a recent interview, he conceded that TTIP is likely to fail due to public opinion.15 In another clarification, however, Bernd Lange defended the democratic legitimacy of EU trade policy making by denouncing those political campaigns that aim to undermine the legitimacy of European institutions and European treaties with respect to the EU’s competences in trade policymaking.16
15 See interview from 14 July 2016, http://www.vorwaerts.de/artikel/bernd-lange-freihandel-ceta-ttip-unterschei- det, accessed on 8 August 2016. 16 See personal web presence of Bernd Lange, http://www.bernd-lange.de/aktuell/nachrichten/2016/370742.php, accessed on 8 August 2016.
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Box 1: “Campact”, “Stop(p) TTIP” and “TTIPunfairhandelbar”
Campact is a professional campaign group that was initially funded (in 2004) by advocates of the anti-globalisation, anti-corporate Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and Citi- zen’s Action (attac Germany). It originally initiated and still coordinates the anti-TTIP protest scene in Germany including anti-TTIP campaigns “TTIPunfairhandelbar” and “Stopp TTIP”.
Campact had previously engaged in multi-year campaigns against genetically modified organisms (GMOs), fracking and national provisions concerning the retention of personal data. Thus, TTIP provided an excellent complement to the organisation’s campaign portfolio. In autumn 2013, Cam- pact officials forged an alliance that was primarily supported by agricultural and environmental organisations and civil rights, pro-democracy campaign groups (FAZ 2015; TTIP Unfairhandelbar 2015).
“TTIPunfairhandelbar” emerged in spring 2013 – right after the official announcement of the Eu- ropean Council to envisage opening negotiations in Summer 2013. From the beginning, the pro- test initiative’s prime concern was to stop TTIP negotiations by means of forcefully orchestrated collective action. In organising collective campaigns, Campact was initially primarily supported by the following groups:
- attac Germany, - Arbeitsgemeinschaft bäuerliche Landwirtschaft e.V. (association of small-scale farmers), - Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on environmental and development policies, official coordination centre of anti-TTIP initiatives), - PowerShift e.V. and - Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e.V. (BUND) – Friends of the Earth Germany
On 1 November 2013, “Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung” set up the official coordination center of “TTIPunfairhandelbar”, which, according to the accountability report of the umbrella organisation of German environmental organisations (Deutscher Naturschutzring), was directly financed by Ger- many’s SPD-led Federal Ministry for the Environment (DNR 2013, pp. 20 and 21).
In spring 2014, Germany’s major anti-TTIP activists decided to set up an EU-wide protest campai- gn against TTIP, “Stop(p) TTIP”. Founding members were:
- attac Germany, - Campact, - the European Network of attac, - the „Seattle to Brussels Network” and - “Friends of the Earth Europe”, including BUND Germany.
Campact administers several online and on-the-ground campaigns, and distributes financial funds to a number of network organisations to reach out to group-specific circles of supporters. Campact claims to be financially funded by individual donor’s contributions that do not exceed the amount of 5,000 Euros. However, individual donors are allowed to split contributions. In 2014, Campact’s annual budget was 5.6 million Euros. In 2015, Campact’s annual budget increased to 7 million Euros. In 2015, more than 50 percent of Campact’s campaign funding was spent on anti-TTIP, anti-CETA and anti-TiSA campaign work. The environmental group “Naturfreunde e.V.” (Friends of Nature, socialist by its statues, led by Uwe Hiksch, speaker of the Marxist Forum of DIE LINKE) was the greatest official beneficiary of Campact’s external anti-TTIP campaign funding. This group alone received more than 250,000 Euros to set up anti-TTIP demonstrations in Berlin in 2015 (Campact 2015; 2016).
In addition, Campact financed several declared anti-TTIP-organisations in Europe. It provided fi- nancial grants to PROGRESSI (Italy: 50,000 Euros), Skiftet (Sweden: 70,000 Euros), Uplift (Ire- land: 50,000 Euros), Aufstehn (Austria: 25,000 Euros), and Fundacja Akcja Demokracja (Poland: 25,000 Euros). Campact also provided funding to ActionStation (New Zealand: 50,000 Euros) and GetUp (Australia: 41,069 Euros) to set up campaigns against TPP, the Transpacific Partnership Agreement (see Campact 2016).
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TABLE 5: TTIP-RELATED COMMENTS AND STATEMENTS OF BERND LANGE
We must put off our plans on TTIP (TTIP muss auf Eis gelegt 11 August 2016: werden)17
S&D group rejects ISDS. Welcome. (#S&D Fraktion im #EP, heute 4 March 2015: Beschluss: Klare Kante gegen #ISDS in Handelsverträgen, gut!)18
(CETA: Nachverhandlungen sind möglich! 2 December 2014 TTIP: Investorenschutzklauseln mit USA sind nicht tragbar!)19
Sven Giegold, MEP (GRUENE)
Sven Giegold, who is a member of the European Parliament’s Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance (EFA), turns out to be a figurehead of Germany’s anti-TTIP protest scene and one of its key backers. Giegold is affiliated with the anti-TTIP campaign network’s most influential groups. Giegold is:
- a co-founder of attac Germany, Germany’s most prolific activist group in anti-TTIP protest, - a long-standing advisor to the advisory board of attac, - a trainer and advisor to attac’s “red summer academy” (together with University of Bielefeld’s Andreas Fisahn, who is another top 50 speaker on TTIP in Germany),20 - an advisor to Campact, Germany’s leading professional campaign organisation, which was founded by attac members in 2004 (Campact is the anti-TTIP movement’s control centre of online and on-the-ground campaigns and petitions in Germany, see Box 1), - a former BUND representative to attac (BUND is the most influential environmental organisation, a key “environmental” player in anti-TTIP protests in Germany, and host of the activists’ web page ttipcheck.eu), - an advisor to the Evangelical Churches in Germany, - a member and advisor to the German institute “Green Budget Germany” (together with Jürgen Maier, another top 50 TTIP speaker) - a founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with top 50 TTIP speakers Karl Bär, Nina Scheer, Hilde Mattheis), - a member of the State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-Westphalia, of which two more prominent speakers are in the list of top 50 speakers on TTIP in Germany (Stefan Engstfeld and Ernst-Christoph Stolper).
Sven Giegold strongly rejects TTIP and wants the negotiations to be stopped. Rejecting the clar- ifications of the European Commission, Giegold repeatedly argued (see, e.g., Table 1 below) that TTIP drives down consumer and environmental protection standards, threatens democracy and exposes public services to unjustified competitive pressures. Giegold also doubts the democratic
17 See article “Lange: TTIP muss auf Eis gelegt werden”, http://m.haz.de/Hannover/Aus-der-Region/Burgdorf/Na- chrichten/Europaabgeordneter-Bernd-Lange-glaubt-nicht-mehr-an-ein-Handelsabkommen-der-EU-mit-den-U- SA, accessed on 11 August 2016. 18 Tweet of @Bernd Lange, 4 March 2015. 19 Tweet of @Bernd Lange, 2 December 2014. 20 See information on attac Germany’s “Summer academy”, http://www.attac.de/fileadmin/user_upload/Kampa- gnen/sommerakademie/Programm_SoAk2016_web.pdf, accessed on 11 August 2016.
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legitimacy of EU institutions in trade and economic policymaking. His positions are congruent with those propagated by Germany’s most active anti-TTIP organisations, particularly those spread by Campact, a professional progressive anti-TTIP advocacy group and political campaign platform that was founded by members of attac Germany. Giegold frequently intermediates between attac, Campact and the Green party of Germany. In April 2016, Giegold promoted a protest letter sent by Campact officials to all state associations of Germany’s Green party call- ing them to vigorously reject CETA, the trade and investment agreement between the EU and Canada.
TABLE 6: TTIP-RELATED COMMENTS AND STATEMENTS OF SVEN GIEGOLD
Great letter of Campact - Let’s stop CETA in the Federal Council of Germany. (Star- 18 April 2016 ker Brief von @Campact! Lasst uns #CETA über den Bundesrat stoppen!)21 Obama and Merkel in Hannover. Our welcome message: Stop TTIP. (Obama & 9 March 2016 Merkel kommen nach Hannover! Unsere Willkommensbotschaft: #TTIP & #CETA stoppen! http://ttip-demo.de/home/aufruf/)22 Clear message to SME’s: ISDS-reform is spoof (Klare Ansage von Mittelständler: 20 November 2015 Reform der #TTIP-Schiedsgerichte ist nur ein Bluff)23 Campact exposes Gabriel. Campact replies to Gabriel’s news ads. (Campact ent- 16 October 2015 larvt Gabriel! Bürgerbewegung @campact schaltet heute eine Replik auf Gabriels pro-#TTIP-Zeitungsanzeigen)24 Gabriel’s news ads: Miserable. Gabriel does not discuss with citizens. (Erbärmlich! 10 October 2015 Statt mit Bürgern in Berlin zu diskutieren, schaltet Gabriel Anzeigen für #TTIP!)25 Democracy has lost control over businesses. Who is going to set standards? Mon- 22 September 2015 santo, Deutsche Bank and other Multinationals? Or is it citizens and parliaments?26 New opposition to TTIP. SME’s now mobilise against TTIP. (Gegenwind für #TTIP 1 September 2015 nimmt weiter zu: Mittelstand in Deutschland mobilisiert jetzt gegen TTIP. http:// www.kmu-gegen-ttip.de/)27 Something Gabriel does not like. Labour unions increase efforts to mobilise against 30 August 2015 TTIP. (Das wird Sigmar Gabriel gar nicht gefallen: Die Mobilisierung in den Gewerk- schaften zur großen #TTIP-Demo am 10.10. läuft auf Hochtouren!)28 TTIP deprives our democracy of control over social and environmental standards in 10 March 2014 the Single Market (TTIP droht der Demokratie die soziale und ökologische Kontrolle über den Binnenmarkt zu entziehen.)29
2. Members of the State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-Westphalia are particu- larly offensive in propagating anti-TTIP views and keep close contacts to Campact – Germany’s central anti-TTIP campaign coordination platform.
21 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 18 April 2016. 22 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 9 March 2016. 23 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 20 November 2015. 24 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 16 October 2015. 25 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 10 October 2015. 26 See speech on anti-TTIP demonstration in Munster on 22 September 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?- v=mja2Vmm8Vdo, accessed on 11 August 2016. 27 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 1 September 2015. 28 Tweet of @sven_giegold, 30 August 2015. 29 See article of 10 March 2014, http://www.euractiv.de/section/gesundheit-und-verbraucherschutz/news/gru- nen-leak-ttip-bedroht-demokratie-in-europa/, accessed on 11 August 2016.
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Sven Giegold, Stefan Engstfeld, Ernst-Christoph Stolper and (formerly) Jürgen Maier are four of Germany’s top 20 speakers on TTIP, and are affiliated with the Green (GRUENE) party’s state association of North Rhine Westphalia, a group that is highly active in shaping the debate about TTIP in and beyond North Rhine-Westphalia, with long-standing connections to several anti-TTIP civil society organisations.
In addition to Sven Giegold, who can be regarded as long-established, well-connected interface between Green party officials and several leading officials of the hard core of anti-TTIP organisa- tions in Germany, Ernst-Christoph Stolper and Stefan Engstfeld promote anti-TTIP sentiments within, and beyond, Green party rows. Engstfeld, who is vice chairman of the Greens in North Rhine Westphalia and affiliated with the public media authority of North Rhine-Westphalia, actively promotes Germany’s “Stop(p) TTIP” movement. He is also a signatory of a letter to Campact in which he meets the request of Campact to encourage Green party politicians to protest against TTIP.30
Ernst-Christoph Stolper, who is a former state secretary of Rhineland-Palatinate’s Ministry of Economic Affairs, now serves as environmental organisation BUND’s official TTIP expert. As a coordinator and speaker of “TTIPunfairhandelbar”, Stolper keeps close contacts to Germa- ny’s leading anti-TTIP organisations including attac Germany, the Confederation of German Labour Unions and Germany’s well-organised cultural industry representatives. Stolper is a de- clared supporter of extra-parliamentary opposition and his comments are frequently been taken up on Campact’s web presence.31
3. Beyond the State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-Westphalia, several politicians of Germany’s Green party are highly active in Germany’s anti-TTIP scene. In addition, Green party affiliated directors and campaign managers of influential environmental organisations provide the resources for professional campaign work, i.e. the provision of innovative messages and the activation of members to engage in online forums and to vote in (online) petitions.
11 of Germany’s top 50 speakers on TTIP are affiliated with Germany’s Green party (GRUENE):
- 3 top 50 TTIP speakers represent GRUENE in the European Parliament, - 2 top 50 speakers represent GRUENE in the German Bundestag, - 5 top 50 speakers are leading managers of well-connected environmental organisations and Brot für die Welt (a popular Aid Organisation of Germany’s Evangelical/Protestant Church) - 1 of top 50 TTIP speakers represent GRUENE in the State Parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia.
All of these individuals strictly reject CETA, TTIP and TiSA. It should be noted that all core civil society organisations associated with the Green party GRUENE are partly financed through tax revenues including the campaign initiative “TTIPunfairhandelbar” (see DNR 2013) – irre- spective of issues related to democratic legitimacy, the degree of transparency and democratic accountability. A detailed overview of institutional linkages is given below. Green party GRUENE Members of the European Parliament:
- Sven Giegold: State Association of GRUENE North Rhine-Westphalia (together with top 50 TTIP speakers Stefan Engstfeld and Ernst-Christoph Stolper); co-founder of attac Ger-
30 See letter sent by the State Association of the Green party North Rhine-Westphalia to Campact of 22 April 2016, http://www.sven-giegold.de/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/AntwortschreibenCampact.pdf, accessed on 8 August 2016. 31 See interview from 15 September 2015, https://www.freitag.de/autoren/der-freitag/back-to-the-roots-1, acces- sed on 8 August 2016.
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many (which is, amongst others, supported by prominent anti-TTIP groups ver.di, GEW, BUND, Naturfreunde, Pax Christi, Arbeitsgemeinschaft bäuerliche Landwirtschaft, and var- ious individuals such as Andrea Nahles (the SPD’s current Minister for Labour and Social Affairs and member of the German government); Long-standing advisor to the advisory board of attac Germany; Advisor to Campact; former representative of environmental group BUND to attac Germany; member and advisor to the German institute “Green Budget Ger- many” (together with top 50 TTIP speaker and lead campaign coordinator Jürgen Maier of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung); member of ver.di (United Services Union); member of Mehr Demokratie (together with top TTIP speakers Sarah Händel, Alexander Trennhäuser, Roman Huber); member of steering board of German Evangelical Church Conference; ad- visor to German Ecumenical Church; founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Mod- erne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with top 50 TTIP speakers Karl Bär, Nina Scheer, Hilde Mattheis)
- Maria Heubuch: member of AbL Arbeitsgemeinschaft bäuerlicher Land-wirtschaft (As- sociation of smallholder farmers); member of Bundesverband Deutscher Milchviehhalter (German Association of Dairy Farmers)
- Martin Häusling: organic farmer and member of the European Parliament’s Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development
Green party GRUENE Members of the Germany Federal Parliament (Bundestag):
- Uwe Kekeritz: development Policy Spokesman of GRUENE party Germany, member of attac Germany, member of ver.di (United Services Unions)
- Harald Ebner: member of NABU (Nature and Biodiversity Conservation Union Germany)
Green party GRUENE Members of Environmental and Christian Clerical Organisations:
- Karl Bär: Umweltinstitut München e.V. (Munich-based NGO promoting ecologic policies and sustainable agriculture); founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (insti- tute promoting a solidary future, together with Sven Giegold, Nina Scheer, Hilde Mattheis)
- Ernst-Christoph Stolper: Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation); state Association of GRUENE North Rhine-Westphalia (Sven Giegold and Stefan Engstfeld); official coordina- tor/speaker of campaign group “TTIPunfairhandelbar”
- Jürgen Maier: Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating ini- tiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, coordination centre of an- ti-TTIP initiative ‘TTIPunfairhandelbar’); Green Party (GRUENE) member of the federal executive board of GRUNE 1987-1991); affiliated with Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung steering board member and top 50 TTIP speaker Sven Hilbig who represents Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church); chief coordinator of most declared anti-TTIP protest groups that are active members of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung and “TTIPunfairhandelbar” (which was directly funded by the SPD party-led Federal Ministry of the Environment, see DNR 2013 pp. 20 and 21)
- Christian Hirneis: Managing Director at Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation); member of steering board of BUND Bavaria
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- Sven Hilbig: Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church); former staff of Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung, the political foundation of GRUENE; member of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, coordination centre of anti-TTIP initiative ‘TTIPunfairhandelbar’)
4. Politicians of Germany’s left-wing party DIE LINKE run a forceful anti-TTIP cam- paign that is based on stringent anti-corporate, anti-globalisation doctrines. In search for broader public support, left-wing party representatives utilise personal connec- tions to labour unions, environmental organisations and Germany’s political Commu- nist-Marxist scene.
Six politicians of Germany’s far left-wing party DIE LINKE are among Germany’s top 50 speak- ers on TTIP. Fabio di Masi is the the party’s most active speaker on TTIP. Di Masi is a Member of the European Parliament, a member of the State Association of the left-wing party in North Rhine-Westphalia, a former staff member of Sarah Wagenknecht (the current deputy chairper- son of DIE LINKE), and affiliated with the United Services Union ver.di, which is a declared member organisation to Germany’s anti-TTIP campaign network. Di Masi is well-connected with the anti-TTIP scene in North Rhine Westphalia. Based on fundamental opposition and forceful messages, Di Masi strictly rejects TTIP.
Klaus Ernst, a Member of the German Bundestag and former secretary at the German Metal Workers Union is another prominent speaker on TTIP, utilising his strong personal contacts with officials of German labour unions. Christa Luft, a former official of Eastern Germany’s SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany) and former Member of the German Bundestag (member of PDS, a successor of SED and predecessor of Die LINKE), is the anti-TTIP voice of Rosa Lux- emburg Foundation, the political foundation of Germany’s far left-wing party.
Another prominent speaker of Germany’s left-wing party DIE LINKE is Uwe Hiksch, who, in his capacity as expert on TTIP, exclusively represents Germany’s environment organisation Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature). It should be noted, however, that Uwe Hiksch, who is a former Member of the German Bundestag (representing the Social Democrats), is the leading figure of the Marxist Forum of DIE LINKE, which was classified as anti-constitutional by two administrative courts in 2009. The Marxist Forum promotes dialectical methods to promote communist and Marxist thoughts in society.32
5. The majority of top 50 speakers on TTIP that are affiliated with Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD) strongly reject TTIP. The SPD’s anti-TTIP speakers are well-connected with labour unions and leading figures in the SPD’s influential left- wing groups: the “Parliamentarian Left” and the SPD’s “Forum Democratic Left 21”.
Following Bernd Lange, SPD’s Maria Noichl, a Member of the European Parliament, is the SPD’s most active speaker against TTIP. Noichl, who represents the Bavarian constituency of Rosenheim, is a member of the European Parliament’s Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development. Noichl, who calls to stop “TTIP, CETA and TiSA madness”, is affiliated with the Stop-TTIP-Munich initiative.33 SPD’s Joachim Schuster, another Social Democratic Member of the European Parliament, is also a leading voice of the SPD in the TTIP debate. Schuster is more moderate and less belligerent in voicing criticism over TTIP, but generally rejects investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) clauses within the trade agreement.
32 See web presence of the Marxist Forum of the party DIE LINKE, https://www.die-linke.de/partei/weite- re-strukturen/weitere-zusammenschluesse/marxistisches-forum/, accessed on 8 August 2016. 33 See speech of Maria Noichl at “Bavaria Stops CETA” demonstration on 16 July 2016, http://stop-ttip-muenchen. de/rede-von-maria-noichl-mdep-spd-zum-globalen-aktionstag-gegen-ttip-am-18-april-2015-in-muenchen/, accessed on 8 August 2016.
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Hans-Jürgen Blinn, a politician of Germany’s SPD and Federal Commissioner for Cultural Af- fairs in the Trade Policy Committee of the European Council (services and investments), strong- ly rejects TTIP. Blinn, who is also affiliated with the “German Cultural Council” (Deutscher Kulturrat, one of Germany’s leading declared anti-TTIP protest organisations), argues that TTIP would manifest market rationalities, and therefore threatens Germany’s cultural sector.34
In addition to Maria Noichl, SPD’s Nina Scheer and Hilde Mattheis are the SPD’s most bel- ligerent critics of TTIP and other trade agreements. Both politicians officially support several declared anti-TTIP organisations on Germany. Nina Scheer is a member of Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) and the former head of “Unternehmensgrün e.V. (a German association of “green” businesses and declared anti-TTIP organisation). Hilde Mattheis is member of three de- clared anti-TTIP protest groups: Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature), Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation) and Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW, Union for Education and Science).
Both Scheer and Mattheis are members of the Parliamentarian Left of SPD (Parlamenta- rische Linke der SPD). Moreover, Hilde Mattheis is founder and speaker of SPD’s Forum Demokratische Linke 21 (Forum of Democratic Left 21). The forum promotes progressive, far left-wing ideologies that are not shared by the majority of the SPD party base. Hilde Mattheis is also a founding member of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future, together with top 50 TTIP speakers Sven Giegold, Nina Scheer and Karl Bär). Dirk Hierschel, a former economist of Germany’s Confederation of Labour Unions (DGB), current head of economic policy of Germany’s United Services Union ver.di and one of Germany’s top 50 speakers on TTIP, is a board member of the SPD’s Forum Demokratische Linke 21.
Although SPD’s Andrea Nahles does not appear in the list of top 50 speakers on TTIP in Germa- ny, it is noteworthy that she is a member of attac Germany, one of Germany’s leading anti-TTIP campaign organisations. Nahles is the SPD’s current Minister for Labour and Social Affairs and a member of the German CDU/CSU/SPD coalition government.
6. Four of Germany’s top 50 speakers on TTIP are founding members of the “Institut Sol- idarische Moderne” (institute promoting a solidary future), a political green and left- wing cross-party organisation aiming to increase the societal recognition, acceptability and collective action in promoting left-wing ideologies. The organisation’s network includes individuals of educational institutions, academia, cultural organisations and public institutions.
Four of Germany’s anti-TTIP movement’s most active figures, Sven Giegold (GRUENE), Karl Bär (Umweltinstitut München e. V. and GRUENE), Hilde Mattheis and Nina Scheer (Parlamentarian Left of SPD), who are fierce opponents of TTIP, are founding members of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne” (ISM, institute promoting a solidary future). The purpose of the organisation is to promote ideas and collective action in combating “unbridled capitalism”.35 The organisation connects politicians of Germany’s Social Democrats (SPD), Green (GRUENE) and left-wing (DIE LINKE) parties, and offers a platform for a great number of political left-wing academics (primarily political scientists, social scientist and historians) and representatives of cultural and several public institutions.
34 See, e.g., article TTIP: Freihandelsexperte spricht im Beruflichen Schulzentrum http://www.swp.de/bietigheim/ lokales/bietigheim_bissingen/ttip_-freihandelsexperte-spricht-im-beruflichen-schulzentrum-11775084.html, accessed on 8 August 2016. 35 See web presence of the “Institut Solidarische Moderne”, https://www.solidarische-moderne.de/de/topic/144. ziele-aufgaben-projekte.html, accessed on 9 August 2016.
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FIGURE 30: TOP 50 TTIP EXPERTS IN GERMANY AND INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATIONS
Full Network of Speakers by Institution
GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) attac Deutschland (attac Germany) SPD (Social Democratice Party of Germany) Christian Churches Germany DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany) EFA Group in European Parliament Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, Catholic Labour Movement) Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Rosa Luxembourg Foundation)
Marxistisches Forum der Partei DIE LINKE (Marxist Forum of DIE LINKE) Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation)
Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) Bernd Lange, MdEP, MEP (1) Markus Ferber, MdEP, MEP (26) ÖDP (Ecologic Democratic Party of Germany) Sven Giegold, MdEP, MEP (2) Publik-Forum (German magazine covering Christian, religious and societal issues) Martin Häusling, MdEP, MEP (27) Jacob Schrot (3) Alexander Graf Lambsdor, MdEP, MEP (28) Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, coordination center of anti-TTIP initiative 'TTIPunfairhandelbar') Klaus Buchner, MEP (4) Maria Heubuch, MdEP, MEP (29) Sarah Händel (5) Greenpeace Deutschland (Greenpeace Germany) Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) DIE ZEIT (national weekly newspaper published in the Free Hanseatic City of Hamburg) John B. Emerson (30) Maria Noichl, MdEP, MEP (6) Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO promoting democracy and stronger citizen participation) Heinz Hetmeier (31) Daniel Caspary, MdEP, MEP (7) DGB (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) William E. Moeller (32) Uwe Kekeritz, MdB, MP (8) foodwatch e.V. (Organisation that focuses on protecting consumer rights as they pertain to food quality) German Metal Workers Union Universität Bielefeld (University of Bielefeld) Lutz Güllner (33) Hans-Jürgen Blinn (9) ver.di (United Services Union) Klaus Ernst, MdB, MP (34) Joachim Schuster, MdEP, MEP (10) PowerShift e.V. (Verein für eine ökologisch-solidarische Energie- & Weltwirtschaft e.V., Berlin-based NGO promoting ecologic and solidary economy) Christa Luft (35) Karl Bär (11) Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (University of Erlangen-Nürnberg) Maja Volland (36) Andreas Povel (12) Umweltinstitut München e.V. (Munich-based NGO promoting ecologic policies and sustainable agriculture) Uwe Hiksch (37) Fabio De Masi, MdEP, MEP (13) Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church) Andreas Fisahn (38) Stefan Engstfeld, MdL (14) Ralf Welter (39) Ernst-Christoph Stolper (15) Petra Pinzler (40) Jürgen Maier (16) Nina Scheer, MdB, MP (41) Alexander Trennheuser (17) Anti-TTIP-Bündnis (Formal Anti-TTIP Alliance - "Stopp TTIP" & "TTIPunfairhandelbar") Dirk Wiese, MdB, MP (42) Wolfgang Kessler (18) Olaf Zimmermann (43) Roman Huber (19) Bertram Brossardt (44) Verbraucherzentrale Niedersachsen (Consumer Advice Center) Harald Ebner, MdB, MP (20) Initiative Junger Transatlantiker (Young Transatlantic Initiative) Helmut Scholz, MdEP, MEP (45) ilo Bode (21) Hilde Mattheis (46) BDI (Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie, Federation of German Industry) Christian Hirneis (22) US-Botschaft in Deutschland (US Embassy in Germany) Markus Krajewski (47) AmCham (Amerikanische Handelskammer, American Chamber of Commerce) Stormy-Annika Mildner (23) Steen Stierle (48) Bundesministrerium für Wirtschaft und Energie (BMWi, Federal Ministry for Economic Aairs and Energy) Lukas Bläsius (24) Dierk Hirschel (49) Europäische Kommission (European Commission) Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft (vdb, Association of Bavarian Businesses) omas Fritz (25) Sven Hilbig (50) GEW (Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft, Union for Education and Science) CDU (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) CSU (Christian Social Union) FDP (Freie Demokratische Partei, Free Democratic Party, classical liberal party in Germany)
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: numbers in brackets represent rank in number of public appearances as speakers on TTIP panels between February 2015 and February 2016.
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FIGURE 31: ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN GROUPS’ SPEAKERS (AMONG TOP 50 SPEAKERS IN GERMANY) AND INSTUTIONAL AFFILIATIONS
Full Network of Speakers by Anti-TTIP Institution
GRUENE (Greens Party of Germany) attac Deutschland (attac Germany) SPD (Social Democratice Party of Germany) Christian Churches Germany DIE LINKE (Left-wing Party of Germany)
EFA Group in European Parliament Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung (Rosa Luxembourg Foundation) Katholische Arbeiterbewegung (KAB, Catholic Labour Movement)
Marxistisches Forum der Partei DIE LINKE (Marxist Forum of DIE LINKE) Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland e. V. (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation)
Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature) Bernd Lange, MdEP, MEP (1) ÖDP (Ecologic Democratic Party of Germany) Sven Giegold, MdEP, MEP (2) Publik-Forum (German magazine covering Christian, religious and societal issues) Martin Häusling, MdEP, MEP (27)
Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, coordination center of anti-TTIP initiative 'TTIPunfairhandelbar') Klaus Buchner, MEP (4) Maria Heubuch, MdEP, MEP (29) Sarah Händel (5) Greenpeace Deutschland (Greenpeace Germany) DIE ZEIT (national weekly newspaper published in the Free Hanseatic City of Hamburg) Deutscher Kulturrat (German Cultural Council) Maria Noichl, MdEP, MEP (6) Mehr Demokratie e.V. (German NGO promoting democracy and stronger citizen participation) DGB (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions)
Uwe Kekeritz, MdB, MP (8) foodwatch e.V. (Organisation that focuses on protecting consumer rights as they pertain to food quality) German Metal Workers Union Universität Bielefeld (University of Bielefeld) Hans-Jürgen Blinn (9) ver.di (United Services Union) Klaus Ernst, MdB, MP (34) Joachim Schuster, MdEP, MEP (10) PowerShift e.V. (Verein für eine ökologisch-solidarische Energie- & Weltwirtschaft e.V., Berlin-based NGO promoting ecologic and solidary economy) Christa Luft (35) Karl Bär (11) Umweltinstitut München e.V. (Munich-based NGO promoting ecologic policies and sustainable agriculture) Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (University of Erlangen-Nürnberg) Maja Volland (36) Uwe Hiksch (37) Fabio De Masi, MdEP, MEP (13) Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church) Andreas Fisahn (38) Stefan Engstfeld, MdL (14) Ralf Welter (39) Ernst-Christoph Stolper (15) Petra Pinzler (40) Jürgen Maier (16) Nina Scheer, MdB, MP (41) Alexander Trennheuser (17) Anti-TTIP-Bündnis (Formal Anti-TTIP Alliance - "Stopp TTIP" & "TTIPunfairhandelbar") Wolfgang Kessler (18) Olaf Zimmermann (43) Roman Huber (19)
Verbraucherzentrale Niedersachsen (Consumer Advice Center) Harald Ebner, MdB, MP (20) Initiative Junger Transatlantiker (Young Transatlantic Initiative) Helmut Scholz, MdEP, MEP (45) ilo Bode (21) Hilde Mattheis (46) BDI (Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie, Federation of German Industry) Christian Hirneis (22) US-Botschaft in Deutschland (US Embassy in Germany) AmCham (Amerikanische Handelskammer, American Chamber of Commerce) Steen Stierle (48) Bundesministrerium für Wirtschaft und Energie (BMWi, Federal Ministry for Economic Aairs and Energy) Lukas Bläsius (24) Dierk Hirschel (49) Europäische Kommission (European Commission) Verband der Bayrischen Wirtschaft (vdb, Association of Bavarian Businesses) omas Fritz (25) Sven Hilbig (50) GEW (Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft, Union for Education and Science) CDU (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) CSU (Christian Social Union) FDP (Freie Demokratische Partei, Free Democratic Party, classical liberal party in Germany) Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: numbers in brackets represent rank in number of public appearances as speakers on TTIP panels between February 2015 and February 2016. Note that Bernd Lange does not officially support anti-TTIP protest organisations, but is a declared member of several organisations that are declared members of anti-TTIP campaign networks (i.e. the German Metal Workers Union and Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature Germany). Besides, Bernd Lange, who is a trained teacher for religious education, is affiliated with several clerical organisations in Germany. 63 ecipe occasional paper — no. 02/2016
6.5.3. ANTI-TTIP INFLUENCER INDEX
Data of the number of public appearances, information of political party affiliation and in- formation about affiliations with anti-TTIP institutions have been combined to calculate an “anti-TTIP influencer index”. By doing so, we aim to depict those individuals that, on the one hand, have political power and a high degree of potential influence within Germany’s political parties and, on the other hand, are well-connected in the anti-TTIP scene in Germany. Ac- cordingly, each individual’s final index score is based on the aggregation of 3 sub-indices. The methodology of aggregation is outlined in Box 2 below. It should be noted, however, that some individuals have a greater exposure to journalists and (mass) media than others, which is why these numbers should be interpreted with caution. In addition, the journalist Petra Pinzler, a profound critic of TTIP, TiSA and CETA and supporter of the campaign TTIPunfairhandelbar, certainly has a greater impact on public opinion in Germany than most other individuals cov- ered by this analyisis. Box 2: Methodological Considerations “Anti-TTIP Influencer Index”
Each individual’s final index score is based on the aggregation of 3 sub-indices:
- Sub-index 1: number of anti-TTIP speakers’ public appearances divided by maximum number of appearances (=Bernd Lange: 46)36
- Sub-Index 2: Number of relations to official anti-TTIP protest groups divided by maximum number of declared relations with declared anti-TTIP organisations (= Sven Giegold: 5)
- Sub-Index 3: Current or former Member of National Parliament, Member of State Parliament or Member of European Parliament = 1 and 0 otherwise
- Index weights: Sub-Index 1= 0.4, Sub-Index 2= 0.4, Sub-Index 3= 0.2
Figure 32 depicts the score of the aggregated “anti-TTIP influencer index”. Germany’s Greens Party GRUENE Member of the European Parliament Sven Giegold ranks first. Sven Giegold holds a formal political mandate and is a declared member of 5 declared anti-TTIP organisations (Table 4). Germany’s Social Democrat Bernd Lange ranks second. Although Lange does not offi- cially support anti-TTIP protest organisations, he is a declared member of several organisations that are official members of anti-TTIP campaign initiatives (i.e. the German Metal Workers Union and Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature Germany). Besides, Lange is affiliated with several clerical organisations in Germany, of which some strictly reject TTIP. Germany’s Green Party member Uwe Kekeritz ranks third. Kekeritz is a Member of the German Bundestag and a de- clared member of three declared anti-TTIP campaign organisations.
The index values reveal that Germany’s top political influencers share green/environmental or far-left wing ideas and associated political ideologies. 6 of Germany’s 17 most influential poli- ticians are members of German Greens party GRUENE (plus one representative of Germany’s Ecologic Democratic Party ÖDP). 5 of Germany’s most influential politicians represent German far left-wing party DIE LINKE. 4 of Germany’s most influential politicians represent the left- wing of Germany’s Social Democratic Party SPD. Moreover, 5 of Germany’s top anti-TTIP influencers that represent civil society organisations are members of Germany’s Green party GRUENE. 3 speakers represent pro-democracy groups. Another 3 top-influencers represent an- ti-globalisation, anti-corporate group attac Germany, and a further 2 influencers represent Ger- many’s Cultural Council (Deutscher Kulturrat), labour unions (DGB and ver.di) and Christian clerical institutions respectively.
36 Note that Bernd Lange does not officially support anti-TTIP protest organisations, but is a declared member of several organisations that are declared members of anti-TTIP campaign networks (i.e. the German Metal Workers Union and Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature Germany). Besides, Bernd Lange, who is a professional teacher for religious thought, is affiliated with several clerical organisations in Germany of which some strongly reject TTIP.
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FIGURE 32: ANTI-TTIP INFLUENCER INDEX
Sven Giegold, MdEP,Sven MEP Giegold, (GRUENE, MdEP, Greens) MEP 0.85 (GRUENE, Greens)
Bernd Lange, MdEP, MEPBernd (SPD, Lange, Social MdEP, Democrats) MEP 0.76 (SPD, Social Democrats) Uwe Kekeritz, MdB, MP Uwe Kekeritz, MdB, MP (GRUENE,(GRUENE, Greens) Green) 0.56
Maria Noichl, MdEP, MEP Maria Noichl, MdEP, MEP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.53 (SPD, Social Democrats)
MariaMaria Heubuch, Heubuch, MsEP, MdEP, MEP MEP (GRUENE, (GRUENE, Greens) 0.51
Uwe Hiksch (Naturfreunde, MarxistischesUwe Hiksch Forum (Naturfreunde, DIE LINKE, Friends Marxistische of Nature, ForumMarxist 0.50 DIE LINKE,Forum) Friends of Nature, Marxist Forum)
Hilde Mattheis, MdB, MPHilde (SPD, Mattheis, Social Democrats) MdB, MP, 0.49 SPD, Social Democrat)
Klaus Buchner, MEP (ÖDP, EcologicalKlaus Democratic Buchner, Party)MEP 0.47 (ÖDP, Ecological Democratic Party) Fabio De Masi, MdEP, MEP Fabio De Masi, MdEP, MEP(DIE (DIE LINKE, LINKE, Left-wing Left-wing Party)Party) 0.46
Harald Ebner, MdB, MP Harald Ebner,(DIE MdB, LINKE, MP (GRUENE, Left-wing Greens) Party) 0.45
Klaus Ernst, MdB, MP Klaus Ernst, MdB, MP(DIE (DIE LINKE, LINKE, Left-wing Left-wing Party)Party) 0.43
Nina Scheer, MdB, MP Nina Scheer, MdB, MP(SPD, (SPD, Social Social Democrat)Democrats) 0.42 Christa Luft (DIE LINKE, Christa Luft (DIE LINKE,Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung) Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung) 0.42
Joachim Schuster , MdEP, MEP Joachim Schuster, MdEP, MEP(SDP, (SPD, Social Social Democrats) Democrats) 0.38
Stefan Engstfeld, MdL Stefan Engstfeld, MdL(GRUENE, (GRUENE, Greens)Greens) 0.38
Martin Häusling, MdEP, MEP Martin Häusling, MdEP, MEP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.36 (GRUENE, Greens)
Helmut Scholz, MdEP, MEP Helmut Scholz, MdEP, MEP (DIE LINKE, Left-wing Party) 0.33 (DIE LINKE, Left-wing Party)
Karl Bär (GRUENE, Umweltinstitut München e.V., NGO promoting ecologic policies and Continued... 0.26 sustainable agriculture)
Jürgen Maier Forum (GRUENE, Greens, Umwelt und Entwicklung, coordination center of 0.26 anti-TTIP platform 'TTIPunfairhandelbar')
Ernst-Christoph Stolper (GRUENE, Greens, BUND, German Federation for the 0.26 Environment and Nature Conservation
Sarah Händel (Mehr Demokratie, German NGO promoting democracy and stronger 0.25 citizen participation)
Christian Hirneis (GRUENE, Greens, BUND, German Federation for the Environment 0.25 and Nature Conservation)
Thilo Bode (foodwatch) 0.25
Sven Hilbig (GRUENE, Greens, Brot für die Welt, Aid Organisation of German 0.21 Evangelical/Protestant Church)
Dierk Hirschel (ver.di, United Services Union) 0.21
Steffen Stierle (attac Deutschland, attac Germany) 65 0.21
Hans-Jürgen Blinn (SPD, Social Democrats, Ministry of Education Rhineland-Palatinate, 0.19 Germany Cultural Council)
Wolfgang Kessler (Publik-Forum, Magazine covering Christian and religious) 0.18
Alexander Trennheuser (Mehr Demokratie, German NGO promoting democracy and 0.18 stronger citizen participation)
Roman Huber (Mehr Demokratie, German NGO promoting democracy and stronger 0.17 citizen participation)
Thomas Fritz (PowerShift, NGO promoting ecologic and solidary economy) 0.16
Lukas Bläsius (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) 0.16
Olaf Zimmermann (Deutscher Kulturrat, German Cultural Council) 0.14
Petra Pinzler (Die ZEIT, weekly magazine) 0.14
Ralf Welter (Katholische Arbeiterbewegung, Catholic Labour Movement) 0.14
Andreas Fisahn (Universität Bielefeld & attac Deutschalnd, University of Bielefeld & attac 0.14 Germany)
Maja Volland (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation) 0.14
Markus Krajewski (Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, University Erlangen-Nürnberg) 0.13 Sven Giegold, MdEP, MEP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.85
Bernd Lange, MdEP, MEP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.76
Uwe Kekeritz, MdB, MP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.56
Maria Noichl, MdEP, MEP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.53
Maria Heubuch, MdEP, MEP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.51
Uwe Hiksch (Naturfreunde, Marxistisches Forum DIE LINKE, Friends of Nature, Marxist 0.50 Forum)
Hilde Mattheis, MdB, MP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.49
Klaus Buchner, MEP (ÖDP, Ecological Democratic Party) 0.47
Fabio De Masi, MdEP, MEP (DIE LINKE, Left-wing Party) 0.46
Harald Ebner, MdB, MP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.45
Klaus Ernst, MdB, MP (DIE LINKE, Left-wing Party) 0.43
Nina Scheer, MdB, MP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.42
Christa Luft (DIE LINKE, Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung) 0.42
Joachim Schuster, MdEP, MEP (SPD, Social Democrats) 0.38
Stefan Engstfeld, MdL (GRUENE, Greens) 0.38
Martin Häusling, MdEP, MEP (GRUENE, Greens) 0.36
Helmut Scholz, MdEP, MEP (DIE LINKE, Left-wing Party)ecipe occasional paper —0.33 no. 02/2016
Karl Bär (GRUENE, UmweltinstitutKarl Bär (GRUENE, München e.V.,Umweltinstitut NGO promoting München ecologic e.V.,policies NGO and 0.26 promotingsustainable ecologic agriculture) policies and sustainable architecture)
Jürgen Maier Forum (GRUENE,Jürgen Greens, Maier Umwelt Forum und (GRUENE, Entwicklung, Greens, coordination Umwelt center und of 0.26 anti Entwicklung,-TTIP platform coordination 'TTIPunfairhandelbar') center of anti-TTIP platform ‘TTIPunfairhandelbar’) Ernst-ChristophErnst-Christoph Stolper (GRUENE, Stolper Greens, (GRUENE, BUND, Greens, German BUND, Federation German for the 0.26 FederationEnvironment for the Environmentand Nature Conservation and Nature Conservation)
Sarah Händel (MehrSarah Demokratie, Händel (Mehr German Demokratie, NGO promoting German democracy NGO promotingand stronger 0.25 democracycitizen participation) and stronger citizen participation.
Christian Hirneis (GRUENE,Christian Greens, Hirneis BUND, (GRUENE, German Federation Greens, for BUND, the Environment German 0.25 Federationand for Nature the Environment Conservation) and Nature Conservation)
ThiloThilo Bode Bode (Foodwatch) (foodwatch) 0.25
Sven Hilbig (GRUENE,Sven Hilbig Greens, (GRUENE, Brot für die Greens,Welt, Aid Brot Organisation für die Welt,of German Aid 0.21 OrganisationEvangelical/Protestant of German Evangelical/ Church) Protestant Church)
Dierk HirschelDierk Hirschel (ver.di, (ver.di, United United Services Services Union) Union) 0.21
SteffenSteffen Stierle Stierle (attac (attac Deutschland, Deutschland, attacGermany) attac Germany) 0.21
Hans-JürgenHans-Jürgen Blinn (SPD, Social Blinn Democrats, (SPD, Social Ministry Democrats, of Education Ministry Rhineland of Education-Palatinate, 0.19 GermanyRhineland-Palatinate, Cultural Council) German Culture Council) Wolfgang Kessler (Publik-Forum, Magazine covering Wolfgang Kessler (Publik-Forum, Magazine covering Christian and religious) 0.18 Christianity and religion)
Alexander TrennheuserAlexander (Mehr Trennheuser Demokratie, German (Mehr NGODemokratie, promoting German democracy NGO and 0.18 promotingstronger democracy citizen participation) and stronger citizen participation)
Roman Huber Roman(Mehr Demokratie, Huber (Mehr German Demokratie, NGO promoting German democracy NGO promoting and stronger 0.17 democracycitizen participation) and stronger citizen participation)
Thomas Fritz (PowerShift, NGO promoting ecologic 0.16 Thomas Fritz (PowerShift, NGO promoting ecologicand and solidary solidary economy) economy)
Lukas Bläsius (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Lukas Bläsius (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Confederation of German Trade Unions) 0.16 Confederation of German Trade Unions)
Olaf Zimmermann (DeutscherOlaf Zimmermann Kulturrat, German (Deutscher Cultural Kulturrat, Council) 0.14 German Cultural Council)
Petra PinzlerPetra Pinzler (Die (Die ZEIT, ZEIT, weekly weekly magazine) magazine) 0.14
Ralf Welter (Katholische Arbeiterbewegung, Ralf Welter (Katholische Arbeiterbewegung,Catholic Catholic Labour Labour Movement Movement) 0.14
Andreas Fisahn (Universität Bielefeld & attac Deutschalnd, University of Bielefeld & attac Andreas Fisahn (Universität Bielefeld & attac Deutschland, 0.14 Germany)University of Bielefeld and attac Germany) Maja Volland (BUND, German Federation for the Maja Volland (BUND, German Federation for the Environment and Nature Conservation) 0.14 Environment and Nature Conservation
Markus Krajewski (Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Markus Krajewski (Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, University Erlangen-Nürnberg) 0.13 University of Erlangen-Nurenberg)
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note that Bernd Lange does not officially support anti-TTIP protest orga- nisations, but is a declared member of several organisations that are declared members of anti-TTIP campaign networks (i.e. the German Metal Workers Union and Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature Germany). Besides, Bernd Lange, who is a trained teacher for religious education, is affiliated with several clerical organisations in Germany of which some strongly reject TTIP.
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6.6 A GLANCE AT AUSTRIA
Previous sections have shown that public opinion about TTIP in Germany is exceptionally low, and that this is primarily the result of a single driving force: an influential anti-TTIP campaign orchestrated by well-established, well-connected politicians and professional NGO campaign managers that share a common set of “green and left-wing” ideologies. There is one country, however, where public opinion about TTIP is even worse: Austria.
According to recent survey data, 66 percent of Austrian citizens are “generally negative” towards TTIP (see Figure 5 and Figure 6). At the same time, Google search interest for mainly negative queries is highest in Austria. Similar to what took place in Germany over the past three years, both interest in TTIP and the negative picture Austrian citizens have about TTIP can be at- tributed to professional anti-TTIP campaigns run by several well-connected political groups. Thereby, the protest scene in Austria is basically a mirror image of that of Germany, with the exception that the Austrian debate is much more shaped by anti-TTIP campaign groups.
FIGURE 33: DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR GROUPS OF STAKEHOLDERS ORGANISING ON TTIP IN AUSTRIA
Individual Businesses Political Party w/o 2% Anti-TTIP Campaign Group Members 1% Business Federations 9%
Member of Anti-TTIP Campaign Group 88%
Source: ECIPE analysis. Number of registered events in Austria: 112.
For Austria, we collected data of 112 events on TTIP and TTIP-related subjects. As shown by Figure 33 and Figure 34, 88 percent of TTIP event organisers are declared members of Austria’s anti-TTIP alliance “TTIP Stoppen”. Contrary to Germany, political parties in Austria did virtu- ally nothing to support TTIP. At the same time, business’s support of TTIP is less pronounced than in Germany. Taken together, these observations explain much of the pronounced public aversion to TTIP in Austria. The public debate about TTIP in Austria is heavily biased. Highly vocal, well-organised anti-TTIP activists do not face pro-TTIP resistance. Like in Germany, anti-TTIP groups tremendously benefit from the “wait-and-see passivity” of those who are gen- erally in favour of open markets, less critical or pro TTIP (and CETA).
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FIGURE 34: DISTRIBUTION OF MAJOR GROUPS OF STAKEHOLDERS ORGANISING ON TTIP, GERMANY VERSUS AUSTRIA
88% Member of Anti-TTIP Campaign Group 58%
Political Party w/o Anti-TTIP Campaign Group 1% Members 30%
9% Business Federations 11%
2% Individual Businesses 1%
Austria Germany
Source: ECIPE analysis. Number of registered events in Germany = 1.508. Number of registered events in Austria = 112.
FIGURE 35: AUSTRIA’S TOP “DECLARED” ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN NETWORK MEMBER ORGANISATIONS, BY NUMBER OF HOSTED EVENTS
attac Austria (attac Österreich) 20
Stop TTIP Austria (Stopp TTIP Österreich, ex attac) 20
Green party Austria (GRUENE Austria) 11
Catholic Labour Movement (KAB, Katholische 9 Arbeiterbewegung) Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ, 3 Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs)
Greenpeace Austria (Greenpeace Österreich) 2
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: Number of registered events for Austria = 112. Number of events organised by anti-TTIP groups = 73.
The data also show that attac is by far the leading anti-TTIP campaign group in Austria, while at the same time Austria’s Green Party is substantially less active in the debate about TTIP than Germany’s Green Party (see Figure 35). Adjusted by the size of population, the Austrian branch of attac is attac’s 2nd largest national member organisation. The “attac member” to “national population” ratio for Austria is more than 20 times larger than for Germany and more than 40 times larger than for France. Funded in 2000, attac Austria serves as a well-established platform of entrenched labour unions, various clerical (Christian, primarily Catholic) organisations and several civil society organisations.37
37 See web presence of attac Austria: http://www.attac.at/ueber-attac/unterstuetzerinnen/mitgliedsorganisationen. html, accessed on 19 August 2016.
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Contrary to Germany, attac’s footsteps are much more salient in the Austrian debate about TTIP. As illustrated by Figure 36, “multinational enterprises”, a traditional target of attac’s national and cross-country initiatives, is the most present topical issue addressed by TTIP events in Austria, followed by issues related to “state and democracy” and “transparency”.
Interestingly, and in contrast to the German debate, issues related to “communal and regional impact” and “public services” do not rank high on the agendas for TTIP events in Austria. Ger- man anti-TTIP groups by intention take into account differences in the federal structures of both countries. The findings therefore indicate that in Germany issues related to the impact on municipalities and municipal utilities primarily originated from the pens of Germany’s Green and Left-wing parties and associated campaign spin doctors in an attempt to “localise” TTIP-re- lated subjects. In other words, the high number of events pretended to be related to far-reaching regional or communal consequences reflects anti-TTIP groups’ strategic calculus to deliver the complexities of a comprehensive international treaty in bite-sized pieces to local communities and, primarily, to influential local political decision makers.
FIGURE 36: TOP TTP-RELATED SUBJECTS ADDRESSED BY TTIP EVENTS IN AUSTRIA
8: MNC 15 3: State & Democracy 12 2: Transparency 8 19: Sector-specific impact 7 13: Trade and economic growth 7 4: Consumer & health protection 6 14: Jobs 5 20: Values 3 5: Environmental protection 3 12: Alternative Mandate 2 11: Fair Trade 2 1: ISDS 2 17: Investment 1 16: Innovation 1 9: SME 1 18: Communal or regional impact 0 15: Competition 0 10: Regulatory Cooperation 0 8: Private sector 0 7: Culture 0 6: Public Services 0
Source: ECIPE analysis.
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Box 3: The European Anti-TTIP Campaign Network “Stop TTIP”
Running office:
“Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung”:
- Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development -coordination centre of German anti-TTIP initiative “TTIPunfairhandelbar”, which is directly funded by Germany’s Federal Ministry for the Environment - coordination centre of European “Stop TTIP” movement - run by Jürgen Maier, member of the federal executive board of GRUENE (Germany’s Green Party) from 1987 to 1991
Mission Statement of “Stop TTIP” Europe:
“We are an alliance of more than 500 European organisations running campaigns and actions against TTIP and CETA. We believe that these two trade and investment agreements must be stopped because they pose a threat to democracy, the rule of law, the environment, health, public services as well as consumer and labour rights.”
Core messages:41
- Investors will be able to sue states. - Corporations will be invited to co-write new laws. - Big business has excessive influence on the secret negotiations for CETA and TTIP. - Food quality standards and consumer protection could be weakened. - Workers’ rights and jobs are endangered. - European countries would be falling under pressure to allow high-risk technologies such as fracking or GM technology. - CETA and TTIP will further increase inequalities. - Liberalisation and privatisation will become one-way streets.
Core Objective of the “Self-organised” Citizens Initiative against TTIP:
“The self-organised European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) Stop TTIP collected signatures against TTIP and CETA from 7 October 2014 to 6 October 2015. […] we decided to carry out our European Citizens’ Initiative without permission from Brussels and called it a self-organised European Citizens’ Initiative. We think that it is our democratic right as citizens of the EU to have a say on matters that affect us: both TTIP and CETA will have profound effects on our lives and our society.
7. THE DOMINANT ROLE OF GERMAN ORGANISATIONS IN EUROPE’S ANTI-TTIP CAMPAIGN SCENE
In spring 2014, Germany’s leading anti-TTIP organisations decided to launch a European pro- test movement against TTIP and other trade agreements: the European “Stop TTIP” alliance. According to official information provided by the platform, the alliance brings together more than 500 European organisations running campaigns and actions against TTIP and CETA.38 The initiative caused the launch of a European protest scene that is, to this day, heavily dominat- ed by German campaign organisations.
38 See web presence of Stop TTIP: https://stop-ttip.org/supporting-organisations/.
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The core founders and key coordinators of the “Stop TTIP” initiative launched in 2014 were German by passport:
- Campact (a professional campaign platform, which was founded by members of attac Germany in 2004), - attac Germany, - Mehr Demokratie (a German NGO promoting democracy and stronger citizen participation), - Bund für Umwelt und Naturschutz Deutschland (BUND, Friends of the Earth Germany), and - Naturschutzbund Deutschland (NABU, the Nature and Biodiversity Conservation Union Germany).
In addition, the aid organisation of Germany’s Evangelical Church “Brot für die Welt”, “Deutscher Kulturrat” (Germany’s Cultural Council) and Germany’s “Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft” (GEW, the German (Teachers’) Labour Union for Education and Science) were founding members of the European movement against TTIP.
At the same time, the “Seattle to Brussels Network” (an informal network of anti-globalisa- tion groups), the “European Network of attac” and “Friends of the Earth Europe” coordinated the protest network’s early kick-off activities and supported German NGO’s in reaching out to member organisations in other European countries.39 Again, the coordination group of the Seattle to Brussels Network is dominated by Germans. The current group is comprised by Pia Eberhardt (Corporate Europe Observatory), Alessa Hartmann (Powershift Germany), Pietje Vervest (TNI), Johannes Lauterbach (attac Germany), and Györgyi Újszászi (Vedegylet, the only non-German steering group member).40
On 15 July 2014, the “Stop TTIP” movement’s “citizen’s committee” submitted an application to register a European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) with the European Commission, whereby the protest network called for TTIP and CETA negotiating mandates to not be concluded. The application for ECI status was dismissed by the European Commission on legal grounds, caus- ing the protest organisations to “launch a self-organised” citizens’ initiative. Following official information provided by “Stop TTIP”, the networks self-organised citizens’ initiative is heavily dominated by German civil society organisations, formal and informal associations, several cler- ical organisations and labour unions.41
The activists’ claim that the European protest reflects European citizens’ preferences and is based on democratic standards is not backed by the actual numbers of citizens that support the initia- tive. EU Member States’ citizens support of the “Stop TTIP” campaign is highly asymmetric. 25 percent of all declared European “Stop TTIP” member organisations are headquartered in Ger- many (see Figure 37). In addition, 48 percent of all individual signatories supporting the “Stop TTIP” are Germany by passport (see Figure 38). In other words, half of all European signatories that officially support the anti-TTIP campaign represent just one country: Germany. What is sold by anti-TTIP campaign managers as a “revolt of European citizens” against TTIP turns out to be a German protest orchestrated by Germany’s establishment of Green and Left-wing political parties and well-connected, like-minded NGOs. Acting as a professional alliance, these groups effectively utilised their lead time and dominant position in anti-TTIP opinion making in Germany in an attempt to carry the protest to other European countries, and to be able to negate claims that the protest is an exclusively German phenomenon.
39 See information provided by attac Germany on German and European protest alliances, http://www.attac.de/ kampagnen/freihandelsfalle-ttip/kampagnengruppe/aktionsbuendnisse/, accessed on 8 September 2016. 40 See web presence oft he Seattle to Brussels Network, http://www.s2bnetwork.org/about-us/coordination/, acces- sed on 8 September 2016. 41 See web presence of Stop TTIP: https://stop-ttip.org/what-is-the-problem-ttip-ceta/?noredirect=en_GB.
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Both German anti-TTIP organisations’ “early-bird” advantage and the sustained dominance of German groups in the European network of anti-TTIP organisations is impressively shown by Figure 39. The data depicted by Figure 39 indicate that the European anti-TTIP protest move- ment is a sort of a rich countries’ club. The data also show that German and Austrian groups spearhead the protest campaign movement, while at the same time less economically developed countries show low levels of support for anti-TTIP protest (for comparison see also Figure 9 and Figure 10 of Section 3).
FIGURE 37: COUNTRY OF ORIGIN OF DECLARED ANTI-TTIP MEMBER ORGANISATIONS OF THE “SELF-ORGANISED EUROPEAN CITIZENS INITIATIVE (ECI)” AGAINST TTIP
Germany 25%
EU28 ex Germany 75%
Source: ECIPE analysis. Numbers based on information provided by stop-ttip.org.
FIGURE 38: RELATIVE NUMBER OF CITIZENS SIGNING UP FOR A EUROPEAN CITIZENS’ INITIATIVE (ECI) AGAINST TTIP
EU28 ex Germany Germany 52% 48%
Source: ECIPE analysis. Numbers based on information provided by stop-ttip.org.
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FIGURE 39: NUMBER AND COUNTRY OF ORIGIN OF ANTI-TTIP ECI MEMBERS VERSUS QUORUM ACHIEVED AT NATIONAL LEVEL
2300% Germany
2000%
1700%
1400%
1100% Austria United Kingdom 800%
percent of ECI quorum achieved France Netherlands 500% Finland Bulgaria Belgium Sweden Luxembourg Latvia Greece Croatia Slovenia 200% Denmark Spain Czech RepublicRomaniaHungary Ireland Slovakia CyprusEstonia Portugal Lithuania Italy -100% Malta Poland 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 Number of declared anti-TTIP "European Citizens' Initiative" organisations
Source: ECIPE analysis. Numbers based on information provided by stop-ttip.org. Note: for an ECI to be successful, a minimum amount of signatures (“country quorum”) has to be gathered in at least seven EU Member States. The EU defines this minimum number of signatures in the ECI rules according to the number of Members a country has in the European Parliament (which is an approximation to the size of its population). The chart can be read as follows: in Germany, where 130 organisations sup- port the ECI against TTIP, the minimum amount of signatures needed was exceeded by about 2,100 percent. In Latvia, where only 4 organisations support the ECI against TTIP, the quorum of votes fell short of about 80 percent of required signatures (23 percent of votes needed).
What is more, the coordination centre of the European “Stop TTIP” platform is headquartered in Germany. The organisation “Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung” with its head office in Berlin officially serves as a platform coordinating initiatives of German organisations that focus on environmental policies and developing countries,42 implying that it not only acts as the coordi- nation centre of the German anti-TTIP campaign “TTIPunfairhandelbar”; Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung also organised and coordinates the “self-organised” European movement against TTIP.
42 Both the “Stop TTIP” initiative’s contact details as well as official bank account information coincide with that of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung, Berlin, see: https://stop-ttip.org/contact/, accessed on 18 August 2016.
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Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung has long-established ties to Germany’s major environmental institutions – all of which are declared anti-TTIP organisations – and Germany’s Green Party (GRUENE). The organisation is run by Jürgen Maier who was a member of the federal executive board of GRUENE (Germany’s Green Party) from 1987 to 1991.43 Jürgen Maier is a frequent speaker at public hearings about TTIP and CETA in Germany’s federal parliament.44
Moreover, and contrary to intuition, Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung’s anti-TTIP campaign centre, which coordinates the German protests against TTIP) was directly financed by Germany’s Federal Ministry for the Environment, which is run by SPD minister (and member of Germany’s pro-TTIP government) Barbara Hendricks (see DNR 2013 pp. 20 and 21; Wirtschaftswoche 2016). Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung not only operates as the official coordination centre of the German anti-TTIP initiative “TTIPunfairhandelbar”; it is also the declared coordination centre of the “European Stop TTIP Initiative”, and one of the initiators and coordinators of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) against TTIP. In other words, (perhaps the) leading organi- sation that is running the anti-TTIP protest movement in the EU was financed and consciously tolerated by the German government, or at least those members of government that were aware of this matter.
German institutions’ dominance and power to set the agenda in Europe’s public debate about TTIP is also reflected by the tweets and messages spread under the label of the European cam- paign “Stop TTIP” (label on Twitter: @eci_TTIP). Data collected for the period 30 July 2016 to 24 August 2016 indicate that 37 percent of all TTIP- and CETA-related messages were either drafted in German language or originated from Germany anti-TTIP institutions’ accounts. 63 percent of TTIP- and CETA-related messages were authored in other languages, whereby a significant number of these messages dealt with subjects related to German politics or German politicians, primarily those affiliated with the Social Democratic party (see Figure 40).
FIGURE 40: GERMAN DOMINANCE OVER ANTI-TTIP TWEETS ON TWITTER, @ECI_TTIP (STOP TTIP)
"Stop TTIP" tweets and Non-German language tweets retweets in German of "Stop TTIP" (a platfom run language and/or originating by German anti-TTIP groups) from German-based anti- 63% TTIP institutions 37%
Source: ECIPE analysis. Note: percentage numbers based on tweets and retweets on Twitter account @eci_ttip (Stop TTIP, “self-organised” European Citizens’ Initiative against TTIP. n=100, period covered: 30 July 2016 to 24 August 2016.
43 Jürgen Maier: Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung (Berlin-based platform coordinating initiatives of organisations that focus on sustainable development, coordination centre of anti-TTIP initiative ‘TTIPunfairhandelbar’); Green Party (GRUENE) member of the federal executive board of GRUNE 1987-1991); affiliated with Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung steering board member and top 50 TTIP speaker Sven Hilbig who represents Brot für die Welt (Aid Organisation of German Evangelical/Protestant Church); chief coordinator of most declared anti-TTIP protest groups that are active members of Forum Umwelt und Entwicklung and “TTIPunfairhandelbar” (which is directly funded by the SPD party-led Federal Ministry of the Environment, see DNR 2013 pp. 20 and 21). 44 For example, list of experts invited to the Bundestag’s experts hearing of the Committee of Economic Affairs and Energy on CETA on 5 September 2016 (Öffentliche Anhörung am Montag, 5. September 2016).
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German NGO’s efforts to take anti-TTIP protests to other European countries is also reflected by the financial transactions of Campact, Germany’s leading anti-TTIP campaign development organisation. Campact, which was founded by members of attac Germany in 2004, spent more than half of its annual campaign budget (in 2015, the total budget was 7 million Euro) exclusive- ly on anti-TTIP campaigns in Germany. However, Campact also financed several anti-TTIP-or- ganisations in Europe, namely PROGRESSI (Italy: 50,000 Euros), Skiftet (Sweden: 70,000 Euros), Uplift (Ireland: 50,000 Euros), Aufstehn (Austria: 25,000 Euros), and Fundacja Akcja Demokracja (Poland: 25,000 Euros). The money was either explicitly granted for anti-TIPP campaigns or labelled as “infrastructure for political education”. (Campact 2016, see Figure 41).
FIGURE 41: ANTI-TTIP AND ANTI-TTP ORGANISATIONS FUNDED BY GERMANY’S COMPACT INCLUDING CAMPAIGN FUNDING AND FUNDING FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF INFRATRUCTURE FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION
Germany degrowth Summer School (skills for system change) 8,000 € Naturfreunde e.V. (Friends of Nature, TTIP Demo… 265,155 €
Europe Ireland (Uplift, TTIP/CETA) 50,000 € Sweden (Skiftet, CETA/TTIP) 70,000 € Italy (PROGRESSI) 50,000 € Poland (Fundacja Akcja Demokracja) 25,000 € Austria (Aufstehn) 25,000 €
United States and Oceania USA (SumOfUs, TTIP/CETA/ISDS) 50,000 € Australia (GetUP, TPP) 41,069 € New Zealand (ActionStation, TPP) 50,000 €
Source: ECIPE analysis. Annual report of Campact e.V., Germany.
Although German anti-TTIP groups’ attempt to influence the TTIP debate in other European countries, the concrete topical subjects addressed by critics of TTIP still differ from country to country, indicating that the “hot spots” in the debate also vary from country to country. In the contemporary debate in Germany, anti-TTIP groups’ focus is on local political decision makers. After initially focusing on food and environmental standards (e.g. messages largely conveyed by the terms “chlorine chicken” and “hormone beef”), anti-TTIP groups’ recent activities primarily focus on “public services” and the alleged implications of TTIP and CETA on German regions and municipalities. It should be noted in this respect that the German Association of Cities and Towns (Deutscher Städtetag; an association of German municipalities) did not recently confirm that CETA poses a threat to public services and public utilities.45
45 See Bundestag expert hearing on CETA of 5 September 2016, statements made by Detlef Raphael, https://www. bundestag.de/bundestag/ausschuesse18/a09/kw36-pa-wirtschaft/436262.
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Contrary to Germany, the footsteps of attac are much more visible in the Austrian debate about TTIP. As illustrated by Figure 36, “multinational enterprises”, a traditional topic addressed by attac member organisations across the world in the past 15 years, is the most present topical issue addressed by TTIP events in Austria, followed by issues related to “state and democracy” and “transparency”. At the same time, issues related to “communal and regional impact” and “public services” do not rank high on the agendas set for TTIP events in Austria (see Figure 42). The findings, therefore, indicate that in Germany issues related to the impact on municipalities and public utilities primarily originated from the pens of Germany’s Green and Left-wing parties and associated campaign groups in an attempt to “localise” TTIP-related subjects. In other words, the high number of events organised to inform about “far-reaching” regional or communal threat reflects anti-TTIP groups’ strategic calculus to deliver the complexities of CETA and TTIP in bite-sized pieces to local influencers, primarily local political decision makers.
FIGURE 42: TOP 3 TTIP-RELATED TOPICAL ISSUES BY COUNTRY