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Abdón Mateos (UNED/CIHDE) Secretario De Redacción: Felipe Nieto Equipo editorial Director: Abdón Mateos (UNED/CIHDE) Secretario de redacción: Felipe Nieto (UNED/CIHDE) Consejo de Redacción: Juan Avilés (UNED); Montserrat Duch (U. Rovira i Virgili); Ángeles González (U. Sevilla); Abdón Mateos (UNED/CIHDE); Enrique Moradiellos (U. Extremadura); Javier Muñoz Soro (U. Complutense/ CIHDE); Felipe Nieto (UNED/CIHDE); Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (U. Santiago); Rosa Pardo (UNED); Rafael Qui- rosa (U. Almería); Javier Rodrigo (U. Autónoma de Barcelona); Álvaro Soto (U. Autónoma de Madrid/CIHDE); Rubén Vega (U. Oviedo) Comité asesor (2009-2010): Celso Almuiña (U. Valladolid); Julio Aróstegui (U. Complutense); Ángel Bahamonde (U. Carlos III); Martin Baumeister (U. Ludwig-Maximilian, Múnich); Alfonso Botti (U. Urbino); Diego Caro (U. Cádiz); Julián Casanova (U. Zaragoza); Ángel Castro (UNED, Melilla); Francisco J. Caspistegui (U. Navarra); Án- geles Egido (UNED/CIHDE); José Luis de la Granja (U. País Vasco); Jesús de Juana (U. Vigo); Encarna Lemus (U. Huelva/CIHDE); José María Marín (UNED/CIHDE); Carme Molinero (U. Autónoma de Barcelona); Conxita Mir (U. Lleida); Feliciano Montero (U. Alcalá); Mary Nash (U. Barcelona); Carlos Navajas (U. Rioja); Encarna Nicolás (U. Murcia); Manuel Ortiz Heras (U. Castilla-La Mancha); Paul Preston (London School of Economics); Manuel Redero (U. Salamanca); Raanan Rein (U. Tel Aviv); Glicerio Sánchez Recio (U. Alicante); Ismael Saz (U. Valencia); César Tcach (U. Nacional de Córdoba) Responsable de Reseñas: Javier Rodrigo (UAB) Asistente Secretaría: Luis Hernando (UNED/CIHDE) Editan: Asociación de historiadores del presente y Editorial Eneida www.historiadelpresente.blogspot.com/ www.editorialeneida.com Colabora: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de la Democracia Española (UNED) La redacción no comparte necesariamente las opiniones de los autores Depósito Legal: M-29600-2002 ISSN: 1579-8135 Esta revista ha recibido una ayuda de la Dirección General del Libro, Archivos y Bibliotecas para su difusión en bibliotecas, centros culturales y universidades de España, para la totalidad de los números editados en el año 2010. Dossier: Xavier Domènech (ed.) Neighborhood Movement and Political Change Laura Cabrero Blanco, Gender, antifrancoism and citizenship. Women and neighborhood movement in the Asturias of Developmentalism and Late Francoism Xavier Domènech, Origins. In the protohistory of the neighborhood movement during the francoism Iván Bordetas Jiménez, The neighborhood movement in the transition from the resistance to the contruction of alternatives THE PAST OF THE PRESENT Raquel Varela, Conflict or social cohesion? Notes about the history and the memory of the Carnation Revolution (1974-1975 EGOHISTORY Montserrat Duch, Women of the world. Conversation with Mary Nash MISCELLANEOUS Emanuele Treglia, The choice of the national way. The Prague Spring and the PCE’s political evolution Roberto Ceamanos Llorens, The french historiography about the PCF. Scientific controversies and polemics Carlos Sola Ayape, The search of the formula and the political oportunism of President José López- Portillo in the resumption of the spanish-mexicans relationships (March 1977) José Antonio Rubio Caballero, The split memory. The past of the breton nationalism: between the rehabilitation and the repudiation DEBATE Manuel Ortiz Heras, The Church broke with the francoism? Feliciano Montero, The “takeoff” of the Church READING AUTHORS ABSTRACTS EL MOVimiento VECINAL Y LA historia SOCIAL DE LA TRANSICIÓN Xavier Domènech Sampere (Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona, UAB, CEFID) A pesar de que la historia del movimiento cierto es que el estudio del movimiento vecinal obrero ha seguido constituyendo una fuente durante el tardofranquismo y la Transición nos inacabable en el campo de las afinidades electi- sitúa en varios márgenes de la historia social de vas de los jóvenes investigadores, produciendo este período que difícilmente podían ser explo- recientemente trabajos admirables en cuanto rados desde la perspectiva de los movimientos a sus tramados interpretativos y desarrollos,1 sociales que han recibido una mayor atención en comparativamente con la producción en este las agendas investigadoras hasta ahora. Márge- campo a finales de los años noventa y principios nes que afectan, como mínimo, a tres campos de del cambio de milenio parece haberse agotado análisis: el de la relevancia, profundidad y exten- un ciclo para el mismo.2 Contrariamente, el sión del antifranquismo; el de la creación, exten- movimiento estudiantil ha presentado una es- sión y readecuación de un nuevo tejido social en pectacular revitalización durante estos últimos el paso del tardofranquismo a la democracia; y años con la presentación de monografías e im- el de la transmutación de las realidades sociales portantes tesis doctorales que deben producir entre la segunda mitad de los años setenta y la un salto interpretativo en un movimiento que década de los ochenta. quedó prácticamente olvidado durante la déca- En el primer sentido, el de intentar construir da de los ochenta y los noventa del siglo pa- los materiales que nos permitan comprender el sado.3 Un camino similar parece tomar el caso antifranquismo en su globalidad, ciertamente el del movimiento vecinal que, a pesar de contar estudio del movimiento obrero y el estudiantil con importantes trabajos ya en su momento de ha permitido dar el paso de un antifranquismo eclosión en los años setenta,4 e investigaciones explicado en términos de historia política a una de activistas cercanos al mismo movimiento aprehensión de su dimensión social. Dimensión posteriormente, con algunas importantes apor- que nos da las claves para entender su capacidad taciones desde el campo académico,5 parece de enraizamiento y desafío en los principales tomar en los últimos años una fuerza inusitada centros urbanos durante el final de la dictadura en el desarrollo de tesis doctorales y nuevas franquista. Pero si está dimensión es especial- investigaciones. mente fuerte en estos dos movimientos, lo cier- Decir, en este caso, que sencillamente se está to es que los dos están marcados por los límites produciendo un desplazamiento de temáticas de su misma base social, los obreros y los estu- más o menos agotadas en el campo de estudios diantes. Límites que en el caso del movimiento de los movimientos sociales hacia tierras más vecinal, mucho más heterogéneo y verdadero vírgenes, sería un camino demasiado fácil. Lo crisol de activistas de diferentes procedencias 5 sociales y políticas, se muestran mucho más capacidad de institucionalización del movimien- difusos. El mismo nos puede dar cuenta en este to obrero, deviene en un movimiento extrema- sentido de la extensión de un antifranquismo damente sensible al cambio político y social. En social heterogéneo y popular capaz de prota- él, la crisis que sufrió parte del tejido social en el gonizar un verdadero desafío urbano a la dic- momento de bifurcación al final de la Transición tadura e impulsar la construcción de la nueva entre una nueva sociedad política, que, al care- ciudad democrática. Fue precisamente en este cer de marcos institucionales bajo el franquismo, camino donde su desarrollo fue central en la actuaba en parte en el seno de la sociedad civil, estrategia del antifranquismo político, al poder- y una también nueva realidad social, se puede se dar el salto en su seno de una extensión de analizar ya en sus momentos iniciales. También la conflictividad obrera a la conflictividad social en él y en su desarrollo, cosa que se hará más generalizada, para reforzar, finalmente, la opo- meridianamente clara cuando las investigaciones sición política a la dictadura. Y, ciertamente, en se adentren en los años ochenta,6 también se los finales de la dictadura y los principios de la pueden encontrar los reflejos de una sociedad nueva democracia el movimiento vecinal, como urbana que sufrirá una profunda transformación se explica en el segundo artículo presentado durante este período. Y es en este último senti- aquí, consiguió cortocircuitar la hegemonía do donde podemos encontrar también una de franquista en alguno de los centros urbanos del las razones del crecimiento de las investigacio- país. Pero, a su vez, el desarrollo de las investi- nes en este campo. Si actualmente en el campo gaciones sobre el movimiento vecinal nos ha de de los activistas de los movimientos sociales, permitir avanzar más allá de una historia social fuera de la academia, se puede observar un flo- del antifranquismo hacia una historia social glo- recimiento de proyectos de recuperación de la bal del período que se ha convenido en llamar experiencia histórica del cooperativismo en los Transición. barrios, es porque en ellas parecen encontrarse Si se ha tendido a ver en el movimiento ve- referentes válidos para nuevas experiencias en cinal el movimiento menor del antifranquismo, un presente de transmutaciones sociales de pri- en relación al movimiento estudiantil y al mo- mer orden como el que estamos viviendo. En el vimiento obrero, eso obedece, entre otras ra- mismo sentido, una parte de las agendas de la zones, a su misma morfología externa. Frente al historia social buscan en el estudio de los mo- movimiento estudiantil, en este caso sobre todo vimientos urbanos, y entre ellos el movimiento durante la década de los sesenta, y al obrero, vecinal, con estructuras de organización flexi- el vecinal es un movimiento extremadamente bles y adaptadas a situaciones cambiantes, ex- fragmentado en múltiples realidades urbanas, y periencias históricas que puedan ser relevantes dentro de ellas
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