Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image
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Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sadhana” E‐Book
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Padmakumara website would like to gratefully acknowledge the following individuals for contributing to the production of “Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sadhana” e‐book. Translator: Alice Yang, Zhiwei Editor: Jason Yu Proofreader: Renée Cordsen, Jackie Ho E‐book Designer: Alice Yang, Ernest Fung The Padmakumara website is most grateful to Living Buddha Lian‐sheng for transmitting such precious dharma. May Living Buddha Lian‐sheng always be healthy and continue to teach and liberate beings in samsara. May all sentient beings quickly attain Buddhahood. Om Guru Lian‐Sheng Siddhi Hum. Exhaustive research was undertaken to ensure the content in this e‐book is accurate, current and comprehensive at publication time. However, due to differing individual interpreting skills and language differences among translators and editors, we cannot be responsible for any minor wording discrepancies or inaccuracies. In addition, we cannot be responsible for any damage or loss which may result from the use of the information in this e‐book. The information given in this e‐book is not intended to act as a substitute for the actual lineage and transmission empowerments from H.H. Living Buddha Lian‐sheng or any authorized True Buddha School master. If you wish to contact the author or would like more information about the True Buddha School, please write to the author in care of True Buddha Quarter. The author appreciates hearing from you and learning of your enjoyment of this e‐book and how it has helped you. We cannot guarantee that every letter written to the author can be answered, but all will be forwarded. -
The Kasāya Robe of the Past Buddha Kāśyapa in the Miraculous Instruction Given to the Vinaya Master Daoxuan (596~667)
中華佛學學報第 13.2 期 (pp.299-367): (民國 89 年), 臺北:中華佛學研究所,http://www.chibs.edu.tw Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal, No. 13.2, (2000) Taipei: Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies ISSN: 1017-7132 The Kasāya Robe of the Past Buddha Kāśyapa in the Miraculous Instruction Given to the Vinaya Master Daoxuan (596~667) Koichi Shinohara Professor, McMaster University Summary Toward the end of his life, in the second month of the year 667, the eminent vinaya master Daoxuan (596~667) had a visionary experience in which gods appeared to him and instructed him. The contents of this divine teaching are reproduced in several works, such as the Daoxuan lüshi gantonglu and the Zhong Tianzhu Sheweiguo Zhihuansi tujing. The Fayuan zhulin, compiled by Daoxuan's collaborator Daoshi, also preserves several passages, not paralleled in these works, but said to be part of Daoxuan's visionary instructions. These passages appear to have been taken from another record of this same event, titled Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji. The Fayuan zhulin was completed in 668, only several months after Daoxuan's death. The Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji, from which the various Fayuan zhulin passages on Daoxuan's exchanges with deities were taken, must have been compiled some time between the second lunar month in 667 and the third month in the following year. The quotations in the Fayuan zhulin from the Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji take the form of newly revealed sermons of the Buddha and tell stories about various objects used by the Buddha during his life time. -
Informed Textual Practices?
INFORMED TEXTUAL PRACTICES? INFORMED TEXTUAL PRACTICES? A STUDY OF DUNHUANG MANUSCRIPTS OF CHINESE BUDDHIST APOCRYPHAL SCRIPTURES WITH COLOPHONS By RUIFENG CHEN, B.Ec., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © by Ruifeng Chen, September 2020 McMaster University DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2020) Hamilton, Ontario (Religious Studies) TITLE: Informed Textual Practices? A Study of Dunhuang Manuscripts of Chinese Buddhist Apocryphal Scriptures with Colophons AUTHOR: Ruifeng Chen B.Ec. (Zhejiang Normal University) M.A. (Zhejiang Normal University) SUPERVISOR: Professor James A. Benn, Ph.D. NUMBER OF PAGES: xv, 342 ii ABSTRACT Taking Buddhist texts with colophons copied at Dunhuang (4th–10th century C.E.) as a sample, my dissertation investigates how local Buddhists used Chinese Buddhist apocrypha with respect to their contents, and whether they employed these apocrypha differently than translated Buddhist scriptures. I demonstrate that not all of the practices related to Buddhist scriptures were performed simply for merit in general or that they were conducted without awareness of scriptures’ contents. Among both lay Buddhist devotees and Buddhist professionals, and among both common patrons and highly-ranking officials in medieval Dunhuang, there were patrons and users who seem to have had effective approaches to the contents of texts, which influenced their preferences of scriptures and specific textual practices. For the patrons that my dissertation has addressed, apocryphal scriptures did not necessarily meet their needs more effectively than translated scriptures did. I reached these arguments through examining three sets of Buddhist scriptures copied in Dunhuang manuscripts with colophons. -
English Index of Taishō Zuzō
APPENDIX 2: TEXTS CITED FROM THE TZ. TZ. (Taisho Zuzobu) is the iconographic section of the Taisho edition of the Chinese Tripitaka. The serial numbers of the Hobogirin are given in brackets. Volume 1 1. (2921) Hizoki ‘Record kept secretly’: 1. Kukai (774-835). 2. Mombi (8th cent.). 2. (2922) Daihi-taizd-futsu-daimandara-chu - Shoson-shuji-kyoji-gydso-shoi-shosetsu-fudoki ‘Observations on the bljas, symbols, forms, and disposition of the deities in the Garbhadhatu-mandala’, by Shinjaku (886-927). 3. (2923) Taizo-mandara-shichijushi-mon ‘Seventy-four questions on the Garbhadhatu’, by Shinjaku (886-927). 4. (2924) Ishiyama-shichi-shu ‘Collection of seven items at Ishiyama’, by Junnyu (890-953). The seven items are: Sanskrit name, esoteric name, blja, samaya symbol, mudra, mantra and figure. 5. (2925) Kongokai-shichi-shu ‘Collection of seven items of the Vajradhatu’, by Junnyu (890-953). 6. (2926) Madara-shd ‘Extract from mandala’, by Ninkai (955-1046). No illustration. 7. (2927) Taizo-sambu-ki ‘Note on three families of the Garbhadhatu’ by Shingo (934-1004). 8. (2928) Taiz5-yogi ‘Essential meaning of the Garbhadhatu’, by Jojin (active in 1108). No illustration. 9. (2929) Ryobu-mandara-taiben-sho ‘Comparison of the pair of mandalas’, by Saisen (1025-1115). No illustration. 10. (2930) Taizokai-shiju-mandara-ryaku-mo ndo ‘Dialogue on the fourfold enclosures of the Garbhadhatu’, by Saisen (1025-1115). No illustration. 11. (2931) Kue-hiyo-sho ‘Extract of the essentials of the nine mandalas’, author unknown. 12. (2932) Ryobu-mandara-kudoku-ryakusho ‘Extract on the merit of the pair of mandalas’, by Kakuban (1095-1143). -
Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism
International Journal of Korean History (Vol.19 No.2, Aug. 2014) 169 Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism Richard D. McBride II* Introduction The Koguryŏ émigré and Buddhist monk Hyeryang was named Bud- dhist overseer by Silla king Chinhŭng (r. 540–576). Hyeryang instituted Buddhist ritual observances at the Silla court that would be, in continually evolving forms, performed at court in Silla and Koryŏ for eight hundred years. Sparse but tantalizing evidence remains of Koguryŏ’s Buddhist culture: tomb murals with Buddhist themes, brief notices recorded in the History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk sagi 三國史記), a few inscrip- tions on Buddhist images believed by scholars to be of Koguryŏ prove- nance, and anecdotes in Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk yusa 三國遺事) and other early Chinese and Japanese literary sources.1 Based on these limited proofs, some Korean scholars have imagined an advanced philosophical tradition that must have profoundly influenced * Associate Professor, Department of History, Brigham Young University-Hawai‘i 1 For a recent analysis of the sparse material in the Samguk sagi, see Kim Poksun 金福順, “4–5 segi Samguk sagi ŭi sŭngnyŏ mit sach’al” (Monks and monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries in the Samguk sagi). Silla munhwa 新羅文化 38 (2011): 85–113; and Kim Poksun, “6 segi Samguk sagi Pulgyo kwallyŏn kisa chonŭi” 存疑 (Doubts on accounts related to Buddhism in the sixth century in the Samguk sagi), Silla munhwa 新羅文化 39 (2012): 63–87. 170 Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism the Sinitic Buddhist tradition as well as the emerging Buddhist culture of Silla.2 Western scholars, on the other hand, have lamented the dearth of literary, epigraphical, and archeological evidence of Buddhism in Kogu- ryŏ.3 Is it possible to reconstruct illustrations of the nature and characteris- tics of Buddhist ritual and devotional practice in the late Koguryŏ period? In this paper I will flesh out the characteristics of Buddhist ritual and devotional practice in Koguryŏ by reconstructing its Northeast Asian con- text. -
Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image
5 (2018) Article 6: 250–311 Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image CHRISTOPH ANDERL Department of Languages and Cultures, Ghent University, Belgium This contribution to Entangled Religions is published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License (CC BY 4.0 International). The license can be accessed at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode. © 2018 Christoph Anderl Entangled Religions 5 (2018) http://dx.doi.org./10.13154/er.v5.2018.250–311 Christoph Anderl Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image1 CHRISTOPH ANDERL Ghent University ABSTRACT In the propagation and spread of Buddhism throughout Asia, jātaka and avadāna narratives played a decisive role, both in the form of texts and iconographical representations. In this paper I will focus on another set of narratives which enjoyed great popularity in the Dūnhuáng area during the later Tang and Five Dynasties period, dealing with historical projections concerning the origin and transmission of Buddhism. In this stories, “Auspicious Statues” (ruìxiàng 瑞像) play a key role. These “living” statues were thought to have moved from Indian monasteries to Khotan and other regions, serving as agents of the transmission of the Dharma in these areas. Besides reflecting religious key concern during that period, the historical narratives on the spread of Buddhism also give witness to the close diplomatic and family relations between Dunhuang and the Kingdom of Khotan during that period. KEY WORDS Mogao caves; Auspicious Statues; 瑞像; Khotan; Dunhuang; Buddhist narratives; transmission of Buddhism; localization of Buddhism; Oxhead Mountain; 牛頭山 1 This paper was presented at the workshop “Ancient Central Asian Networks. -
The Outlaws of the Marsh
The Outlaws of the Marsh Shi Nai'an and Luo Guanzhong The Outlaws of the Marsh Shi Nai'an and Luo Guanzhong • Chapter 1 Zhang the Divine Teacher Prays to Dispel a Plague Marshal Hong Releases Demons by Mistake • Chapter 2 Arms Instructor Wang Goes Secretly to Yanan Prefecture Nine Dragons Shi Jin Wreaks Havoc in Shi Family Village • Chapter 3 Master Shi Leaves Huayin County at Night Major Lu Pummels the Lord of the West • Chapter 4 Sagacious Lu Puts Mount Wutai in an Uproar Squire Zhao Repairs Wenshu Monastery • Chapter 5 Drunk, the Little King Raises the Gold−Spangled Bed Curtains Lu the Tattooed Monk Throws Peach Blossom Village into Confusion • Chapter 6 Nine Dragons Shi Jin Robs in Red Pine Forest Sagacious Lu Burns Down Waguan Monastery • Chapter 7 The Tattooed Monk Uproots a Willow Tree Lin Chong Enters White Tiger Inner Sanctum by Mistake • Chapter 8 Arms Instructor Lin Is Tattooed and Exiled to Cangzhou Sagacious Lu Makes a Shambles of Wild Boar Forest • Chapter 9 Chai Jin Keeps Open House for All Bold Men Lin Chong Defeats Instructor Hong in a Bout with Staves • Chapter 10 Lin Chong Shelters from the Snowstorm in the Mountain Spirit Temple Captain Lu Qian Sets Fire to the Fodder Depot • Chapter 11 Zhu Gui Shoots a Signal Arrow from the Lakeside Pavilion Lin Chong Climbs Mount Liangshan in the Snowy Night • Chapter 12 Lin Chong Joins the Bandits in Liangshan Marsh Yang Zhi Sells His Sword in the Eastern Capital • Chapter 13 The Blue−Faced Beast Battles in the Northern Capital Urgent Vanguard Vies for Honors on the Training Field -
Hāritī Notebook. Slide 23, Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan
Hāritī Notebook. Slide 23, Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan. Copyright Mark Schumacher. 2016. Why did Hāritī become a kitchen god? Hāritī was among the most popular deities of Buddhism in the first few centuries of the Common Era. Artwork of her and consort Pāñcika is abundant. In most traditions, Hāritī/ Pāñcika are said to have bred 500 powerful children. By the 7th-century CE, Hāritī is also paired with Jambhala (Pāñcika’s double) and with Mahākāla (aka Daikokuten). The latter pair was installed in India’s monastery kitchens to ensure the food supply. Why Hāritī? Hāritī is a composite deity of Buddhist origin, but she actually represents an amalgamation of thousands of village goddesses from India’s local traditions. In nearly all cases, these village goddesses were goddesses of fertility, motherhood/children and of smallpox. They guarded the borders of the village from disease, pestilence and even human enemies – just like a mother protects her own children. In many cases, these village goddesses were simply referred to affectionately as “mother.” Hāritī’s evil child-eating ways may be read as a direct reference to her role as the smallpox deity. Until the discovery of vaccinations, smallpox was the most serious of deadly diseases. Children were the first victims of the disease, and thus the people considered the goddess as a terrible mother, the devourer of their children. At the same time, ample evidence shows that many of these goddesses were the spirits of women who died during their pregnancies or when delivering their children. People began to approach these goddesses with offerings and prayers as a means to protect their own children. -
Bibliotheca Buddhica, XIX. Tibetan Translation of Dharmakīrti's Sa
130 REVIEWS OF BOOKS a skull (or a dish) fixed on my head." Then another man let another skull fall, saying: "This has just fallen from your head." The ascetic realized the fact and was healed, because his imagination was dispelled." (p. 473.) Haraprasad Sastrl states that the Tibetan translators of the Catuhsataka are Mafijunatha and Thivanimmathappa ; according to the Pekinese Tanjur (Mdo, xviii), Suksmajana and Ni ma grags ( = ni mma thap pa). The commentary has been translated by the same translators (Tanjur, Mdo, xxiv), but Haraprasad has Ratnavajra. He might be mistaken : Suksmajana was the son of Sajjana, son of Mahajana, son of Ratnavajra. Where many names occur in a colophon it is often difficult to unravel the tangle. The complete title of Deva's treatise is Bodhisattvayogdcdra Catuhsataka (not CatuhsatiJcd). The phrase Yogdcdra, " practice of Yoga, meditative and spiritual endeavour," belongs to both Vehicles. The word bodhisattva implies that the author deals with the Yoga as practised by a "future Buddha" ( = bodhisattva), that is a follower of the great Vehicle. Later—for instance in Tibetan and Brahmanic works—the phrase Yogdcdra was used as a synonym of Vijndna[mdtra]vddin or Cittamatravadin, " main- tainer of the existence of consciousness (or thought) alone," one of the two branches of the great Vehicle, a change which seeing to .be due to the importance of the Vijnanavadin treatise Yogacarydbhiirni (Mdo-hgrel, vol. xiv and foil.). The "treatise in four hundred verses" is really in 400 verses,, not in 375, as stated by Haraprasad Sastri. Dr. F. W. Thomas kindly informs me that, in the India Office's copy, the chapters vii, viii, xi, xii all contain twenty-five verses (not 23, 24, 14, 14). -
Prayer Beads in Japanese Soto Sect
4 Prayer Beads in Japanese Sōtō Zen Michaela Mross WHen a lay parishioner visits a Buddhist temple, he or she usually car- ries a Buddhist rosary.1 It marks a parishioner versus the occasional visi- tor and is considered a necessary item of proper attire. For most Japanese, not wearing a rosary when putting the hands in prayer or reverence seems to be improper.2 Likewise, the official webpage of the Sōtō Zen school instructs lay followers to not forget prayer beads when attending funerals or memorial services. Parishioners should further put a rosary on the lowest shelf of their home altar, ready to be used during prayers.3 Also, the members of the choirs singing Buddhist hymns at Sōtō tem- ples wear short rosaries while singing and playing a bell. Thus, prayer beads serve “as sources of identification,” to borrow John Kieschnick’s words.4 The rosary is an especially interesting object because— besides the robe or o- kesa— “prayer beads are kept closer to the practitioner than any other ritual object. They become physical evidence of faith, devotion, and practice.”5 In contrast to Tendai, Shingon, or Pure Land clerics, Sōtō clerics rarely use prayer beads in ritual settings. Moreover, images of Zen masters usu- ally do not depict monks or nuns holding prayer beads; instead, a fly-whisk or another kind of staff signifies their status as a Zen cleric. Therefore, Buddhist rosaries are typically not associated with Zen. Nevertheless, prayer beads have been used for various purposes in the Sōtō school as well. This chapter aims to illuminate some of the functions and interpre- tations of the rosary in Japanese Sōtō Zen. -
A Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Relations Between Tang Dynasty China And
INDEX A anti-communist forces, 2 Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Antony, Robert, 200 relations between Tang Dynasty “Apollonian” culture, 355 China and, 240 archaeological research in Southeast Yang Liangyao’s embassy to, Asia, 43, 44, 70 242–43, 261 aromatic resins, 233 Zhenyuan era (785–805), 242, aromatic timbers, 230 256 Arrayed Tales aboriginal settlements, 175–76 (The Arrayed Tales of Collected Abramson, Marc, 81 Oddities from South of the Abu Luoba ( · ), 239 Passes Lĩnh Nam chích quái liệt aconite, 284 truyện), 161–62 Agai ( ), Princess, 269, 286 becoming traditions, 183–88 Age of Exploration, 360–61 categorizing stories, 163 agricultural migrations, 325 fox essence in, 173–74 Amarapura Guanyin Temple, 314n58 and history, 165–70 An Dương Vương (also importance of, 164–65 known as Thục Phán ), 50, othering savages, 170–79 165, 167 promotion of, 164–65 Angkor, 61, 62 savage tales, 179–83 Cham naval attack on, 153 stories in, 162–63 Angkor Wat, 151 versions of, 170 carvings in, 153 writing style, 164 Anglo-Burmese War, 294 Atwill, David, 327 Annan tuzhi [Treatise and Âu Lạc Maps of Annan], 205 kingdom, 49–51 anti-colonial movements, 2 polity, 50 371 15 ImperialChinaIndexIT.indd 371 3/7/15 11:53 am 372 Index B Biography of Hua Guan Suo (Hua Bạch Đằng River, 204 Guan Suo zhuan ), 317 Bà Lộ Savages (Bà Lộ man ), black clothing, 95 177–79 Blakeley, Barry B., 347 Ba Min tongzhi , 118, bLo sbyong glegs bam (The Book of 121–22 Mind Training), 283 baneful spirits, in medieval China, Blumea balsamifera, 216, 220 143 boat competitions, 144 Banteay Chhmar carvings, 151, 153 in southern Chinese local Baoqing siming zhi , traditions, 149 224–25, 231 boat racing, 155, 156. -
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITOR’S FOREWORD |x SUMMARY x TECHNICAL DETAILS X( ACKNOWLEDGMENT xl| Part I: Introduction Q1 Studies on Sogdians 01 Sources, goals, and methods of this research 04 Sources 04 Goals 05 Research methods 07 Part II: Historical developments in Sogdiana, western and northern China between the 3rd and 10th century AD 09 History of Sogdiana 09 Sogdiana as an Achaemenid satrapy 09 Sogdiana after the conquest by Alexander the Great 09 Sogdiana under Kushan rule 10 Sassanid Persians and Hephthalites in Sogdiana 10 Sogdiana as part of the Turkish khaganate 10 Sogdiana under Umayyad and Abbasid rule 10 History of the Western Regions 11 The 36 States of the Western Regions and their relations with Han-China 11 The Kingdom of Khotan (Yutian) 13 The Kingdom of Shanshan (Loulan) 15 Sogdians in Loulan 15 The Cheshi Kingdom 17 Sogdians in the Turfan region 13 The Tubo and their relations with the Tang Empire 19 History of northern China 19 The end of the Han dynasty and the process of political fragmentation 19 The Northern Wei dynasty 20 The Northern Zhou and Northern Qi dynasties 20 Unification under the Sui dynasty 21 The Tang Empire 21 Sogdians in China 22 Sino-Sogdian relations 22 Sogdians as merchants in China 23 Perception of Sogdians as foreigners in China 24 The sabao office 24 Sogdians as translators 25 Sogdians as entertainers 25 Sogdian language and script 25 Zoroastrianism - The religion of the Sogdians 26 Origin and iconographical representation of Sogdian deities 26 Zoroastrianism in China 27 Zoroastrian relics 27 Zoroastrian