ABSTRACT DEPARTMENTOF POLITICAL SCIENCE Nwobu
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Appendix File Anes 1988‐1992 Merged Senate File
Version 03 Codebook ‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐ CODEBOOK APPENDIX FILE ANES 1988‐1992 MERGED SENATE FILE USER NOTE: Much of his file has been converted to electronic format via OCR scanning. As a result, the user is advised that some errors in character recognition may have resulted within the text. MASTER CODES: The following master codes follow in this order: PARTY‐CANDIDATE MASTER CODE CAMPAIGN ISSUES MASTER CODES CONGRESSIONAL LEADERSHIP CODE ELECTIVE OFFICE CODE RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE MASTER CODE SENATOR NAMES CODES CAMPAIGN MANAGERS AND POLLSTERS CAMPAIGN CONTENT CODES HOUSE CANDIDATES CANDIDATE CODES >> VII. MASTER CODES ‐ Survey Variables >> VII.A. Party/Candidate ('Likes/Dislikes') ? PARTY‐CANDIDATE MASTER CODE PARTY ONLY ‐‐ PEOPLE WITHIN PARTY 0001 Johnson 0002 Kennedy, John; JFK 0003 Kennedy, Robert; RFK 0004 Kennedy, Edward; "Ted" 0005 Kennedy, NA which 0006 Truman 0007 Roosevelt; "FDR" 0008 McGovern 0009 Carter 0010 Mondale 0011 McCarthy, Eugene 0012 Humphrey 0013 Muskie 0014 Dukakis, Michael 0015 Wallace 0016 Jackson, Jesse 0017 Clinton, Bill 0031 Eisenhower; Ike 0032 Nixon 0034 Rockefeller 0035 Reagan 0036 Ford 0037 Bush 0038 Connally 0039 Kissinger 0040 McCarthy, Joseph 0041 Buchanan, Pat 0051 Other national party figures (Senators, Congressman, etc.) 0052 Local party figures (city, state, etc.) 0053 Good/Young/Experienced leaders; like whole ticket 0054 Bad/Old/Inexperienced leaders; dislike whole ticket 0055 Reference to vice‐presidential candidate ? Make 0097 Other people within party reasons Card PARTY ONLY ‐‐ PARTY CHARACTERISTICS 0101 Traditional Democratic voter: always been a Democrat; just a Democrat; never been a Republican; just couldn't vote Republican 0102 Traditional Republican voter: always been a Republican; just a Republican; never been a Democrat; just couldn't vote Democratic 0111 Positive, personal, affective terms applied to party‐‐good/nice people; patriotic; etc. -
Constructive Engagement": U.S
GUNTHER HELLMANN The Collapse of "Constructive Engagement": U.S. Foreign Policy in Southern Africa* 1. Introduction During the Reagan Administration, U.S. foreign policy in southern Africa acquired new significance in American politics. Political elites and subse- quently the American public were increasingly polarized as the conflicts among and within the states of southern Africa escalated. The Reagan Administration meanwhile was unable either to exercise a moderating influ- ence on the contending parties in southern Africa or to win public support with a convincing policy. In January 1987 an independent report ordered by President Reagan in September 1985 bluntly stated that the Administration's policy had failed.1 Yet initially its southern Africa policy had seemed most apt to live up to the Administration's claim to rebuild U.S. global leadership. How was it that a policy which in 1981 was regarded by nearly all sides as a coherent and reasoned whole2 could six years later be issued such a devastating judgment under the seal of the State Department? And is it valid to maintain that this policy was really "doomed to fail" from the start?3 This essay seeks to show that the Administration's policy failed in two respects. First and most fundamentally, the Administration failed to devise a coherent and effective policy transcending the tension between anti-commu- nism on the one hand and anti-apartheid on the other. This conflict of goals had been evident, though largely latent, in policy toward southern Africa since the 1970s. Second, and more important, this essay will argue that it * For their valuable and stimulating ideas I would like to extend my special thanks to the editors and, in particular, Winrich Kühne and Ambassador Donald F. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
English Letter Dated 29 July 1969 from the Permanent
GENERAL s/g363 23 July 1969 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 29 JULY 1969 FROM THE PERMANENTREPRESENTATIVE OF 2AMBIA ADDR%SSEDTO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL In accordance with the request I made in my speech of' 24 July 1969, I now request that the Lusaka Manifesto be circulated as an official dxument 3T the Security Council. (Signed) V.J, MWAANGA AmbassA%?%&aordinary and Plellipotentiary Perrllanent Representative of the Republic of Zambia t3 the United Nations .IP 69-165oEl / 6 /9363 English Page 2 FIFTH SUMMIT CONFERENCEOF EAST AND CENTRAL AFRICAN STATES 14-16 April, 1969 LUSAKA JYIANIFESTO ON SOUTHERNAFRICA 1, When the purpose and the basis of States' international policies are misunderstood, there is introduced into the world a new and unnecessary disharmony, disagreements, conflicts of interest, or different assessments of human priorities, which ,provoke an excess of tension in the world, and disastrously divide mankind, at a time when united action is necessary to control modern technology and put it to the service of man. It is for this reason that, discovering widespread misap,prehension of our attitudes and purposes in relation to southern Africa, we the leaders of East and Central African States meeting in Lusaka, 16 April 1969, have agreed to issue this Manifesto. 2. By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of colour, race, religion or sex. We believe that all men have the right and the duty to participate, as equal members of the society, in their own government. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 107 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 107 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 148 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 2002 No. 48 House of Representatives The House met at 10 a.m. and was THE JOURNAL ANNOUNCEMENT BY THE SPEAKER called to order by the Speaker pro tem- The SPEAKER pro tempore. The PRO TEMPORE pore (Mr. LATOURETTE). Chair has examined the Journal of the The SPEAKER pro tempore. The f last day’s proceedings and announces Chair recognizes the gentleman from to the House his approval thereof. DESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER Ohio (Mr. HOBSON) for the purpose of Pursuant to clause 1, rule I, the Jour- PRO TEMPORE introducing the guest chaplain. nal stands approved. The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- Mr. MCNULTY. Mr. Speaker, pursu- fore the House the following commu- ant to clause 1, rule I, I demand a vote f nication from the Speaker: on agreeing to the Speaker’s approval WASHINGTON, DC, of the Journal. RECOGNIZING CEDARVILLE UNI- April 25, 2002. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The VERSITY PRESIDENT DR. PAUL I hereby appoint the Honorable STEVEN C. question is on the Speaker’s approval DIXON LATOURETTE to act as Speaker pro tempore of the Journal. on this day. The question was taken; and the (Mr. HOBSON asked and was given J. DENNIS HASTERT, permission to address the House for 1 Speaker of the House of Representatives. Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. minute and to revise and extend his re- f Mr. -
The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39 -
Perspectives on Terrorism, Volume 5, Issue
Volume V, Issues 3-4 September 2011 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 5, Issues 3-4 Special Double Issue on Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa Guest Editors: James J. F. Forest and Jennifer Giroux 2 September 2011 PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 5, Issues 3-4 Table of Contents: Articles Terrorism and Political Violence in Africa: Contemporary Trends in a Shifting Terrain ................................................................................................5 by James J.F. Forest and Jennifer Giroux Terrorism in Liberation Struggles: Interrogating the Engagement Tactics of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta ........................18 by Ibaba Samuel Ibaba ‘Forcing the Horse to Drink or Making it Realise its Thirst’? Understanding the Enactment of Anti-Terrorism Legislation (ATL) in Nigeria .............................................................................................................33 by Isaac Terwase Sampson and Freedom C. Onuoha Opportunity Costs or Costly Opportunities? The Arab Spring, Osama Bin Laden, and Al-Qaeda's African Affiliates .............................................50 by Alex S. Wilner Al-Qaeda's Influence in Sub-Saharan Africa: Myths, Realities and Possibilities .....................................................................................................63 by James J.F. Forest From Theory to Practice: Exploring the Organised Crime-Terror Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa ...................................................................................81 by Annette -
Domestic Terrorism in Africa
DOMESTIC TERRORISM IN AFRICA: DOMESTIC TERRORISM IN AFRICA: DEFINING, ADDRESSING AND UNDERSTANDING ITS IMPACT ON HUMAN SECURITY DEFINING, ADDRESSING AND UNDERSTANDING ITS IMPACT ON HUMAN SECURITY Terrorism Studies & Research Program ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court, VealVeale Street New Muckleneuk,, PrPretoria Tel: (27-12) 346 9500 Fax:Fa (27-12) 346 9570 E-mail: iss@[email protected] ISS AdAddis Ababa Offi ce FirsFirst Floor, Ki-Ab Building, Alexander Pushkin Street, Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa Tell:(: (251-1111)3) 37272-1154/5/6 Fax:(: (251-1111)3) 372 5954 E-mail: addisababa@is@ safrica.orgg ISS Cape Town Offi ce 67 Roeland Square, Drury Lane Gardens Cape Town 8001 South Africa TTel:(: (27-27 21) 46171 7211 Fax: (27-2121)4) 461 7213 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Nairobi Offi ce 5h5th Flloooor, LanddmarkPk Pllaza Argwings Kodhekek RRoad, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: (254 -20) 300 5726/8 FaxFax: (254-20) 271 2902 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Pretoria Offi ce Block C, Brooklyn Court, Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria Tel: (27-12) 346 9500 Fax: (27-12) 460 0998 Edited by Wafula Okumu and Anneli Botha E-mail: [email protected] Wafula Okumu and Anneli Botha www.issafrica.org 5 and 6 November 2007 This publication was made possible through funding provided by the ISBN 978-1-920114-80-0 Norwegian Government. In addition, general Institute funding is provided by the Governments of Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. 9 781920 114800 Terrorism Studies & Research Program As a leading African human security research institution, the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) works towards a stable and peaceful Africa characterised by sustainable development, human rights, the rule of law, democracy, collaborative security and gender mainstreaming. -
“Entrenching the Hegemony of the ANCYL As a Vibrant and Militant Economic Freedom Fighter” the 1948 ANCYL Basi
BUILDING A STRONG CAMPAIGNING YOUTH ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC FREEDOM IN OUR LIFE TIME “Entrenching the hegemony of the ANCYL as a vibrant and militant economic freedom fighter” The 1948 ANCYL basic policy document states the aims inter alia of the ANCYL as follows: • At rallying and uniting African youth into one national front on the basis of Afri ca n nationalism • At gi ving force, direction, and vi gour to the struggle for African National freedom, by assisting, supporting and re in fo rci ng th e Na ti onal move ment‐ANC. • At studying the political, economical and social problems of Africa and the world; • At striving and worki ng for the educational, moral and cu l tu ral advancement of the African youth. 1. It is clear from th e above that the intention of the founders of the ANCYL wa s to build a vibrant, militant and a dynamic yo u th movement that will rally the youth behind the vis ion of the AN C. This generation even we nt further to ra di cal ise the ANC. This was evidenced by the policy documents and the hi storical campaigns th a t changed the character of th e ANC forever. The cry “Fre edo m in our Lifetime” became a rallying call for th e youth to be active in the liberation struggle. It is therefore th is character of the ANCYL that must be revived and renewed within the context of organizational renewal. The process of organizational renewal is initiated to renew the organisation to discharge its mandate as stated by the co ns ti tu ti on , founding policy documents and congress resolutions. -
Wahlen Und Parteien in Südafrika Von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian
I M P R E S S U M Wahlen und Parteien in Südafrika von Christian Schmehl © 2015 Christian Schmehl. Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Autor: Christian Schmehl Kontaktdaten Schildstr. 54 08525 Plauen [email protected] Dieses E-Book, einschließlich seiner Teile, ist urheberrechtlich geschützt und darf ohne Zustimmung des Autors nicht vervielfältigt, wieder verkauft oder weitergegeben werden. Hat Ihnen das E-Book gefallen, so empfehlen Sie Ihren Freunden den Download eines persönlichen Exemplars auf XinXii.com. Ein großes Dankeschön, dass Sie die Arbeit des Autors respektieren! Gliederung 1. Einleitung 2 2. Das Wahlsystem in Südafrika 3 3. Wahlen in Südafrika 3.1. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1994 5 3.2. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 1999 6 3.3. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2004 7 3.4. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2009 8 3.5. Wahl zur Nationalversammlung 2014 9 4. Zusammenfassung und Ausblick 10 5. Parteien Südafrikas 5.1 In der Nationalversammlung 2014 vertretene Parteien 14 5.2 In früheren Nationalversammlungen vertretene Parteien 24 Literaturverzeichnis 29 Internetquellen 29 2 1. Einleitung Der Anfang der 1990er Jahre bedeutete nicht nur in Europa, sondern auch in Südafrika das Ende einer Epoche. Im Jubel um das Ende der Ost-West-Konfrontation trat der hiesige Wandel beinahe in den Hintergrund. Dennoch wurde in diesen wenigen Jahren der Grundstein für die Demokratisierung Südafrikas gelegt. Das System von Rassentrennung und Herrschaft der weißen Minderheit, die Apartheid, hatte jegliche innenpolitische Legitimität verloren und machte einem System der demokratischen Gleichberechtigung und Rassengleichheit Platz. Nach nunmehr zwanzig Jahren nach der ersten freien Wahl wurde 2014 die fünfte Wahl zur Nationalversammlung abgehalten. Dieses Jubiläum gibt Anlass, auf die Entwicklung von Wahl- und Parteiensystem Südafrikas zurückzublicken. -
Music to Move the Masses: Protest Music Of
The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Music to Move the Masses: Protest Music of the 1980s as a Facilitator for Social Change in South Africa. Town Cape of Claudia Mohr University Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Music, University of Cape Town. P a g e | 1 A project such as this is a singular undertaking, not for the faint hearted, and would surely not be achieved without help. Having said this I must express my sincere gratitude to those that have helped me. To the University of Cape Town and the National Research Foundation, as Benjamin Franklin would say ‘time is money’, and indeed I would not have been able to spend the time writing this had I not been able to pay for it, so thank you for your contribution. To my supervisor, Sylvia Bruinders. Thank you for your patience and guidance, without which I would not have been able to curb my lyrical writing style into the semblance of academic writing. To Dr. Michael Drewett and Dr. Ingrid Byerly: although I haven’t met you personally, your work has served as an inspiration to me, and ITown thank you.