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Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sadhana” E‐Book
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Padmakumara website would like to gratefully acknowledge the following individuals for contributing to the production of “Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sadhana” e‐book. Translator: Alice Yang, Zhiwei Editor: Jason Yu Proofreader: Renée Cordsen, Jackie Ho E‐book Designer: Alice Yang, Ernest Fung The Padmakumara website is most grateful to Living Buddha Lian‐sheng for transmitting such precious dharma. May Living Buddha Lian‐sheng always be healthy and continue to teach and liberate beings in samsara. May all sentient beings quickly attain Buddhahood. Om Guru Lian‐Sheng Siddhi Hum. Exhaustive research was undertaken to ensure the content in this e‐book is accurate, current and comprehensive at publication time. However, due to differing individual interpreting skills and language differences among translators and editors, we cannot be responsible for any minor wording discrepancies or inaccuracies. In addition, we cannot be responsible for any damage or loss which may result from the use of the information in this e‐book. The information given in this e‐book is not intended to act as a substitute for the actual lineage and transmission empowerments from H.H. Living Buddha Lian‐sheng or any authorized True Buddha School master. If you wish to contact the author or would like more information about the True Buddha School, please write to the author in care of True Buddha Quarter. The author appreciates hearing from you and learning of your enjoyment of this e‐book and how it has helped you. We cannot guarantee that every letter written to the author can be answered, but all will be forwarded. -
The Kasāya Robe of the Past Buddha Kāśyapa in the Miraculous Instruction Given to the Vinaya Master Daoxuan (596~667)
中華佛學學報第 13.2 期 (pp.299-367): (民國 89 年), 臺北:中華佛學研究所,http://www.chibs.edu.tw Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal, No. 13.2, (2000) Taipei: Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies ISSN: 1017-7132 The Kasāya Robe of the Past Buddha Kāśyapa in the Miraculous Instruction Given to the Vinaya Master Daoxuan (596~667) Koichi Shinohara Professor, McMaster University Summary Toward the end of his life, in the second month of the year 667, the eminent vinaya master Daoxuan (596~667) had a visionary experience in which gods appeared to him and instructed him. The contents of this divine teaching are reproduced in several works, such as the Daoxuan lüshi gantonglu and the Zhong Tianzhu Sheweiguo Zhihuansi tujing. The Fayuan zhulin, compiled by Daoxuan's collaborator Daoshi, also preserves several passages, not paralleled in these works, but said to be part of Daoxuan's visionary instructions. These passages appear to have been taken from another record of this same event, titled Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji. The Fayuan zhulin was completed in 668, only several months after Daoxuan's death. The Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji, from which the various Fayuan zhulin passages on Daoxuan's exchanges with deities were taken, must have been compiled some time between the second lunar month in 667 and the third month in the following year. The quotations in the Fayuan zhulin from the Daoxuan lüshi zhuchi ganying ji take the form of newly revealed sermons of the Buddha and tell stories about various objects used by the Buddha during his life time. -
Mar 5 – Jun 12 2016
MAR 5 – JUN 12 2016 PRESS Press Contact Rachel Eggers Manager of Public Relations [email protected] RELEASE 206.654.3151 FEBRUARY 25, 2016 JOURNEY TO DUNHUANG: BUDDHIST ART OF THE SILK ROAD CAVES OPENS AT ASIAN ART MUSEUM MAR 5 See the wonders of China’s Dunhuang Caves—a World Heritage site—through the eyes of photojournalists James and Lucy Lo March 5–June 12, 2016 SEATTLE, WA – The Asian Art Museum presents Journey to Dunhuang: Buddhist Art of the Silk Road Caves, an exhibition featuring photographs, ancient manuscripts, and artist renderings of the sacred temple caves of Dunhuang. Selected from the collection of photojournalists James and Lucy Lo, the works are a treasure trove of Buddhist art that reveal a long-lost world. Located at China’s western frontier, the ancient city of Dunhuang lay at the convergence of the northern and southern routes of the Silk Road—a crossroads of the civilizations of East Asia, Central Asia, and the Western world. From the late fourth century until the decline of the Silk Road in the fourteenth century, Dunhuang was a bustling desert oasis—a center of trade and pilgrimage. The original “melting pot” of China, it was a gateway for new forms of art, culture, and religions. The nearly 500 caves found there tell an almost seamless chronological tale of their history, preserving the stories of religious devotion throughout various dynasties. During the height of World War II in 1943, James C. M. Lo (1902–1987) and his wife, Lucy, arrived at Dunhuang by horse and donkey-drawn cart. -
Journey to Dunhuang: Buddhist Art of the Silk Road Caves
The Newsletter | No.73 | Spring 2016 56 | The Portrait Journey to Dunhuang: Buddhist art of the Silk Road caves During World War II, James C. M. Lo (1902–1987), a photojournalist for the Central News Agency, and his wife Lucy 劉氏·羅先 arrived at Dunhuang. James Lo had taken a year’s leave to photograph the Buddhist cave temples at Mogao and at nearby Yulin. Lucy was also a photographer, and together they made the arduous journey in 1943. They systematically produced over 2500 black and white photographs that record the caves as they were in the mid-20th century. FOONG Ping 1 2 Seattle Asian Art Museum, Foster Galleries 4 By the end of the Tang dynasty, the cliff face at Mogao was 5 March – 12 June 2016 completely covered with caves. Since no new caves could be Journey to Dunhuang is organized in cooperation opened, donors paid for existing ones to be redecorated and with the Princeton University Art Museum and – and infamous forger – Zhang Daqian (1899-1983), Fig 1 (above their portraits would sometimes be added to the cave walls. the P.Y. and Kinmay W. Tang Center for East Asian Art who was at Dunhuang repairing and making replicas of Mogao left): View of the Some Lo photographs document how walls were deeply scored murals. He helped the Los form their collection of manuscript Northern Mogao during renovations, in preparation for a new, smooth surface THE LO PHOTOGRAPHIC ARCHIVE is a feat of ingenuity, fragments and a few carry both their seals. For Zhang, Dunhuang Caves, Photograph of white gaolin clay; to James these scorings formed patterns of organization, and sheer courage. -
Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism
International Journal of Korean History (Vol.19 No.2, Aug. 2014) 169 Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism Richard D. McBride II* Introduction The Koguryŏ émigré and Buddhist monk Hyeryang was named Bud- dhist overseer by Silla king Chinhŭng (r. 540–576). Hyeryang instituted Buddhist ritual observances at the Silla court that would be, in continually evolving forms, performed at court in Silla and Koryŏ for eight hundred years. Sparse but tantalizing evidence remains of Koguryŏ’s Buddhist culture: tomb murals with Buddhist themes, brief notices recorded in the History of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk sagi 三國史記), a few inscrip- tions on Buddhist images believed by scholars to be of Koguryŏ prove- nance, and anecdotes in Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk yusa 三國遺事) and other early Chinese and Japanese literary sources.1 Based on these limited proofs, some Korean scholars have imagined an advanced philosophical tradition that must have profoundly influenced * Associate Professor, Department of History, Brigham Young University-Hawai‘i 1 For a recent analysis of the sparse material in the Samguk sagi, see Kim Poksun 金福順, “4–5 segi Samguk sagi ŭi sŭngnyŏ mit sach’al” (Monks and monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries in the Samguk sagi). Silla munhwa 新羅文化 38 (2011): 85–113; and Kim Poksun, “6 segi Samguk sagi Pulgyo kwallyŏn kisa chonŭi” 存疑 (Doubts on accounts related to Buddhism in the sixth century in the Samguk sagi), Silla munhwa 新羅文化 39 (2012): 63–87. 170 Imagining Ritual and Cultic Practice in Koguryŏ Buddhism the Sinitic Buddhist tradition as well as the emerging Buddhist culture of Silla.2 Western scholars, on the other hand, have lamented the dearth of literary, epigraphical, and archeological evidence of Buddhism in Kogu- ryŏ.3 Is it possible to reconstruct illustrations of the nature and characteris- tics of Buddhist ritual and devotional practice in the late Koguryŏ period? In this paper I will flesh out the characteristics of Buddhist ritual and devotional practice in Koguryŏ by reconstructing its Northeast Asian con- text. -
Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image
5 (2018) Article 6: 250–311 Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image CHRISTOPH ANDERL Department of Languages and Cultures, Ghent University, Belgium This contribution to Entangled Religions is published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License (CC BY 4.0 International). The license can be accessed at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode. © 2018 Christoph Anderl Entangled Religions 5 (2018) http://dx.doi.org./10.13154/er.v5.2018.250–311 Christoph Anderl Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image1 CHRISTOPH ANDERL Ghent University ABSTRACT In the propagation and spread of Buddhism throughout Asia, jātaka and avadāna narratives played a decisive role, both in the form of texts and iconographical representations. In this paper I will focus on another set of narratives which enjoyed great popularity in the Dūnhuáng area during the later Tang and Five Dynasties period, dealing with historical projections concerning the origin and transmission of Buddhism. In this stories, “Auspicious Statues” (ruìxiàng 瑞像) play a key role. These “living” statues were thought to have moved from Indian monasteries to Khotan and other regions, serving as agents of the transmission of the Dharma in these areas. Besides reflecting religious key concern during that period, the historical narratives on the spread of Buddhism also give witness to the close diplomatic and family relations between Dunhuang and the Kingdom of Khotan during that period. KEY WORDS Mogao caves; Auspicious Statues; 瑞像; Khotan; Dunhuang; Buddhist narratives; transmission of Buddhism; localization of Buddhism; Oxhead Mountain; 牛頭山 1 This paper was presented at the workshop “Ancient Central Asian Networks. -
The Outlaws of the Marsh
The Outlaws of the Marsh Shi Nai'an and Luo Guanzhong The Outlaws of the Marsh Shi Nai'an and Luo Guanzhong • Chapter 1 Zhang the Divine Teacher Prays to Dispel a Plague Marshal Hong Releases Demons by Mistake • Chapter 2 Arms Instructor Wang Goes Secretly to Yanan Prefecture Nine Dragons Shi Jin Wreaks Havoc in Shi Family Village • Chapter 3 Master Shi Leaves Huayin County at Night Major Lu Pummels the Lord of the West • Chapter 4 Sagacious Lu Puts Mount Wutai in an Uproar Squire Zhao Repairs Wenshu Monastery • Chapter 5 Drunk, the Little King Raises the Gold−Spangled Bed Curtains Lu the Tattooed Monk Throws Peach Blossom Village into Confusion • Chapter 6 Nine Dragons Shi Jin Robs in Red Pine Forest Sagacious Lu Burns Down Waguan Monastery • Chapter 7 The Tattooed Monk Uproots a Willow Tree Lin Chong Enters White Tiger Inner Sanctum by Mistake • Chapter 8 Arms Instructor Lin Is Tattooed and Exiled to Cangzhou Sagacious Lu Makes a Shambles of Wild Boar Forest • Chapter 9 Chai Jin Keeps Open House for All Bold Men Lin Chong Defeats Instructor Hong in a Bout with Staves • Chapter 10 Lin Chong Shelters from the Snowstorm in the Mountain Spirit Temple Captain Lu Qian Sets Fire to the Fodder Depot • Chapter 11 Zhu Gui Shoots a Signal Arrow from the Lakeside Pavilion Lin Chong Climbs Mount Liangshan in the Snowy Night • Chapter 12 Lin Chong Joins the Bandits in Liangshan Marsh Yang Zhi Sells His Sword in the Eastern Capital • Chapter 13 The Blue−Faced Beast Battles in the Northern Capital Urgent Vanguard Vies for Honors on the Training Field -
Non-Chinese Influences in Medieval Chinese Manuscript Culture
Non-Chinese Influences in Medieval Chinese Manuscript Culture Imre Galambos Introduction The Chinese script is among the most powerful symbols of Chinese culture, one of the key elements by which the people of China to this day define their national identity. I With a documented history of over three millennia, it lies at the core of the modern vision of historical continuity, and its significance in the formation of a coherent cultural narrative cannot be overstated. Paradoxically, the majority of written witnesses from the country's iconic and quintessentially "national" dynasties, the Tang and the Song, come from the northwestern peripheries of the Chinese domain, from sites such as Dunhuang, Turfan and Khara-khoto. Perhaps the biggest sensation of all was the discovery of the Dunhuang manuscripts at the beginning of the twentieth century in a sealed-off library cave at the Mogao site about 30 km from the city of Dunhuang. Part of their fame was due to the fact that the manuscripts were subsequently utilised in the nationalist movement of the late I920s. Shortly after the discovery of the cave library, the main bulk of the material was purchased by foreign explorers and shipped out of the country, causing leading Chinese intellectuals to join forces in a publicity campaign to prevent the export of cultural artifacts. Partly as a result of this campaign, many artifacts discovered or excavated during the first decades of the century gradually acquired the status of national treasures, with the Dunhuang manuscripts at the top of the list.' The largest collection of Dunhuang manuscripts was assembled by Aurel Stein on two subsequent visits to the cave library in 1907 and 1913. -
Prayer Beads in Japanese Soto Sect
4 Prayer Beads in Japanese Sōtō Zen Michaela Mross WHen a lay parishioner visits a Buddhist temple, he or she usually car- ries a Buddhist rosary.1 It marks a parishioner versus the occasional visi- tor and is considered a necessary item of proper attire. For most Japanese, not wearing a rosary when putting the hands in prayer or reverence seems to be improper.2 Likewise, the official webpage of the Sōtō Zen school instructs lay followers to not forget prayer beads when attending funerals or memorial services. Parishioners should further put a rosary on the lowest shelf of their home altar, ready to be used during prayers.3 Also, the members of the choirs singing Buddhist hymns at Sōtō tem- ples wear short rosaries while singing and playing a bell. Thus, prayer beads serve “as sources of identification,” to borrow John Kieschnick’s words.4 The rosary is an especially interesting object because— besides the robe or o- kesa— “prayer beads are kept closer to the practitioner than any other ritual object. They become physical evidence of faith, devotion, and practice.”5 In contrast to Tendai, Shingon, or Pure Land clerics, Sōtō clerics rarely use prayer beads in ritual settings. Moreover, images of Zen masters usu- ally do not depict monks or nuns holding prayer beads; instead, a fly-whisk or another kind of staff signifies their status as a Zen cleric. Therefore, Buddhist rosaries are typically not associated with Zen. Nevertheless, prayer beads have been used for various purposes in the Sōtō school as well. This chapter aims to illuminate some of the functions and interpre- tations of the rosary in Japanese Sōtō Zen. -
A Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Relations Between Tang Dynasty China And
INDEX A anti-communist forces, 2 Abbasid Caliphate, 239 Antony, Robert, 200 relations between Tang Dynasty “Apollonian” culture, 355 China and, 240 archaeological research in Southeast Yang Liangyao’s embassy to, Asia, 43, 44, 70 242–43, 261 aromatic resins, 233 Zhenyuan era (785–805), 242, aromatic timbers, 230 256 Arrayed Tales aboriginal settlements, 175–76 (The Arrayed Tales of Collected Abramson, Marc, 81 Oddities from South of the Abu Luoba ( · ), 239 Passes Lĩnh Nam chích quái liệt aconite, 284 truyện), 161–62 Agai ( ), Princess, 269, 286 becoming traditions, 183–88 Age of Exploration, 360–61 categorizing stories, 163 agricultural migrations, 325 fox essence in, 173–74 Amarapura Guanyin Temple, 314n58 and history, 165–70 An Dương Vương (also importance of, 164–65 known as Thục Phán ), 50, othering savages, 170–79 165, 167 promotion of, 164–65 Angkor, 61, 62 savage tales, 179–83 Cham naval attack on, 153 stories in, 162–63 Angkor Wat, 151 versions of, 170 carvings in, 153 writing style, 164 Anglo-Burmese War, 294 Atwill, David, 327 Annan tuzhi [Treatise and Âu Lạc Maps of Annan], 205 kingdom, 49–51 anti-colonial movements, 2 polity, 50 371 15 ImperialChinaIndexIT.indd 371 3/7/15 11:53 am 372 Index B Biography of Hua Guan Suo (Hua Bạch Đằng River, 204 Guan Suo zhuan ), 317 Bà Lộ Savages (Bà Lộ man ), black clothing, 95 177–79 Blakeley, Barry B., 347 Ba Min tongzhi , 118, bLo sbyong glegs bam (The Book of 121–22 Mind Training), 283 baneful spirits, in medieval China, Blumea balsamifera, 216, 220 143 boat competitions, 144 Banteay Chhmar carvings, 151, 153 in southern Chinese local Baoqing siming zhi , traditions, 149 224–25, 231 boat racing, 155, 156. -
Íakra and the Destruction of Craving–
Íakra and the Destruction of Craving – A Case Study in the Role of Íakra in Early Buddhism ∗ Anålayo Introduction In the previous issue of the Indian International Journal of Buddhist Studies , I had taken a brief look at Indra’s role in early Buddhism in the context of a discussion mainly concerned with the arahant Bakkula. 1 With the present paper I further explore this role, based on a study of the Saµyukta-ågama counterpart to the C¨¬ataˆhåsa∫khaya-sutta of the Majjhima-nikåya . The discourse in question records a visit paid by Mahåmaudgalyåyana to Indra’s heaven. During this visit, the complacent attitude of the ruler of the gods is stirred by a feat of supernormal power performed by the visiting monk. A closer study of the discourse bring to light its underlying humour and shows how the ancient Indian god Indra has been ‘included’ in the thought-world of early Buddhism in order to deliver a doctrinally central teaching on the importance of the destruction of craving.2 At the background of the role assumed in this way by Indra stands a transformation undergone by the ancient Indian warrior god, the slayer of V®tra, 3 who in early Buddhist texts has become a peaceful and devoted Buddhist disciple by the name of Íakra (Sakka).4 ∗ Centre for Buddhist Studies, University of Hamburg, Germany; Dharma Drum Buddhist College, Taiwan. 1 Anålayo (2010). 2 As already mentioned in Anålayo (2010: 2), the role of Indra in early Buddhist texts can be understood as exemplifying a mode of thought that has been referred to as “inclusivism”, on which cf. -
Medieval China's Buddhist Monasteries, Regardless of Size, Were
foreign gifts to buddhist monasteries rong xinjiang Khotanese Felt and Sogdian Silver: Foreign Gifts to Buddhist Monasteries in Ninth- and Tenth-Century Dunhuang INTRODUCTION edieval China’s Buddhist monasteries, regardless of size, were M |frequently the cultural centers of a given region. Large monas- teries in the Tang capital of Chang’an, such as Hongfu Monastery ؖ ʳduring theڝduring the reign of Taizong, Cien Monastery ს ڝ壂 -ʳduring the reign of emڝreign of Gaozong, Taiyuan Monastery ֜ during the reign of ڝpress Wu, and Da Xingshan Monastery Օᘋ Xuanzong were all cultural centers in the capital. The same holds true -ʳwas a culڝin the Dunhuang region, where Longxing Monastery ᚊᘋ and Sanjie Monastery Կ ,ڠޥ tural center within the city of Shazhou in front of the Mogao Caves ๕ᆌ was a cultural center for the ڝ area outside of the city. Monasteries such as these housed visiting li- terati and erudite monks versed in Buddhist doctrine; they also kept Buddhist, Confucian, and Daoist scriptures as well as literary writings. Since the official government schools remained weak in scope and in- fluence, Buddhist monasteries shouldered the burden of providing basic Confucian instruction.1 They also, to varying degrees, preserved mate- rial wealth in the form of gold and silver utensils, silk banners, paint- ings, murals, images, textiles, and dyes. In short, in medieval times the Buddhist monastery was both a nursery for spiritual cultivation and a repository of material culture. An earlier version of this article appeared in Chinese as “Yutian huazhan yu Sute yin pan, ೃऱڝjiu shi shiji Dunhuang siyuan de wailai gongyang” Պᠤक़ᛋፖᎬᒌԼધཉᅇ ೃತ༄ڝ ؆ࠐࠎ塄, in Hu Suxin ైᤲ (Sarah E.