Indian Forts of the Mid-17Th Century in the Southern New England-New York Coastal Area Ralph S

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Indian Forts of the Mid-17Th Century in the Southern New England-New York Coastal Area Ralph S Northeast Historical Archaeology Volume 22 From Prehistory to the Present: Studies in Article 5 Northeastern Archaeology in Honor of Bert Salwen 1993 Indian Forts of the Mid-17th Century in the Southern New England-New York Coastal Area Ralph S. Solecki Follow this and additional works at: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Solecki, Ralph S. (1993) "Indian Forts of the Mid-17th Century in the Southern New England-New York Coastal Area," Northeast Historical Archaeology: Vol. 22 22, Article 5. https://doi.org/10.22191/neha/vol22/iss1/5 Available at: http://orb.binghamton.edu/neha/vol22/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Northeast Historical Archaeology by an authorized editor of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. 64 Forts of New England-New York/Solecki INDIAN FORTS. OF THE MID-17TH CENTURY IN THE SOUTHERN NEW. ENGLAND-NEW YORK . COASTAL AREA'· Ralph S. Solecki According to a recent hypothesis in connection with the emergence of the wampum trade, some 17th~century Indian forts in the southern New England-New. · York coastal area were built as trading stations rather than for defense or refuge. This proposition has not been fully explored An examination of the datafrom . the known Indian forts:' on Long Island and across the Long Island Sound in Connecticut and Rhode Island indicates that the proposition .needs review. Only three out of nine forts discussed here appear to qualify as trading stations. These date comparatively late in the second half of the 17th century. Selon. une recente hypothese concernant l'emergence du commerce du wampoum, certains forts amerindiens du XVIt dans la region cotiere du Sud de la Nouvelle-Angleterre et de New York ant ete construits comme postes de traite plutat que de defense ou de refuge. Cette hypothese n'a pas eM exploree dans le detail. Il y a lieu de la revoir a la lumiere d'un examen des donnees provenant des forts amerindiens connus de Liing Island et d'au-dela du detroit de Long Island au Connecticut. et. au Rhode Island. Seulement trois des neufs forts portes a l'attention semblent constituer des postes de traite . Ces forts remontent a une epoque relativement tardive de la seconde moitie du XVIf siecle. · Dissenting from the general opinion Willey 1941:. 357-359; Hadlock 1947: that the .accepted function of the pal­ 217; Squier 1850: 10; Thomas 1894: 667, isaded Indian forts in the southern New 671). Beauchamp (1891: 51) estimates England-:New York ·coastal area were that nearly 200 defensive works were defensive or refuge structures, we have noted by all observers in New York the recent suggestion that at least some state. When Champlain visited the of thein were built primarily for the In­ coast of New England in 1605, he found dian trade. Lynn Ced (1980), who has in Maine a permanent Indian settlement made an analysis of the role Qf the surrounded by a palisade wall. · Outside wa.mpum trade in the northeast, ap:­ were scatteredwigwams and small gar.:. pears to think that Indian forts built on dens. The Indians took refuge in the waterways w~re purposefully located fort when attacked (Bushnell 1919: 18- for access by colonial traders. Her 19). Bushnell (1919: pl. 4a, 4b) propofiition is an interesting one and illustrates two Indian forts from the well worth exploring. · 1651 Map of Novi Belgii, which he as:. Construction of forts by the Indians cribes to Van der Donk. One is a appears to have been known wellbefore rectangular palisaded · Mahican the arrival of the Europeans (Ford and village, and the other is a Minisink Northeast Historical ArchaeologyNol. 21-22,1992-1993 65 village enclosed by a round palisade or any excavation~ Beauchamp (1905: enclosure with an overlapping entry 111-112, pl. 2) suggests that the earlier way. Williams (personal Indian forts had this kind of construc­ communication, 1968) says that no evi­ tion. A kind of gallery along the top of dence of fortification has been found in the works could be set up around the the Minisink area despite intensive whole perimeter for defense. survey and excavations. Brasser (1978: The more economical use of timber 198) says that the Mahican Indians for making a palisade was to set indi­ usually selected hilltops near the river vidual logs in the ground around the for their palisaded villages. perimeter, and to bank earth against Beauchamp (1891: 10-11), on the other both sides for stability. Three methods hand, notes that although camps were of setting the posts in place were ap­ on the river in ·New York, towns and parently known in the New York-New forts were almost always some distance England area. The first method was to from them. The Mahicans wanted not scoop out individual holes in the ground only strong positions, but situations for each post. This involved the labor where they could not be reached by of excavation using either a wooden waterways and canoes. Similarly, spade or scoop or a similar implement, Ritchie and Funk (1973: 363) say that or perhaps a large marine shell. The Iroquois sites' of the early contact logs were then set in and firmed up. An­ period between 1615 and 1635 on the other method, best used in sandy soil, Mohawk River were located well back was to excavate a continuous trench on high, readily defended hills. with a hoe of some kind to a depth of Regarding fort construction, it is re­ two and a half or three feet ported by Beauchamp (1905: 13-14) (Willoughby 1906: 105). The logs were that the Indians used logs burned to then set down into the trench and stabi­ three paces in length (about 15ft, 4.5 in) lized with earth on both sides of the for .their palisades. Champlain and wall. These first two methods could be Cartier (Hodge 1910: 471) had observed done without benefit of any European that some Iroquois fortifications had metal tools. The third method, which 20-ft-high walls (6 m). One especially appears to have been used in the post­ towering structure had quadruple inter­ contact period, was to sharpen the locked palisades 30 ft high (9 m) basal ends of the palisade logs, and to (Beauchamp 1905: 113). drive the posts down into the ground. Vander Donck (1656: 197) describes Whether the. posts were driven down is a fort construction that, upon disinte­ an open question,· as it would appear gration, would leave no trace. He says that someone would have to clamber up that the Indians first laid down large somehow to the top of the structure and logs along the ground in the outline de­ pound the posts home with some kind of sired, adding smaller logs in a heap. heavy mallet. They set logs upon both sides of the We find support for the above heap in a kind of inverted "V," so that methods in early documentation and ar­ the upper ends crossed each other. The chaeologically. Philip Vincent {1638: upper ends were joined together for sta"" 105) of Mystic Fort, Connecticut mas­ bility. Finally, tree trunks were placed sacre fame, gives us a much quoted de­ in the crossed upper ends, which solidi­ scription fot fort construction in New fied the whole structure in a firm bul­ England. He says that the. palisade wark. It did not require any buttressing posts at Mystic were about as thick as a 66 Forts of New Englalld~New York/Solecki. · man's thigh or the calf of his leg. The nials,with their European industry and posts were about 12 Jt (3.6 m) high, and talent in waging war. As a matter of were ranuiled into the ground about fact, as Vander Donck (1656: 197) has three feet, "with undermining." Earth observed,· the palisaded viliages did was cast up ·around the walls for extra more injury than good;· as they 'proved protection. · The palisade defenders to be a death trap. To the European, shot arrows at their aggressors through war was a deadly business. for "loop holes" in the . palisade wall. professionals. To the Indians, it was a These holes were· formed by fitting un­ kind of manly sport (Denton 1670: 9; dressed logs together, leaving sp'aces Underhill·1638: 40-41). between individual logs. Squier (i850: 82) thought that an embankmez\t of earth from the surrounding .ditch was The Long Island Indian Forts essential in fort construction for the erection and support of the palisade. At present we know of five, or pos­ He suggests that when iron implements sibly six, Indian forts on ·Long Island became available, the laborious work (FIG. 1; Parker 1922; Solecki 1950). of digging and propping up the posts be- . Tooker (1888) believed that each of the came unnecessary. To Squier, this ex­ "13 tribes" of Long Island had a fort, or plained the finding of palisades with­ .at least a place of refuge. This is not an out trenches and accompanying em- unlikely possibility given the strained bankments of earth. ' relations of the late prehistoric and Regarding the· change from circular early historical times on Long Island. or: round to rectangular or oblong forts, We have· some archaeological knowl­ Squier (1850) thinks that the modifica­ edge proving the existence of four of tl;te tion was probably the result of imitat­ forts. The fifth, on Shelter Island, is ing the Europeans, or came from the fairly· well documented· in the colonial newer modes of fighting with firearms.
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