CONTENTS Œ SISUKORD Raili Allmäe Grave 2 of Maidla

Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1

CONTENTS – SISUKORD

Raili Allmäe Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family ...... 3 Maidla II kalme – ühe pere matmispaik. Resümee ...... 19

Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) ...... 24 Tartu pottsepa Johann Rehni töökoja (umbes 1684–1708) toodang. Resümee ...... 56

Tanel Saimre Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine ...... 61 Vastukaalu jõul töötav heitemasin. Resümee ...... 79

REPORTS – TEATED

Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak A new Early Bronze Age socketed axe ...... 81 Uus vanema pronksiaja putkkirves. Resümee ...... 87

REVIEWS – ÜLEVAATED

Kristi Grünberg ja Mari Lõhmus Inimene, keskkond ja mälu ...... 89

Abbreviations ...... 96 Lühendid ...... 96

Home page/kodulehekülg: http://www.kirj.ee Full text electronically available in/täistekstid on kättesaadavad andmebaasis: Central and Eastern European Online Library (C.E.E.O.L.)

ISSN 1406-2933 Sõrgadest sarvedeni ja hiirest elevandini. Luu-uurijate rahvusvaheline konverents Tallinnas. Heidi Luik ...... 175

Uus samm Balti koostöö edendamiseks. Valter Lang ...... 179

Eesti ja Soome arheoloogide jätkukoolitusseminar Tartus. Aivar Kriiska ja Mari Lõhmus ...... 182

Kodulehekülg: http://www.kirj.ee/r-arch.htm

ISSN 1406-2933

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Printed by Tallinn Book Printers Ltd, Laki 26, 12915 Tallinn, Estonia Trükitud Tallinna Raamatutrükikojas, Laki 26, 12915 Tallinn Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1, 3–23

Raili Allmäe

GRAVE 2 OF MAIDLA – THE BURIAL SITE OF A SINGLE FAMILY

Stone grave 2 of Maidla is the largest of the archaeologically and osteologically investigated cemeteries of Läänemaa, and probably also the largest osteologically investigated Iron Age burial site in Estonia. The stone grave was used in the 10th–13th centuries, it contained both cremations and inhumations, and among the latter also several complete skeletons were found. The gender and age structure of the people buried in grave 2 of Maidla was estimated and the size and life-cycle of the community was investigated. Data of the Early Iron Age graves 1 and 2 of Poanse as well as of Maidla 1 in Läänemaa were used for comparison.

10.–13. sajandi Maidla II kalme on suurim nii arheoloogiliselt kui ka osteoloogiliselt uuritud Läänemaa kivikalme ja tõenäoliselt suurim osteoloogiliselt uuritud rauaaegne matmispaik Eestis. Kalmes esines nii põletus- kui ka laibamatuseid. Viimaste hulgas esines küll terveid luustikke, kuid peamiselt oli luumaterjal siiski fragmentaarne. On määratud kalmesse maetud inimeste vanus ning sugu ja uuritud kalmet kasutanud kogukonna suurust ja elutsüklit. Võrdluseks on kasutatud vanemasse rauaaega kuuluvate Poanse I ning II ja Maidla I kalme antropoloogilise analüüsi tulemusi.

Raili Allmäe, Institute of History, Tallinn University, 6 Rüütli St., 10130 Tallinn, Estonia; [email protected]

Introduction

The Maidla graves of the 5th–7th and 10th–13th centuries have been archaeologically investigated by Mati Mandel, who published the results in a monograph (Mandel 2003). The same volume contains the results of an analysis of the osteological finds from the graves (Allmäe 2003; Maldre 2003). The osteological material is stored in the collections of the Estonian History Museum. The aim of the present study was to determine the age and sex of the buried people, to estimate the size of the community using the 10th–13th-centuries stone grave of Maidla and to describe the life-cycle of the population. Anthropological data of Poanse stone graves 1 and 2 as well as of Maidla 1 were used for comparison. 4 Raili Allmäe

Methods

First, the general state of the bones recovered from the grave was assessed, sorting them into cremated and unburned bones. Second, the skull fragments in bone assemblages were counted to discover the possible locations of skulls and, thus, to identify the presumable burial spots inside the grave. Third, the minimum number of individuals buried in the grave was determined, using the method of recurrent bone fragments. In cremation burials as well as in very fragmentary inhumation burials the counting of pars petrosa of temporal bone fragments is used. Fourth, the presumable or plausible number of buried individuals was determined on the basis of combined criteria. To determine a presumable burial the larger assemblages of bone fragments of skull and post-cranial skeleton were used, either separately or combined with the find of pars petrosa of temporal bone. Note that such assessment of the presumable number of burials is not objective. Fifth, the gender and age of the buried individuals were determined, if possible, using the generally accepted methods (Gejvall 1948; Miles 1963; Rösing 1977; Recommendations 1980). To determine the age of children the method of development stages of teeth (Ubelaker 1978) and the scale of the length of long bones (Allmäe 1998) were used. Sixth, the possible size of the permanent living population that used the burial ground (Ubelaker 1978), the life-cycle of the population (Acsadi & Nemeskeri 1970), and fertility figures (Bocquet-Appel & Masset 1982; Coale & Demeny 1983) were estimated.

Outline of the material

Grave 2 of Maidla was used in the 10th–13th centuries. During the archaeological excavations of 1984–1990, 674 bone finds were recovered from the area of the grave. This burial ground is the largest of the archaeologically and osteologically investigated ones of Läänemaa, and probably also the largest osteologically investigated Iron Age burial site in Estonia. The stone grave contained both cremations and inhumations; among the latter several complete skeletons were found.

Cremation burials in grave 2 of Maidla

Mati Mandel (2003) has described 24 sooty patches of soil in the area of the grave, identifying these as cremation places. Presumably the bodies of the deceased people were cremated right on the burial site. Thirty-one find assemblages were also discovered in the grave. The finds of larger bone assemblages from the sooty patches were rare and determinable bone fragments even more sparse. The larger bone assemblages are not definitely connected with find complexes either, bones

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 5

are usually buried at some distance from them. Thus we were not able to reliably connect burials and bone assemblages neither with cremation patches nor with find complexes (Allmäe 2003). Still, the fact should be mentioned that 42 spear- heads were recovered from the grave (Mandel 2003). The minimum number of estimated cremations is 32, a plausible number is 42.

Inhumations

Inhumation burials were most numerous in the north-western part of the stone grave; apparently this part was especially intensively used in the 12th–13th centuries (Mandel 2003). Only five inhumation burials were discovered in other parts of the grave. Deciding by the number of recurrent bone fragments at least 19 individuals had been buried in grave 2 of Maidla, but very likely their number was 32. The ratio of male and female burials was 5:7. Twenty (62.5%) of the 32 non-cremated burials belonged to children (Allmäe 2003).

Total number of burials and their age structure

The age structure of cremation and inhumation burials is presented in Table 1. The age group 35–65 is a result of the method of determining age on the basis of cremated bones (Gejvall 1948), which allows to distinguish two age groups of adults – 18–44 and 35–64 years – on the basis of the structure of cranial bones. In inhumation burials the age of the deceased can be determined more accurately – adults can be divided into three groups: adultus – 20–35 years, maturus – 35–55 years, and senilis – 55 years and more.

Table 1. Age structure of burials in stone grave 2 of Maidla Tabel 1. Maidla II kalmesse maetute vanuseline struktuur

Age group Number of burials % of the total number of burials

0–1 year 7 9.5 1–6 years (Infans I) 12 16.2 7–14 years (Infans II) 3 4.0 15–25 years (Juvenilis-Adultus) 1 1.4 18–44 years (Adultus) 25 33.8 35–64 years (Maturus-Senilis) 10 13.5 Over 50 years (Senilis) 3 4.0 Adults (20–69 years) 13 17.6 Total 74 100

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Results and discussion Age structure of burials in grave 2 of Maidla and the percentage of children’s burials – reasons and hypotheses

The total plausible number of burials in the Maidla stone grave was 74, of which 22 were children. The proportion of children’s burials in the stone grave Maidla 2 was relatively high – 29.7% of the total number of burials. Moreover, seven (31.8%) of the 22 buried children were below 1 year of age and five of them (22.7% of the total of buried children) had died before they were two months old. This figure can be considered representative for demographic analysis, since the percentage of children is not always as high even in the Late Iron Age and medieval inhumation burials. The proportion of children usually varies between 18.9–58.0%, being most frequently around 30% (Acsadi & Nemeskeri 1970). Among the stone graves of Läänemaa the percentage of children was relatively high also in the Maidla 1 (40%) and Ehmja (30%) stone graves. In the Lihula burial site, contemporaneous with Maidla 1 (5th–6th centuries), the percentage of children’s burials was only 14% (Allmäe 2003). Jonathan Kalman (2000) has analyzed (non-cremated) bones from Poanse tarand-graves of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Läänemaa. In both graves of Poanse, the proportion of children’s burials was 45.7%. It is essential to mention that only two cremations of children were discovered in the Maidla 2 stone grave, while in Maidla 1 the remains of 8 children and juveniles were buried (Allmäe 2003). Among the cremations of the Maidla 2 burial ground the percentage of children was only 4.8%. The latter result is similar to that of the Iron Age burial ground at North Spanga, Sweden, where the percentage of children among the cremations was 5% (Sigvallius 1994). Why is the percentage of children so low among the cremation burials? Different answers have been offered to this question. One of these rests on the poor preservation of cremated bones: burnt bones of children tend to crumble in the soil after quite a short period (Holck 1995). Probably in the stone graves of Läänemaa, where cremated bones were scattered over the area of the burial ground, most of the cremated remains of children and particularly of infants are not preserved. Moreover, if the bones were deliberately crushed before being buried in the grave, children’s skeletons must have been destroyed almost entirely. An opinion has also been expressed that children and adults were not always buried in the same burial ground. A fine example of such a custom can be found at Kaseküla, Läänemaa, where it was mainly children that were buried in a Late Bronze Age stone-cist grave (20 burials of the total of 23) (Kalman 2000). Another possibility presents itself in the case of stone grave 2 of Maidla, where children could have been buried uncremated. Per Holck (1995) has carried out an experiment, which proved that cremating the bodies of children was a process three times as time-taking and power-consuming as cremating adult bodies. Did our ancestors avoid cremating children’s bodies because it was inconvenient?

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 7

Thus we can build three different hypotheses to explain the age composition of the people buried in stone grave 2 of Maidla by virtue of the time of validity of the burial place and the nuances of burial customs. Hypothesis 1. Stone grave 2 of Maidla was continuously used by one single community/family in the 10th–13th centuries, while children were buried in the grave usually uncremated. The percentage of children in the burials was 29.7%. In this case I suggest that all dead children were buried in the grave. Assumption: the mortality rate of children was relatively low. Hypothesis 2. A new family/community started to bury their dead uncremated into the Maidla 2 stone grave at the late 12th century. Of the 32 inhumation burials, 12 belonged to adults and 20 to children. The proportion of children in the burials was 62.5%. 35% of the children had died younger than one year of age. In the preceding period children were either buried at some other place or the remains of children have got lost in the soil and their presence in the grave is impossible to prove. Hypothesis 2 is, in a way, a perfect case concerning the later inhumation burials – in this case all children were buried in the burial ground. Mati Mandel (2003), however, does not consider it possible that the 32 individuals were buried only during the final 50 years of the exploitation of the burial site. He estimates the time of exploitation of the Maidla stone grave 2 at 250 years (Mandel 2003). Assumption: in the earlier period children were buried both ways, cremated and uncremated; all cremation burials of children cannot, however, be identified and thus the percentage of children in the grave is too low. Hypothesis 3. One family/community continuously buried in the stone grave 2 of Maidla; in the beginning of the use of the burial site cremation prevailed, but in the late 12th century the burial customs changed and inhumation became dominant. Most of the cremations of children could not be identified – either they have perished in the ground, or their burnt bones were so carefully crushed, or most children may have been buried at some other place. Consequently, children must be under-represented among the burials. From the anthropological investigations of other Estonian burial grounds we know that in the Pre-Roman Iron Age graves of Poanse the percentage of children was 45.7%, in the Tääksi cemetery of the 14th–18th centuries it was 49.1% and in the 13th–14th century burials in St. John’s church of Tartu it was 54.8% (Kalman 2000; Kalling 1997; Allmäe 1998). Presuming that among the burials in the stone grave Maidla 2 the percentage of children should also be 40– 50%, we may state that about 20 cremation burials of children in this grave could not be identified.

Life cycle and fertility of the population

The method of demographic life tables has been seriously criticized in recent years and several new complicated mathematic models have been elaborated to describe the life cycles of ancient communities/populations. The latest of these is the theorem of Bayes (Bocquet-Appel & Bacro 1997; Hoppa & Vaupel 2002). The application of this method, however, necessitates the existence of a perfect

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and adequate reference series, and it cannot be used to describe the life cycles of small populations. In Estonia cemeteries and other burial grounds frequently belong to single families and therefore the refined and complicated methods need not provide considerably more objective results than classical ones. Another quite widespread method, comparing the mortality rates of palaeo- populations by virtue of model life tables compiled on the basis of demographic data collected by the UNO in the third world countries, has also been criticized. Modern communities based on agriculture, which have high mortality figures, are not comparable to prehistoric farming cultures (Hill & Hurtado 1996), because mortality curves are drastically different in prehistoric and modern populations (Bocquet-Appel & Bacro 1997). One of the reasons of the incompatibility of the method is also the limited nature of the methods typically used for age determination – an individual’s age at death cannot be determined with sufficient accuracy on the basis of skeletal series (McCaa 1998). The author of the present paper is convinced that on the basis of skeletons it is possible to determine only the individuals’ biological age but not their chronological age. In everyday life we can often see cases where biological age is not synchronous with the chronological one. Palaeo-anthropologists should only agree upon the criteria of age determination on the basis of skeletal series. Today several different methods are used, leading to considerable discrepancies in age determinations of different researchers. Jonathan Kalman (2000) has compared modern and prehistoric populations on the basis of mortality figures. We believe that, of the above mentioned two “not good” demographic methods – demographic life-tables and a comparison of the mortality curves of ancient and modern communities – the latter is more confusing. First, the comparisons with life cycles of third world countries, calculated on the basis of mortality figures, always lead one to the conclusion that the remains of children in burial grounds, particularly of infants and children under five years of age, are too few. Is this comparison not misleading in a way? Are we sure that a considerable part of children has always been buried elsewhere and not in the burial site of their community or family? In the United States of America a 19th-century cemetery was demographically investigated, using both the data of archaeological excavations and entries about deaths in church registers. The comparison of church records and bio-archaeological evidence proved the frequent statement of archaeologists and anthropologists about children’s burials being under-represented in cemeteries to be untrue. The number of children buried in the cemetery was rather larger than mentioned in the registers or on tombstone or crosses (Saunders et al. 1995). It also appeared that the life expectancy of the population, calculated on the basis of the skeletal series – 19.4 years – considerably underrated the real one, which was 36.4 (McCaa 1998). Second, we cannot presume that fertility in Nordic countries, including Estonia, and of the populations of tropical and subtropical territories is always equal. Human physiology and fertility depends, to a higher or lower degree, on the geographical latitude, length of day and sporadically also on the average temperatures (Barber 2002; Bronson 2004). On higher latitudes people are sensitive to the light regime, it influences the hormone level of their system and thus also their fertility

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 9

(Bronson 2004). Human fertility studies in 187 countries have established that at the latitudes of 33º and more fertility is considerably lower (r average = 1.83) than at lower latitudes, where the average fertility indicator is 4.31 (Barber 2002). Fertility is highest when the average winter temperature is 21º C, but declines considerably when it is higher or lower. Studies prove that low temperatures and short days suppress human fertility (Barber 2002). In Estonian prehistoric populations (as well as later ones) fertility was dependent on seasons as well as on environment and cultural background, especially on food supplies and quality, and the duration of the nursing period. Heldur Palli (1996) has investigated the recurrence of the number of fecundations on the basis of parish records. He associates it with the seasonal nature of farming and engaging in marriage. Thereby the cultural origins of reproductive strategies can be observed. The length of the nursing period (Sillen & Smith 1984; Katzenberg et al. 1996; Dittmann & Grupe 2000) and the intervals of births, closely connected with it (Siven 1991; Iregren 1992), have received considerable attention in recent years. Different authors have established that most likely women used to nurse babies at least up to the age of 1.0–3.5 years and thus did not quite often conceive for biological reasons. Conception necessitates certain preparedness of the body, hormonal as well as energetic, but nursing and the accompanying increase in energy consumption, combined with short rations, heavy physical work, severe climatic conditions or some other environmental factors, depleted the women’s system and from time to time could have limited their capability of conception. Certainly the fertility of women, as well as men, also depends on their hereditary features and general state of health. According to Robert McCaa (1993) women in prehistoric Mexico gave birth every 3–4 years; in Scandinavia, in early medieval Westerhus the average interval of deliveries was three years (Siven 1991). Third, the reproductive strategies of species depend on the level of stress in populations. Human reproductive strategies change under the influence or interaction of several social and biological factors. For example war, famine and drought periods may increase fertility figures, although mortality figures are also high at the same time. A species’ instinctive will to survive starts up in a hope that at least some of the descendants would survive. Robert McCaa claims that populations have not lived at the same demographic regime throughout all periods – stress level differs in different populations. He suggests, for example, that in America populations lived under low pressure from 7000 to 1500 BC, i.e. their fertility was low and life expectancy at birth was high. During the period 1500–500 BC the demographic regime changed – bringing about a decrease in life expectancy while fertility substantially increased. In Estonia we cannot make such generalizations on the basis of the anthropological material at hand, but we may presume that some changes in the demographic regime took place here at the end of the prehistoric period. Fourth, the mortality rate of children is not the same in all populations and depends on a large variety of factors. The relations of the mortality rate of children with climate and seasons have been verified by demographic studies of skeletal population (Keller & Nugent 1983; Saunders et al. 1995). According to the

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statistics of USA premature births and death of neonates occur more frequently during summer months (Keller & Nugent 1983). Climate and seasons influence the death rate of infants through the way of their feeding – the mortality rate of infants at the age of 1–12 months is lower if they are breast fed. In the 19th century in Belleville, Ontario, 39% of infants’ deaths occurred during summer months – from June to August – when the reproduction of bacteria and other microorganisms is faster. Neonatal (concerning infants younger than one month) and stillbirth mortality was rather related to physiological and organic weakness formed already during the mother’s pregnancy. The death rate of infants older than one month (post-neonatal mortality) is substantially influenced by environmental and sanitary conditions (Saunders et al. 1995). The length of the nursing period is crucial here; babies who are breast fed are more likely to survive their first year of life than those who are fed artificially. During the weaning period additional food is given to children. If the weaning period (beginning of artificial or mixed feeding of infants) will fall on summer months, the risk of death from bacterial infection is high. What happens to children below one year of age in tropical and subtropical climate, where the reproduction of dangerous bacteria causing intestine infections is many times faster than in moderate climates? Unfortunately I have not been able to find any references to investigations on this subject. It is also interesting to mention that the survival of children is dependent on the composition of the family, while especially important seems to be their living together with their mother’s or father’s parents. If the maternal grandmother lived with the family infant mortality at the age of 6–12 months was considerably lower. It is a good example in support of grandmothers’ hypothesis. Maternal grandmother seems to have helped to increase the reproductive success of her offspring and enhanced grand-offspring survival. On the other hand, the fertility of women and death rate of infants were higher in the families living with the paternal grandmother (Voland & Beise 2002; Beise & Voland 2002). Children’s mortality is also dependent on the density of population: the higher the density (e.g. in medieval towns) the higher were the morbidity and mortality. Since the stone grave 2 of Maidla, as well as graves 1 and 2 of Poanse, were probably each used by one family, their skeletal finds do not reflect a high death rate for children, since most likely the birth rate was not very high in these small and stable communities. On the one hand, small populations, incl. single families, are of a very steady nature, living in a relatively close and secluded community where the risk of infection and contagion is much lower than in towns or other areas with a higher density of population. On the other hand, the survival of small populations is doubtful in abrupt changes – wars, invasion of dangerous contagions, famine, unexpected environmental factors, etc.

Model of a stationary population: age structure and life expectancy

Notwithstanding the criticism of the method of life tables in palaeodemographic studies, it is still used in the present article as one of the methods for establishing

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 11

the life expectancy and describing the mortality figures of a population, although we know that this way we underestimate the population’s life expectancy at birth (Meindl et al. 2001). In certain circumstances the method of life tables and the presumption that the population was stationary are suitable starting points. Since life tables can be compiled only supposing that the population in question was stationary, neither increasing nor decreasing, and migration did not occur, the model is rather stiff, but still applicable for describing a small and closed community. Here are the basic data for the following discussion and demographic calculations: • Hypothesis 1. Grave 2 of Maidla was continuously used by one single community/family in the 10th–13th centuries, and children were buried in the grave usually uncremated. The percentage of children in the burials was 29.7%. • In demographic calculations we proceed from the plausible number of buried individuals, i.e. from 74 as the maximum possible number. • The number of adult burials (over 20 years of age) in grave 2 of Maidla was 52. Twelve of them were inhumations and 40 were cremation burials. • The gender of the deceased could be determined in rare cases: 13 burials belonged to men and 17 to women. In cremation burials the ratio of men to women was 8:10, in inhumation burials it was 5:7. • 22 of the burials belonged to children, 2 of them were cremation burials. • The period of exploitation of the stone grave was 250 years. • The population was stationary, there was no migration, the number of births and deaths were equal. As could be expected, the death rate in the population of Maidla 2 increased after the age of 30. The higher mortality rate of children in the age group of 5–9 years, compared to other age groups (Tab. 2), is also noteworthy. Life expectancy at birth, i.e. the average lifetime in the Maidla community was 28.16 years, which can be considered quite high and may suggest either a low-pressure demographic regime or under-representation of children in the material. The latter cannot be excluded, since the identification of children’s skeletons among cremated bones is often impossible. At the same time the occurrence of a low-pressure demographic regime cannot be excluded either; anyway, the birth rate as well as the death rate of children was low. Life expectancy in the Maidla community was 28.16, which is higher than in the communities of Poanse 1 and 2 (life expectancy 22.3 and 25.1 years respectively). The age structure of the living populations, which buried in grave 2 of Maidla and graves 1 and 2 of Poanse is described in Fig. 1. It is well observable that the percentages of children and elderly people were almost equal in all three communities, but the proportion of people aged 15–40 was considerably higher in Maidla, which may refer to under-representation of children’s remains in the burial site, but also to different demographic regimes of the comparable samples. Figure 2 represents the mortality in different age groups of the populations of the three burial sites. The mortality figures for juveniles and young adults are surprisingly high in the community of Poanse 1, in Maidla 2 the death rate of

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Table 2. Life table for stone grave 2 of Maidla Tabel 2. Maidla II kalmesse matnud kogukonna elutabel

n dx Lx qx Lx Tx Ex 0 7.00 9.46 100.00 0.09 95.27 2816.13 28.16 1–4 5.83 7.88 90.54 0.09 346.40 2720.86 30.05 5–9 8.17 11.04 82.66 0.13 385.71 2374.46 28.73 10–14 1.00 1.35 71.62 0.02 354.74 1988.75 27.77 15–19 1.81 2.45 70.27 0.03 345.23 1634.01 23.25 20–24 6.70 9.06 67.82 0.13 316.46 1288.78 19.00 25–29 8.20 11.09 58.76 0.19 266.09 972.32 16.55 30–34 8.70 11.76 47.68 0.25 208.98 706.23 14.81 35–39 6.70 9.06 35.91 0.25 156.93 497.25 13.85 40–44 5.45 7.37 26.86 0.27 115.85 340.33 12.67 45–49 3.17 4.28 19.49 0.22 86.73 224.47 11.52 50–54 3.17 4.28 15.21 0.28 65.34 137.74 9.06 55–59 3.17 4.28 10.93 0.39 43.94 72.40 6.63 60–64 3.17 4.28 6.65 0.64 22.55 28.46 4.28 65–69 1.75 2.36 2.37 1.00 5.91 5.91 2.49 74.00 100.00 2816.13

100.0

90.0

80.0

70.0

60.0 PoansePoanse 1I 50.0 PoansePoanse 2II Maidla II 2 40.0

% of the total population 30.0

20.0

10.0

0.0 0 1-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 Age group

Fig. 1. Survival curves of populations. Joon 1. Ellujäänud erinevates vanuserühmades.

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 13

20.0 18.0

16.0

14.0

12.0 PoansePoanse I1 10.0 PoansePoanse II2 % MaidlaMaidla II 2 8.0 6.0 4.0 2.0

0.0 0 1-4 5-9 10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 Age group

Fig. 2. Mortality in different age groups. Joon 2. Suremus erinevates vanuserühmades.

juveniles was the lowest. In Poanse 2 remarkably high mortality is observable in early childhood – in the age group of 1–4 years, while mortality rate in infant age does not vary considerably from the respective figure for the Maidla community.

Model of a stationary population: size of the population

M. Mandel (2003) estimates the size of the population which buried in grave 2 of Maidla to be 4.2, considering that the mortality was 40 ‰, but he admits that the size of the community seems too small. Presuming that inhumation burials belong to a later collective (buried during the last 50 years of the use of the grave) the size of the community using the grave should be 16, which, to Mandel’s estimation, is evidently too big for one family. Relying upon the life expectancy calculated with the method of life tables we can also calculate the size of the population which buried in the grave, using the formula

P = N · e0/T = 8.3, where P – living population using the grave, N – total of buried individuals, e0 – life expectancy at birth and T – duration of the use of the grave. In this case the average size of the stationary population using grave 2 of Maidla was 8.3 individuals, which corresponds to one family. The family has used the grave during 250 years, the mortality and birth rate of the population

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were equal – 36 ‰ proceeding from the model of a stationary population. Relying upon the statement of Valter Lang and Priit Ligi (1991) that the mortality in Early Iron Age could have been 43‰, the size of the population which used the Maidla 2 burial site could be calculated as follows: P = N/ T · 0.043 = 6.9. Later, V. Lang (1996) has presumed that mortality in the Late Iron Age might have been somewhere around 30‰, in which case the size of the population would be 9.8 individuals on average. In principle the resultant size of the community, 7–10 persons, is in accordance with earlier estimations of various authors about the average size of an Estonian family in the 13th century, which is 5–10 persons (Blumfeldt 1937; Ligi 1961; Tarvel 1972). The average size of a family in western Estonia in the 13th–16th centuries was 6–8 persons (Ligi 1961; Palli 1996). At the late 17th and early 18th centuries the birth rate in Estonian villages was about 40‰; the average number of children per marriage was 4.2 (Palli 1996). J. Kalman (2000) has estimated the sizes of the populations using graves 1 and 2 of Poanse to be 4.4 and 5.5, respectively, on the basis of a life expectancy of 25 years (e0 = 25) and the periods of exploitation of the graves. These family or population sizes seem to be underestimated, particularly as it is suggested that the burial site might have been used by two families. If we calculate the sizes of both Poanse communities by the same formula as we used for the population of Maidla 2, the sizes of the communities using graves 1 and 2 of Poanse would be 4.1 (e0 = 22.3, T = 250 years) and 7.0 (e0 = 25.11, T = 125 years) individuals, respectively. The reasons for the discrepancy might be different estimations of life expectancy, mistakes originating from the demographic model based on mortality figures, disfigured skeletal samples and possibly also certain over- estimation of the period of exploitation of the grave.

Demography based on fertility figures

According to the Coale & Demeny (1983) model (females, Model West) one can determine GRR1 on the basis of model life tables. I presume the population of Maidla was stationary and their life expectancy at birth was 28.16 years on the basis of life table calculations. Crude birth and death rates are equally – 36 ‰. The GRR for the Maidla community was 2.0–2.5 and the TFR2 was 4.1–5.1. On the assumption that the Poanse communities were also stationary we can calculate the following fertility figures: Poanse 1: life expectancy at birth was 22.3 years, the mortality rate was 45‰, GRR = 2.95; TFR = 6.15; Poanse 2: e0 = 25.11, the mortality rate was 40‰, GRR = 2.5; TFR = 5.13. According to Robert McCaa (2000), fertility figures describe a life cycle of a population better than mortality

1 GRR – gross reproduction rate – the number of female descendants per one woman in reproductive age. 2 TFR – total reproduction rate – number of descendants per one woman in reproductive age.

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 15

figures, although both are based on model life tables. Fertility is calculated directly from the age structure of a skeletal series, but to calculate mortality figures we must first know the growth rate of the population. If the growth of the population equals zero, the population is stationary and life expectancy can be established from the number of births in the population. In principle, the births/deaths, fertility and life expectancy of a population can be calculated on the basis of various aggregated ratios (Bocquet-Appel & Masset 1982; Buikstra et al. 1986). Bocquet-Apple & Masset (1982) have suggested a simple method that offers unique advantages for analyzing skeletal data. The Bocquet-Appel and Masset Ratio (d5-14/d20+) is the number of individuals aged 5–14 divided by the number of individuals aged 20 or more. The Bocquet-Appel and Masset Ratio for each archaeological site and the corresponding gross reproduction for three levels of mortality according to model life table calibrations are presented in Robert McCaa’s paper (1998). The Bocquet-Appel and Masset Ratio for Maidla population is 18.3, which corresponds to 3.1 female descendants per woman, if life expectancy at birth was 30 or 40 years. If the life expectancy at birth was 20 years, the number of female descendants per woman would have been 3.5. The women in the Maidla family gave birth to 6–7 children during their reproductive age. In Poanse families women

Table 3. Reproduction figures, life expectancy and size of populations Tabel 3. Populatsiooni viljakusnäitajad, eeldatav eluiga ja populatsiooni suurus

Name of burial site Maidla 2 Poanse 1 Poanse 2

Time of use of the burial site in years 250 200–300 100–150 Number of burials 74 46 35 Bocquet-Apple & Masset: 18.3 35.0 43.5 5–14/20+

e0 40 GRR 3.1 4.8 5.8 TFR 6.35 9.84 11.89 P 11.84 7.35 11.2

e0 30 GRR 3.1 5.0 6.0 TFR 6.35 10.25 12.3 P 8.9 5.52 8.4

e0 20

GRR 3.5 5.8 7 TFR 7.18 11.9 14.35 P 5.92 3.68 5.6

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gave birth to a notably bigger number of offspring (Tab. 3). The size of the community/family using the Poanse 1 burial site was not over 7 individuals. The population size is too small according to this model, probably indicating material disfigured by the number of children and juveniles being too high in the skeletal sample. The sizes of the communities/families of Poanse 2 and Maidla 2 were rather similar, but the fertility figures are quite different (Tab. 3), indicating either a disfigurement or a decreasing community for the Poanse 2 sample, as the population size is too small for the fertility figures. Neither can we ignore the fact that the ratio proposed by Bocquet-Appel and Masset (1982) does not suit very well for the description of small populations (McCaa 1998). Consequently, in the 10th–13th centuries a family lived in Maidla, with a likely size of 8–9 individuals (according to the model of stationary populations). The women in Maidla most likely gave birth to 4–5 children, the mortality rate was 36‰ and the living family/community probably consisted of 3–4 children and 4–5 adults. Relying upon the statement of Robert McCaa (2000) about different demographic regimes, we may assert that the community/family which used the Maidla 2 stone grave in the 10th–13th centuries can be characterized as a low- pressure regime with low fertility, low child mortality and high life expectancy at birth. The communities/families using graves 1 and 2 of Poanse were probably larger, or the time of the exploitation of the graves has been overestimated, as has been presumed by J. Kalman (2000). As the fertility figures of the Poanse families were higher in comparison to those of Maidla their mortality is also likely to be higher.

Conclusions and directions for further investigations

• Several researchers (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1996; Kalman 2000; Mägi 2002) have established Estonian stone graves as burial places of a single family. Anthropological investigation of the skeletal remains of stone grave 2 of Maidla confirms this statement. • We cannot assert that there are always too few children’s burials in the burial places and that children were not buried in their family graveyard. Reasons vary as to why children’s remains are so few in some graves. On the basis of the preserved skeletal remains we may assume that a part of children’s cremations may not have been identified, but we cannot firmly declare it. After all, 29.7% of the total number of Maidla burials were children’s ones, which number is quite representative, and there are no facts to prove that the demographic situation in Maidla was significantly different than in any other sites. In the case of Poanse graves there is even less reason to presume the absence of children’s remains, so the proportion of children’s burials 45,7% is quite realistic. • From time to time a family (household), could include some additional adult members, who were not direct members of the nuclear family but who participated in the activities of the farm. These could have been closer or more

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 17

distant relatives of the owners of the farm, or why not, hired or enslaved workers (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1996; Mägi 2002). Possibly it could be one reason for the unexpectedly small number of children’s remains in the burial sites of a family/household – all people living in the household did not bear young. Such, maybe periodically extended family/household may substantially disfigure anthropological data, particularly the age structure and demographic pattern of a small community, one family or household, exploiting a burial site during a long period. The subject certainly requires more detailed investigations. • Further investigations should be connected with cremation burials and the osteological material of prehistoric burial sites in general, with an aim to describe geographical and temporal differences in burial customs and demographic patterns in Estonia. More interesting results will definitely concern fertility, child mortality and burial customs for children. • Our second interest of study is the suitability of model life tables and related fertility as well as mortality figures in palaeodemographic analysis. Comparability of modern agricultural populations (in smaller latitudes, warmer climate) and ancient farming populations (in wider latitudes, colder climate) is, indeed, an intriguing issue.

References

Acsadi, G. & Nemeskeri, J. 1970. History of Human Life. Span and Mortality. Budapest. Allmäe, R. 1998. Tääksi 14.–18. sajandi populatsiooni demograafiline analüüs ja kehapikkuse rekonstrueerimine. – Loodus, inimene ja tehnoloogia. Interdistsiplinaarseid uurimusi arheoloogias. Eds. J. Peets & V. Lang. (MT, 5.) Tallinn, 163–187. Allmäe, R. 2003. Läänemaa 5.–13. sajandi kalmete antropoloogiline aines. – Mandel, M., 2003, 260–262. Barber, N. 2002. On the relationship between fertility and geographic latitude: a cross-national study. – Cross-Cultural Research, 36: 1, 3–15. Beise, J. & Voland, E. 2002. A multilevel event history analysis of the effects of grandmothers on child mortality in a historical German population. Krummhörn, Ostfriesland, 1720–1874. – Demo- graphic Research, 7, 469–497. Blumfeldt, E. 1937. Eesti majandusajalugu, I. Tartu. Bocquet-Appel, J. P. & Bacro, J. N. 1997. Brief communication: estimates of some demographic parameters in a Neolithic rock-cut chamber (approximately 2000 B.C. using iterative techniques for aging and demographic estimators). – American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 102, 569–575. Bocquet-Appel, J. P. & Masset, C. 1982. Farewell to paleodemography. – Journal of Human Evolution, 11, 321–333. Bronson, F. H. 2004. Are humans photoperiodic? – Journal of Biological Rhytms, 19, 180–192. Buikstra, J. E., Konigsberg, L. W. & Bullington, J. 1986. Fertility and the development of agriculture in the prehistoric Midwest. – American Antiquity, 51: 3, 528–546. Coale, A. & Demeny, P. 1983. Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations. New York. Dittmann, K. & Grupe, G. 2000. Biochemical and palaeopathological investigations and infant mortality in the early Middle Ages. – Anthropologischer Anzeiger, 58: 4, 345–355.

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Gejvall, N.-G. 1948. Benbestämningar. – Sahlstöm, K. E. & Gejvall, N.-G. Gravfältet på Kyrkbacken i Horns socken, Västergotland. (KVHAH, 60: 2.) Hill, K. & Hurtado, A. M. 1996. Ache Life History. The Ecology and Demography of a Foraging People. New York. Holck, P. 1995. Why are small children so seldom found in cremations? – Cremation Studies in Archaeology. Eds. E. Smits, E. Iregren & A. G. Drusisni (Proc. of the Symposium, Amsterdam 26.–27. Oct., 1995). Amsterdam, 33–38. Hoppa, R. D. & Vaupel, J. W. 2002. The Rostock Manifesto for paleodemography: the way from stage to age. – Paleodemography: Age Distributions from Skeletal Samples. Eds. R. D. Hoppa & J. W. Vaupel. (Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary Anthropology, 31.) Cambridge, 1–8. Iregren, E. 1992. Scandinavian women during the medieval period: health, childbirth and child- care. – Collegium Antropologicum, 16: 1, 59–81. Kalling, K. 1997. Uusi paleoantropoloogilisi andmeid Tartu Jaani kiriku 13.–14. sajandi matuste kohta. – Arheoloogilisi uurimusi, 1. Ed. H. Valk. (TÜ AKT, 9.) Tartu, 54–69. Kalman, J. 2000. Skeletal analysis of the graves of Kaseküla, Poanse I and Poanse II. – Eesti Ajaloomuuseum. Töid ajaloo alalt, 2. Tallinn, 17–40. Katzenberg, A. M., Herring, A. D. & Saunders, R. S. 1996. Weaning and infant mortality: evaluating the skeletal evidence. – Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, 39, 177–199. Keller, C. A. & Nugent, R. P. 1983. Seasonal patterns in perinatal mortality and preterm delivery. – American Journal of Epidemiology, 118, 689–698. Lang, V. 1996. Muistne Rävala. Muistised, kronoloogia ja maaviljelusliku asustuse kujunemine Loode-Eestis, eriti Pirita jõe alamjooksu piirkonnas, 1–2. (MT, 4.) Tallinn. Lang, V. & Ligi, P. 1991. Muistsed kalmed ajaloolise demograafia allikana. – Arheoloogiline kogumik. Eds. L. Jaanits & V. Lang. (MT, 1.) Tallinn, 216–238. Ligi, H. 1961. Eesti talurahva olukord ja klassivõitlus Liivi sõja algul (1558–1561). Tallinn. Maldre, L. 2003. Läänemaa kivikalmete arheozooloogiline aines. – Mandel, M., 2003, 263–286. Mandel, M. 2003. Läänemaa 5.–13. sajandi kalmed. (Eesti Ajaloomuuseum. Töid ajaloo alalt, 5.) Tallinn. McCaa, R. 1993. Paradise, Hells, and Purgatories: Population, Health and Nutrition in Mexican History and Prehistory. – A History of Health and Nutrition in the Western Hemisphere, Ohio State University, September 16 and (in Spanish) VII Simposio Juan Comas, Museo de Antropología, Mexico City, Nov. 19. McCaa, R. 1998. Calibrating Paleodemography: The Uniformitarian Challenge Turned. http://www.hist.umn.edu/~rmccaa/paleo98/index0.htm. McCaa, R. 2000. Paleodemography of the Americas: from ancient times to colonialism and beyond. – The Backbone of History: Long-Term Trends in Health and Nutrition in the Americas. Eds. R. H. Steckel & J. C. Rose. Cambridge, 94–127. Meindl, R., Mensforth, R. & York, H. 2001. Overcoming biases in the paleodemographic record: estimating adult skeletal age and population growth with an example from archaic period of the Eastern Woodlands. – Demographic Studies for 21st Century, Brazil, August 2001. Presentation. Miles, A. E. W. 1963. The dentition in the assessment of individual age in skeletal material. – Dental Anthropology. Ed. D. R. Brothwell. Oxford, 191–209. Mägi, M. 2002. At the Crossroads of Space and Time. Graves, Changing Society and Ideology on Saaremaa (Ösel), 9th–13th Centuries AD. Tallinn. Palli, H. 1996. Eesti rahvastiku ajalugu aastani 1712. (Academia, 6.) Tallinn. Recommendations 1980. Workshop of European anthropologists, “Recommendations for Age and Sex Diagnoses of Skeletons”. – Journal of Human Evolution, 9, 517–549. Rösing, F. W. 1977. Methoden der Aussagemöglichkeiten der antropologischen Leichenbrandbear- beitung. – Archäologie u. Naturvissenschaften, 1, 53–80.

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Saunders, S. R., Herring, A. D. & Boyce, G. 1995. Can skeletal samples accurately represent the living populations they come from? The St. Thomas’ cemetery site, Belleville, Ontario. – Bodies of Evidence. Reconstructing History Through Skeletal Analysis. Ed. A. L. Grauer. Wiley-Liss, 69–91. Sigvallius, B. 1994. Funeral Pyres. (Theses and Papers in Osteology, 1.) Stockholm. Sillen, A. & Smith, P. 1984. Weaning patterns are reflected in Strontium-Calcium ratios of juvenile skeletons. – Journal of Archaeological Science, 11, 237–245. Siven, C.-H. 1991. On reconstructing the (once) living population from osteological data. – Inter- national Journal of Anthropology, 6: 2, 111–118. Tarvel, E. 1972. Adramaa. Eesti talurahva maakasutuse ja maksustuse alused 13.–19. sajandil. Tallinn. Ubelaker, D. H. 1978. Human Skeletal Remains. Analyses, Interpretations. Chicago. Voland, E. & Beise, J. 2002. Opposite effects of maternal and paternal grandmothers on infant survival in historical Krummhörn. – Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology, 53, 435–443.

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MAIDLA II KALME – ÜHE PERE MATMISPAIK

Resümee

Maidla 5.–7. ning 10.–13. sajandi kalmeid on Mati Mandel arheoloogiliselt uurinud ja tulemused on esitatud monograafias (Mandel 2003). Samas kogumi- kus on avaldatud ka Maidla kalmete osteoloogiliste leidude analüüsi tulemused (Allmäe 2003; Maldre 2003). Maidla kalmetest arheoloogiliste kaevamiste käigus kogutud osteoloogiline materjal on talletatud Eesti Ajaloomuuseumi kogudes. Käesoleva uurimuse eesmärgiks on määrata Maidla II kalmesse (10.–13. sajand) maetud inimeste sooline ning vanuseline struktuur ja uurida kalmet kasutanud kogukonna ehk populatsiooni suurust ja elutsüklit. Võrdluseks on kasutatud Lääne- maa vanema rauaaja kalmete – Poanse I ja II – andmeid.

Ülevaade materjalist ja hüpoteesid

Maidla II kalme arheoloogilistel kaevamistel aastatel 1984–1990 koguti 674 luuleidu. Tegu on Läänemaa arheoloogiliselt ja osteoloogiliselt läbi uuritud kalmetest suurimaga, tõenäoliselt üldse kõige suurema osteoloogiliselt läbi uuritud rauaaegse kalmega Eestis. Kalmes esines nii põletus- kui ka laibamatuseid, viimaste hulgas ka terveid luustikke. Minimaalne põletusmatuste arv kalmes oli 32, oletatavasti aga 42. Põletamata maetud surnuid leiti kõige enam kalme loodeosast, ilmselt kasutati seda matuse- paigana eriti intensiivselt 12.–13. sajandil (Mandel 2003), kalme teistest piirkon- dadest leiti ainult viis laibamatust. Maidla II kalmesse oli põletamata maetud vähe- malt 19 inimest (korduvate luukatkendite arvu põhjal), kuid tõenäoliselt siiski 32:

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neist mehi 5, naisi 7 ja lapsi 20 (lastematuste osakaal seega 62,5%). Põletus- ja laibamatuste vanuseline struktuur on esitatud tabelis 1. Maetute oletatav koguarv Maidla kalmes on seega 74, neist lapsi 22. Lastematuste osakaal on Maidla II kalmes suhteliselt suur – 29,7% matuste koguarvust. Sealjuures olid 22 maetud lapsest seitse alla aastavanused (31,8% maetud laste koguarvust) ja nendest omakorda viis surid enne kahekuuseks saamist (22,7% laste koguarvust). Seda näitajat võib pidada demograafiliselt esinduslikuks, sest isegi hilisrauaaegsetes ja keskaegsetes laibamatustega matusepaikades ei ole laste osakaal matustes alati nii suur, varieerudes enamasti 18,9–58% vahel, olles tavaliselt 30% lähedal (Acsadi & Nemeskeri 1970). On oluline märkida, et Maidla II kalme alalt leiti ainult kahe lapse põletusmatused. Maidla I kalmesse oli põletatult maetud 8 last ja noorukit (Allmäe 2003). Maidla II kalme põletusmatuste seas on aga laste osakaal ainult 4,8%. Miks on põletusmatuste hulgas laste osakaal nii väike? Sellele probleemile on püütud leida erinevaid selgitusi. Üks nendest tuleneb põlenud luude halvast säilivusest, sest laste põletatud luud murenevad pinnases väga lühi- kese aja jooksul (Holck 1995). Võimalik, et Läänemaa kalmetes, kus põletatud luud paisati kalmealale laiali, pole säilinudki laste, eriti aga väikelaste põleta- tud säilmeid. Kui luud purustati tahtlikult enne kalmesse matmist, siis hävinesid laste luustikud peaaegu täielikult. On ka arvamusi, et lapsi ja täiskasvanuid ei maetud alati ühte ja samasse kalmesse. Selle kohta on hea näide Läänemaalt Kasekülast, kus hilispronksiaegsesse kivikirstkalmesse olid maetud valdavalt lapsed: 23 matusest olid 20 laste säilmed (Kalman 2000). Maidla II kalme puhul kerkib üles veel üks võimalus: lapsed maeti kalmesse, kuid põletamata. Tulenevalt kalme kasutamise ajast ja matmiskombestiku nüans- sidest saab püstitada kolm erinevat hüpoteesi, selgitamaks Maidla II kalmesse maetud inimeste vanuselist koosseisu. Hüpotees nr 1. Maidla II kalmet kasutas 10.–13. sajandil pidevalt üks populatsioon ja lapsed maeti kalmesse valdavalt põletamata. Laste osakaal matustes oli 29,7%. Sel juhul saab väita, et kõik surnud lapsed maeti kalmesse. Oletus: laste suremus oli suhteliselt väike. Hüpotees nr 2. Maidla II kalmesse hakkas alates 12. sajandi lõpust surnuid põletamata matma üks uus pere/kogukond. 32 laibamatusest olid 12 täiskasva- nute ja 20 lastematused. Laste osakaal matustes oli sel juhul 62,5%. 35% lastest olid alla aastavanused. Väide: varasemal perioodil maeti lapsed mujale või on laste põletusmatused pinnases hävinenud ja nende luustike olemasolu kalmes ei ole võimalik tuvastada. Hüpotees 2 on teatud mõttes täiuslik juhtum hilisemate laibamatuste osas, sest sel juhul maeti kõik lapsed kalmesse. Mandel (2003) ei pea aga võimalikuks, et 32 surnut maeti vaid kalme viimase 50 kasutusaasta jooksul. Maidla II kalme kasutusajaks hindab ta 250 aastat. Oletus: laste surnukehi maeti kalme varasemal kasutusajal nii põletatult kui ka põletamata, kõik laste põletusmatused ei ole aga kalmes tuvastatavad: laste osakaal kalmes on selleks liiga väike.

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 21

Hüpotees nr 3. Maidla II kalmesse mattis pidevalt üks pere/kogukond, kalme kasutamise algul oli valdav põletusmatus, alates 12. sajandi lõpust laibamatus – muutus matmistava. Laste põletusmatused jäid enamikus tuvastamata, sest need on kas aja jooksul pinnases hävinenud, nende põlenud luud nii hoolikalt purusta- tud või on lapsed maetud valdavalt mujale. Seega võib samuti väita, et laste osakaal maetute hulgas on alaesindatud.

Tulemused

Edaspidistes arutlustes ja demograafilistes arvutustes on lähtutud järgmistest eeldustest. • Hüpotees nr 1. Maidla II kalmet kasutas 10.–13. sajandil pidevalt üks populatsioon ja lapsed maeti kalmesse valdavalt põletamata. Laste osakaal matustes oli 29,7%. • Demograafilistes arvutustes lähtutakse maetute oletatavast arvust ehk siis mak- simaalsest võimalikust arvust – 74. • Täiskasvanute (vanemad kui 20 eluaastat) matuseid oli Maidla II kalmes 52, neist laibamatuseid 12 ja põletusmatuseid 40. • Maetute sugu õnnestus harva määrata: mehi oli maetute hulgas 13 ja naisi 17. Põletusmatuste hulgas oli meeste- ja naistematuste suhe 8:10, laibamatustes 5:7. • Lapsi oli maetute hulgas 22, neist põletusmatuseid 2. • Kalme kasutusiga oli 250 aastat. • Populatsioon oli statsionaarne, migratsiooni ei esinenud, sünde ja surmasid tuli ette võrdselt. Eeldatav eluiga sünnihetkel ehk keskmine eluiga oli Maidlas 28,16 aastat, mis on küllaltki kõrge ja võib viidata ka laste alaesindatusele materjalis. Viimane oletus ei ole võimatu, kuna põlenud materjali puhul on laste luustike tuvastamine sageli raske. Samas ei saa välistada ka võimalust, et tegu on kogukonnaga, kus sündide arv oligi väike, samuti laste suremus. Võrdluseks võib võtta Poanse I ja II kalme eeldatava eluea sünnihetkel, mis on vastavalt 22,3 ja 25,1 aastat. Maidla II, Poanse I ja II kalmele matnud populatsioonide vanuseline struktuur on esitatud joonisel 1. Graafiliselt on hästi jäl- gitav, et lapsi ja vanemaid inimesi esines kõigis kolmes kogukonnas suhteliselt võrdselt, kuid 15–35-aastaste osakaal oli märgatavalt suurem Maidlas. Maidla II kalmet kasutanud statsionaarse populatsiooni keskmiseks suuruseks saame sel juhul 8,3 inimest, mis vastaks ühele liht- või laiendatud perele. Pere kasutas kalmet 250 aasta jooksul. Tulenevalt statsionaarse populatsiooni mudelist oli Maidla kalmesse matnud populatsiooni suremus ja sündimus sel juhul 36‰. Sama valemit kasutades saame Poanse I ja II kalmesse matnud kollektiivide suuruseks vastavalt 4,1 ja 7,0 inimest (kui kalme kasutusajad olid vastavalt 250 ja 125 aastat). Põhimõtteliselt on 7–10 inimesest koosneva kogukonna suurus koos- kõlas erinevate autorite varasemate hinnangutega Eesti pere keskmise suuruse

22 Raili Allmäe

kohta 13. sajandil, mis on vahemikus 5–10 inimest (Blumfeldt 1937; Ligi 1961; Tarvel 1972). Lääne-Eestis oli pere suurus 13.–16. sajandil keskmiselt 6–8 inimest (Ligi 1961; Palli 1996). 17. sajandi lõpul ja 18. sajandi algul oli sündimus Eesti külades 40‰ ümber, laste keskmine arv ühe abiellumise kohta oli keskmiselt 4,2 (Palli 1996). Jonathan Kalman (2000) on Poanse I ja II kalmet kasutanud populatsioonide suuruseks hinnanud – eeldatava keskmise eluea: 25 aastat (e0 = 25) ja kalmete kasutusea põhjal – vastavalt 4,4 ja 5,5. Need pere või populatsiooni suurused on tõenäoliselt alahinnatud, kusjuures räägitakse võimalusest, et kalmet kasutas kaks peret. Eriti puudutab see Poanse II kalmet, sest statsionaarse populatsiooni mudeli põhjal peaks kalmesse matnud kogukonna suurus olema 7 inimest. Põhjusteks on: eeldatava keskmise eluea alahindamine; vead, mis tulenevad nn suremusnäitajatel põhinevast demograafilisest mudelist; võimalik, et ka kalme kasutusaja ülehindamine. Robert McCaa (2000) arvates kirjeldavad populatsiooni elutsüklit paremini fertiilsus- ehk viljakusnäitajad kui suremusnäitajad. Viljakust arvutatakse otse skeletiseeria vanuselise struktuuri järgi, kuid suremusnäitajate arvutamiseks peame teadma populatsiooni kasvukiirust. Kui populatsiooni kasv võrdub nulliga, st on tegemist statsionaarse populatsiooniga, siis eeldatav eluiga on määratav sündide arvu järgi populatsioonis. Põhimõtteliselt saab populatsiooni sünde/surmasid, viljakust ja eeldatava eluea pikkust arvutada erinevate suhtarvude põhjal. Bocqueti-Appeli & Masseti (1982) indeks Maidla II kalmet kasutanud populatsioonile on 18,3, millele vastab ühe naise kohta 3,1 sündinud naissoost järeltulijat, kui eeldatav eluiga sünnihetkel oli 30 või ka 40 eluaastat. Kui eeldatav eluiga sünnihetkel on 20 aastat, siis oleks ühe naise kohta sündinud tütarlaste arv 3,5 (tabel 3). Poanse I ja II populatsiooni reproduktsiooninäitajad on Maidla II populatsiooniga võrreldes kõrgemad, mis oli ka oodatav, sest lastematuste osakaal neis kalmetes oli suurem: 45,7% (tabel 3). Poanse I kalmet kasutanud kollektiivi suurus oli sel juhul umbes 7 inimest, Poanse II kalme puhul 11 inimest. Poanse II ja Maidla II kalmet kasutanud kollektiivid olid ühesuurused, kuid Poanse II viljakus- näitajad olid kõrgemad (tabel 3). Viljakusnäitajad on mõlemal Poanse kollektiivil ebaproportsionaalselt kõrged, võrreldes kalmet kasutanud kollektiivi suurusega. Selline moonutus võib viidata kalme kasutusaja ülehindamisele, materjali vähe- sele esinduslikkusele või kasutatud mudeli ebasobivusele. Maidlas elas ajavahemikul 10.–13. sajandini pere, mille suurus oli tõenäoliselt 8–9 inimest, suremus oli 36‰, ühe naise kohta sündinud laste arv võis olla 4–5. Kalmet kasutanud pere/kollektiiv koosnes seega tõenäoliselt 3–4 lapsest ja 4–5 täiskasvanust. Kui toetuda McCaa (2000) väitele, et on olemas erinevad demo- graafilised režiimid, siis Maidla II kalmet kasutanud kollektiivile/perele on ise- loomulik nn madal surve ehk populatsiooni iseloomustab madal viljakus ja kõrge eeldatav eluiga sünnihetkel. Poanse I ja II kalmesse matnud pered ehk kollektiivid olid tõenäoliselt suuremad, kui seda näitavad arvutused kalme oletatud kasutus- aegadega.

Grave 2 of Maidla – the burial site of a single family 23

Järeldused ja edaspidise uurimistöö suunad

• Et Eesti kivikalmed on valdavalt ühe pere matmispaigad, on leidnud mitmed arheoloogid (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1996; Kalman 2000; Mägi 2002). Maidla II kalme luuainese antropoloogiline uuring kinnitab veel kord arheoloogide oletusi. • Ei saa väita, et lastematuseid on kalmetes alati liiga vähe ja et lapsi ei maetud oma pere kalmesse. Miks laste säilmeid on mõnes kalmes vähe, sõltub väga erinevatest teguritest. Maidla II kalme materjali põhjal võib küll oletada, et osa laste põletusmatustest jäi tuvastamata, kuid Poanse I ja II kalme puhul ei saa kindlalt väita, et lapsi oli kalmesse maetud liialt vähe – osakaal 45,7% alla 15-aastaste kogumatuste arvust on piisavalt representatiivne. • Peres ehk ühes majapidamises võis elada periooditi rohkem täiskasvanud inimesi, kes ei olnud otseselt ühe nukleaarse pere liikmed, kuid kes osalesid talu kui majandusüksuse tegevuses. Need võisid olla pererahva lähisugulased, aga ka kaugemad sugulased, aga miks mitte ka palgatud või orjastatud tööjõud (Lang & Ligi 1991; Lang 1996; Mägi 2002). Võimalik, et siin on peidus ka üks põhjusi, miks ühe pere/majapidamise matmispaikadest leitakse laste säilmeid proportsionaalselt vähem: kõik peres/majapidamises elanud inimesed ei saanud järglasi. Väikese kollektiivi poolt pikaajaliselt kasutusel olnud matmispaiga antropoloogilisi andmeid, eriti vanuselist struktuuri ja demograafilist pilti, võib selline perioodiliselt laiendatud pere/majapidamine oluliselt moonutada. Teema vajab kindlasti palju põhjalikumat uurimistööd. • Edaspidine uurimistöö on seotud põletusmatustega ja üldse muinasaegsete kalmete osteoloogiliste materjalidega, kirjeldamaks Eestis levinud matmis- kombestike geograafilisi ja ajalisi erinevusi. Huvipakkuvamaid tulemusi on kindlasti oodata laste matmiskombestiku osas. • Intrigeeriv temaatika on ka erinevate mudelite kasutamine Eesti rauaaegsete populatsioonide demograafilisel uurimisel. Kas muistsete põllupidajate populatsioonide elutsüklite rekonstrueerimiseks on üldse võimalik kasutada nn standardmudeleid, mis põhinevad tänapäevaste agraarmaade demograafilistel näitajatel?

Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1, 24–60

Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

THE PRODUCTION OF THE WORKSHOP OF POTTER JOHANN REHN OF TARTU (CA 1684–1708)

In Tartu, at the eastern side of Magasini Street, in the territory of the current Orthodox church of Dormition of the Theotokos (Uspenski), the potter Johann Rehn worked between 1684 and 1708. On the basis of two moulds, used for shaping stove tiles, and a lot of production debris, an overview can be obtained of the production of his workshop. The products of the workshop include redware pots with tin glaze, tripod pots and pans with a spout, lids, platters and bowls with multicolour slip and tin glaze, clay colanders, pot-like stove tiles and plate tiles with brown glaze. The production of the workshop under consideration represents the last stage of the tradition of making redware vessels, which spread to Estonia from Germany already in the 15th century. The products of the workshop of Johann Rehn followed, in general terms, rather accurately the fashion of the period. Only the moulds depicting a rider and a fish have so far not been matched with representative finished products.

Praeguse Uspenski apostliku õigeusu kiriku krundil Magasini tänava idaküljel Tartus töötas 1684. ja 1708. aasta vahelisel ajal pottsepp Johann Rehn. Tema töökoja toodangust on või- malik ülevaadet saada sealt leitud ahjukahlite valmistamisel kasutatud kahe savist matriitsi ja suure hulga põletuse käigus tekkinud keraamikavalmistuspraagi abil. Töökojas valmistati punasavist pliiglasuuriga potte ja tõstenäsaga graapeneid ning panne, samuti nõukaasi, mitme- värvilise angoobmaalingu ning pliiglasuuriga liudu ja kausse, savist sõelu, ahjupotte ja pruuni pliiglasuuriga plaatkahleid. Vaadeldava töökoja toodang esindab Saksa aladelt juba 15. sajandil Liivimaale levinud punaste savinõude valmistustraditsiooni viimast järku. Üldi- selt vastas Johann Rehni töökoja toodang üpris täpselt oma aja moele. Vaid ratsaniku- ja kalakujutisega kahlimatriitsidele pole seni vasteid valmistoodangu näol teada.

Andres Tvauri, Chair of Archaeology, Department of History, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51004 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Romeo Metsallik, Tartu City Government, 3 Küüni St., 51004 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected]

Introduction

In the cultural layer of Estonian medieval and post-medieval towns, castles and villages, potsherds form the most numerous category of finds. Among the archaeological pottery of the 16th to 18th-century towns, redwares with tin glaze form the largest share. In spite of this, redwares from Estonia have regrettably seldom attracted the attention of investigators. The first, and also the last comprehensive study, which also examines redwares, was published by Konrad Strauss in Basle in 1969. This voluminous monograph was based on material, The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 25

collected by the author from the museums and archives of Estonia and Latvia before and during World War II. In Estonia, stove tiles from the 15th–17th century, and the technology of their production have been studied in more detail (e.g. Vunk 1996; 2000). Redware vessels with tin glaze were produced in the whole Baltic Sea region. This fact makes it difficult to determine the place of their production, as tablewares from other region, often by no means different from local products, were imported to Livonia. The reason for similar production methods lies in the fact that most of the potters who settled in Livonia, originated from the German-speaking cultural space then extending around the Baltic Sea (Russow 2005). The problem how to date redware products from the 16th to 18th century more precisely, and how to distinguish imports from local production, has troubled the investigators for decades. The best way for determining the origin of pottery products is to find out a site of pottery production, and investigate production remains found from that site. In Estonia, only the remains of a 13th-century potter’s workshop in Viljandi has been investigated and published so far (Tvauri 1999; 2000; 2001). A partial solution to the problem of origin and dating of Estonian redware vessels is offered by the production remains and moulds for stove tiles, found from a potter’s workshop at Magasini Street in Tartu, which was operated in the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century. The existence of a potter’s workshop at that site (Fig. 1) was recognized already in 1909, as Baltic German amateur historian Richard Otto organized excavations at the site of medieval Dominican monastery, which also produced material indicating a potter’s workshop (Otto 1911). On the basis of data published by Otto, K. Strauss presented this find in his monograph (1969, 149–150). The new archaeological finds from Magasini Street and other regions of Tartu, collected since 1993, have offered a lot of additional material, which forms the basis for the current article. The finds are worth publication, as post-medieval pottery waste has not been recorded in Estonia so far.

Archaeological investigations at the site of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1909

In the summer of 1909, Richard Otto organized excavations at the site of the Tartu Orthodox Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, in order to locate the earlier Church of Mary Magdalena of the Dominican monastery, which was located at that parcel. For that cause, he made sondages in front of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, on the western side of the one-time church of the monastery. Approximately at the depth of 1.2 m from ground level, the walls of buildings, constructed of granite stones were unearthed, from inside of which a surplus of potter’s clay and a lot of potsherds were collected (Otto 1911, 138–141). The most remarkable find, however, was a mould, used for the production of stove tiles with the depiction of a horseman (Fig. 2). On the back side of the mould, made of red clay, the following text reads: JOHAN REHN anno 1684 FR BN d. 3. Majus.

26 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Fig. 1. The territory of Tartu, surrounded with the town wall, at the beginning of the 18th century. 1–3 excavation plots in the area of the workshop of Johann Rehn, 4–14 find-spots of production debris, originating from the workshop of Johann Rehn, outside the area of the workshop. 1 location of excavation plots of R. Otto (1909), 2 location of the find of 1993, 3 excavation plot inside the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, 4 crossing of Magasini and Munga streets, 5 central part of Magasini Street, 6 yard of 15 Rüütli Street, 7 yard of 37 Lai Street, 8 yard of 5 Magasini Street, 9 southern side of the building at 3 Magasini Street, 10 Botanical Garden of the University of Tartu, 11 yard of 31 Kroonuaia Street, 12 area in front of the building 10 Kompanii Street, 13 yard of 8 Jaani Street, 14 yard of 17 Ülikooli Street. Joon 1. Tartu linnamüüriga ümbritsetud ala 18. saj algul. 1–3 kaevandid Johann Rehni töökoja alal, 4–14 töökojast pärit valmistuspraagi leiud väljastpoolt töökoja ala. 1 R. Otto 1909. a kaevandite asukoht, 2 1993. a leiu asukoht, 3 kaevand Uspenski kirikus, 4 Magasini ja Munga tänava ristmik, 5 Magasini tänava keskosa, 6 Rüütli 15 hoov, 7 Lai 37 hoov, 8 Magasini 5 hoov, 9 Magasini 3 hoone lõunakülg, 10 Tartu Ülikooli Botaanikaaed, 11 Kroonuaia 31 hoov, 12 Kompanii 10 hoone esine, 13 Jaani 8 hoov, 14 Ülikooli 17 hoov.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 27

. Front and back side. back and . Front Tartu in 1909 (ERM D 19: 531)

of Dormition the Theotokos in krundilt 1909. a leitud ahjukahli savist matriitsi esi- ja tagakülg. Eseme kõrgus on 21 cm. Foto: ERM. Foto: cm. 21 on kõrgus krundilt 1909. a leitud ahjukahli savistEseme matriitsi esi- ja tagakülg. Tartust Uspenski kiriku Clay mould for stove tiles, found from the parcel of the Church

Height of the item is 21 cm. Photo: Estonian National Museum. 2. Joon Fig. 2.

28 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

The finds from the excavations by Otto have unfortunately mostly been lost. A few of the finds were stored in the collections of the Learned Estonian Society, from where these were handed over to Estonian National Museum in 1940. Unfortunately, information concerning the provenance of these finds is missing at the museum as well. Only the mould for stove tiles, described above, is unquestioningly recognizable upon the data published by Otto. Some of the finds found their way to the City Archives of Tartu, where K. Strauss saw an almost fully preserved tripod pot of red clay (Fig. 3) during World War II. He published a photo of this tripod pot in his monograph, and mentioned that it belonged to the “Finding of potter’s debris in Tartu” (Strauss 1969, pl. 17: 1). Both the outlook and the find context of the tripod pot points to the idea that this tripod pot is one of the finds collected during the excavations by Richard Otto. After World War II, the tripod pot was handed over to the State Museum of Ethnography of the E.S.S.R. (now Estonian National Museum). A spout of the tripod pot (ERM D 19: 659) belongs to the same find complex, among other potsherds. The spout might also originate from the excavations by Otto.

Fig. 3. Tripod pot from the collections of Estonian National Museum (ERM D 93: 43), probably found from the parcel of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1909. Height of the vessel is 19.6 cm, dimension of its mouth is 17 cm. Photo: Estonian National Museum. Joon 3. Eesti Rahva Muuseumi kogudes olev graapen, mis tõenäoliselt on leitud 1909. a Tartu Uspenski kiriku krundilt. Nõu kõrgus on 19,6 cm, suuava läbimõõt 17 cm. Foto: ERM.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 29

Data from written sources

It was already Richard Otto who found out that the name Johan Rehn, which appears on the mould for stove tiles, also appears as the name of a potter in written sources. Namely, the list of citizens of Tartu, deported to Vologda in Russia in 1708 by the order from Peter I of Russia, includes a potter Johann Rehn (or Rein), who died in Vologda in 1711 at the age of 71. In addition to that, in the revision book of Tartu from 1734, a notice exists: “on the parcel, which belongs to the church of the monks, a potter Johann Rein lived during the last period of Swedish rule” (Otto 1911, 141, and the sources cited there.). Kalev Jaago at the Estonian Historical Archives, figured out at the request of the authors of the current article, that Johann Rehn is mentioned for the first time in the proceedings of Tartu town council in 1684 (EAA 995-1-267). Circum- stantially, this happens to be the same year, which was written on the mould for stove tiles, depicted above. Thus it can be stated that the workshop of Johann Rehn operated in Tartu, at the parcel of the current Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, in the territory of the medieval monastery of the Dominicans definitely before the year 1708. He operated here in 1684, but there exist no data whether or not the workshop is of earlier origin.

Later archaeological investigations at the parcel of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu The excavation plot for a cable pipeline in 1993

The first archaeological investigations in the area of the potter’s workshop after 1909 were conducted in 1993, when Romeo Metsallik directed archaeological supervision on the installation of a cable. The trench for the cable ran east of Magasini Street, parallel to the facade of the priest’s house of the Church (1 Magasini Street), 7 metres south of it (Fig. 4). East of the line of the bordering fence of the church on the side of Magasini Street, in a 2-metre area, the 50-cm wide and 70-cm-deep trench crossed a layer of potsherds, which already started 36 cm below ground level. 477 sherds of ceramic vessels were collected (TM A 149).1 425, or the bulk of it, originate from redware vessels. In addition to these, 12 fragments of vessel lids, 19 fragments of pot-like stove tiles and 14 of plate tiles were collected. One redware mould for a stove tile, two fragments of a ceramic colander, two of roof tiles and a few unidentifiable ceramic fragments can be added. Only a part of ceramic fragments were collected during the excavations, as the deposit of potsherds continued on both sides of the trench, as well as underneath it.

1 Subnumbers have not been granted to the collection yet.

30 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Fig. 4. View of the area where the workshop of Johann Rehn was located. The Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in the background. The priest’s house of the church is on the left. Next to the corner of the house, close to the street (in front), production remains of the potter’s workshop were found in 1993. Joon 4. Vaade alale, kus paiknes Johann Rehni pottsepatöökoda. Tagaplaanil on näha Uspenski kirik, vasakul kiriku preestrimaja, mille tänavapoolse nurga juurest, esiplaanil olevalt alalt, leiti 1993. a pottsepatöökoja tootmispraaki.

The find definitely belongs to ceramic waste formed during firing. Many overheated or even clinkered fragments prove it. There appear a lot of glaze faults on the sherds, e.g. the glaze has burnt black, or has bubbled. The vessels, the glaze of which has spilled over onto the break, have been broken in the kiln. There exist also fragments, where the glaze has broken apart, as there have been ill-suited additions in the ceramic test. These fragments lack traces of usage. The fact that the vessels have been broken definitely in the kiln is further supported by the fact that of the 97 tripod pot feet found, 88 have separated from the vessel body at the joint. In the case of tripod pots broken during usage, the foot usually stays with a part of the vessel’s wall. On top of that, the whole complex is extremely uniform both in its appearance, and the way of its production. In spite of the large amount of the potsherds found, it seems that the find spot was not the actual place of their deposition. Only a few of the sherds found matched

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 31

and even in that case it is possible that the sherds broke into smaller fragments at the spot, or during excavations. It seems that the layer of potsherds was moved to that place in connection with construction and earthworks at the site of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in the 18th century. Namely, iron slag, and a human vertebra were found from among the ceramic debris. The vertebra most likely originates from any burial from the period of the existence of the church of the monastery of the Dominicans. 7 metres east of the spot of the ceramic debris, a fragment of a cast iron hollow hearted cannon ball, originating from the siege of Tartu in 1704, and a medieval vault brick, most likely originating from the vaults of the monastery of the Dominicans were found from the cable trench.

Investigations in the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in 2005

In 2005, Andres Tvauri directed archaeological investigations at the site of the current Orthodox Church of Dormition of the Theotokos (1a Magasini Street). In the course of the excavations, an approximately 70-cm layer of fill was removed from under the floor of the church, and an excavation plot of 5.7 × 2.4 metres was investigated, for a more precise localisation of the Church of Mary Magdalena of the Dominican monastery (Tvauri 2005b). During these works, some potsherds that can be classified as production waste (e.g. TM A 140: 11) were collected from the layers of 18th-century fill.

Production waste of the workshop of Johann Rehn from other areas in Tartu Old Town

Pottery production waste, collected during the excavations of 1993, allows establishing an overview of the production of the workshop of Johann Rehn. Taking these finds as a basis, the waste of the same workshop can be sought from the archaeological finds collected from other parts of Tartu Old Town. It appeared that production waste most likely originating from the workshop under consideration has been found from areas further from the nearest vicinity of the workshop (Fig. 1). In the summer of 2005, Andres Tvauri carried out archaeological supervision at Magasini Street, caused by the renovation of freshwater as well as sewage pipelines running along the street. During these works, a ditch with the approximate depth of 2.5 m was erected for the whole length of the street from Munga Street to Lai Street (Tvauri 2005a). The fill layer, which continued until the bottom of the trench, and was most likely piled up during the 18th century, contained waste from the potter’s workshop, as well as other finds, in a heterogeneous way. Below the crossing of Munga and Magasini streets, an up to 10-cm layer of clean potter’s clay was discovered from the fill of debris, which was located

32 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

below the street.2 Directly above the clay layer, sherds of redware vessels were found, which can be considered as production waste (Fig. 5; 6: 1). In addition, fragments of four stove-tiles (Fig. 6: 2) were found, which originate from vessels ruined during firing. In the area from the spot mentioned to the house 3 Magasini Street, no potsherds were found from the ditch for sewage pipeline. In front of the building 3 Magasini Street, a big amount of sherds of redware vessels, pot- like stove tiles and plate tiles were found, a part of which (e.g. TM A 145: 36, 40, 49, 64, 74, 79, 85) belong to production waste. Peeter Piirits directed archaeological excavations at the yard of 15 Rüütli Street in 1996. The investigated area lies in close proximity of the territory of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, on the western side of Magasini Street. Thus the outcome that more waste from the workshop of Johann Rehn is present in that excavation, than in any other area located outside the parcel of the church, can hardly be considered surprising. From the upper layers of the depositions at the yard of 15 Rüütli Street, a lot of fragments of pots and tripod pots with brown glaze and typical rim profile were found, which had been overheated and had lost

0 10 cm

Fig. 5. Reconstructions of clay vessels (TM A 145: 6, 49), found from the crossing of Munga and Magasini streets, together with a layer of potter’s clay. Joon 5. Magasini ja Munga tänava ristmikult koos pottsepasavikihiga leitud praaksavinõude rekonstruktsioon.

2 Experiments of baking the clay, carried out by ceramist Kristel Külljastinen in December 2005, show that the clay acquires red colour during baking at the temperature of 1000–1100 °C. The clay corresponds to the raw material of the workshop of Johann Rehn.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 33

0 10 cm

Fig. 6. Production debris, found from the crossing of Magasini and Munga streets, together with the layer of potter’s clay. 1 rim sherd of the vessel, where the glaze has burnt and flown onto the break, 2 fragment of a pot-like stove tile (TM A 145: 6, 2). Joon 6. Magasini ja Munga tänava ristmikult koos pottsepasavikihiga leitud valmistuspraak. 1 savi- nõu servakild, millel on glasuur põlenud ja murdele valgunud, 2 ahjupoti katke.

34 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

shape in the oven (e.g. TM A 92: 827, 1878, 2001, 3366). In case of one rim sherd, the light brown glaze has spilled over onto the break (TM A 92: 2550), which is a firm proof of production waste. In addition to that, loop handles (e.g. TM A 92: 2051, 2212) and feet (e.g. TM A 92: 3139, 3369) of tripod pots were found, which also originate from vessels broken during production, as indicated by the missing of wear marks. The unglazed rim sherds of tripod pots (TM A 92: 1712, 2018) form a characteristic type of production remains. In all probability, the fragments of platters with slip decoration, where the glaze has peeled off from the slip (e.g. Fig. 7; TM A 92: 1882), also originate from production waste. In addition, fragments of lids of vessels are present, which also existed in the find from 1993. At least one of these (TM A 92: 3384) has been roughly overheated. Among the finds from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street, numerous plate tiles with brown glaze, which have been overheated or have broken during firing (e.g. TM A 92: 423, 2145, 3452, 3455) were present. In the case of some of these (TM A 92: 2257/1), only part of the surface has been covered with glaze. An excavation plot of ca 80 m2 was erected in 1966 under the direction of Vilma Trummal ca 100 m north of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, at the eastern side of Magasini Street, in the yard of the house at 37 Lai Street (Trummal 1970). 1.6–1.7 m below ground level, a cobblestone pavement was

Fig. 7. Fragment of a clay platter with engobe painting (TM A 92: 2765), found from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street. Glaze has fallen apart from the painting. Joon 7. Tartust Rüütli 15 õuelt leitud angoobmaalinguga liua katke, millel on glasuur maalingu kohalt lahti tulnud.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 35

found, where fragments of cast iron cannon balls and holes caused by these were traced, originating from the siege of Tartu by Russian troops in 1704 (Trummal 1970, 9). In the layer of debris above the pavement, a lot of fragments of redware vessels and stove tiles were present. The fragments with characteristic rim profile, or clinkered sherds found from the debris (e.g. TM A 18: 25/3, 25/5) are definitely production waste from the workshop of Johann Rehn. An overheated fragment of unglazed plate tile (TM 314 / Aj 142: 30) was found from the same yard during earthworks in 1961. In 1996, a test pit was made next to the medieval town wall, east of the house at 5 Magasini Street. The investigations were directed by Romeo Metsallik and Udo Tiirmaa. Among other finds, a fragment of a plate tile with projecting plant ornament was collected (Tiirmaa & Metsallik 1996, photo 18), which, judging on the basis of glaze faults, belongs to production waste. On the southern side of the house at 3 Magasini Street, excavations were directed by A. Tvauri in 2005 (Tvauri 2006). From the upper deposits of the cultural layer, a few sherds of redware vessels, typical of the production of the workshop of Johann Rehn (TM A 157: 2, 3) were found. Judging from the absence of wear marks, these might belong to production waste. Quite a lot of production waste originating from the workshop of Johann Rehn has been found during archaeological excavations in the territory of the Botanical Garden of the University of Tartu, in the northeastern corner of the medieval town, in the northern side of Lai Street. Among the finds from the 1988 excavations in the area, directed by Vilma Trummal, a few sherds that can unquestionably be classified as production waste (Fig. 8; TM A 43: 211/7, 342/1) were found: the dark brown glaze had spilled over onto the break. In addition, clinkered fragments of plate tiles with plant ornament without glaze (e.g. TM A 43: 236/1) were also present. Production waste typical of the workshop of Johann Rehn was also found during the 1990 excavations in the same area, directed by Kalle Lange. Sherds from redware vessels (e.g. TM A 53: 234), plate tiles (e.g. TM A 53: 125, 350, 531) as well as pot-like stove tiles (e.g. TM A 53: 280, 281) can be classified as production waste. A wall fragment of a tripod pot with a spout, which has totally bloated in excessive heat and changed into ceramside (TM A 53: 538), can be mentioned here as a find most typical of production waste. All the finds mentioned have been collected from the upper layers of fill in the excavation plots, which mostly have been disturbed. The excavation plots in the Botanical Garden are located ca 200 m NNW of the workshop of Johann Rehn. The furthest find-spot of production waste from the workshop of Johann Rehn is situated in the yard of the house at 31 Kroonuaia Street, which is outside the medieval town wall of Tartu. A fragment of a plate tile with brown glaze was found there, which has clearly been overheated (TM 727: 5). It was found during earthworks in 1965, and Vilma Trummal brought it to the City Museum of Tartu. The find-spot of the plate tile fragment lies ca 300 m northeast of the territory of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos.

36 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Fig. 8. Miniature jug or cup, which has been broken during firing (TM A 43: 106), from the workshop of Johann Rehn. Found from the excavations at the Botanical Garden of the University of Tartu. Joon 8. Johann Rehni töökojast pärit põletuse käigus purunenud miniatuurne kannuke või tass. Leitud Tartu Ülikooli Botaanikaaia kaevandist.

Production waste from the workshop of Johann Rehn has also been found south of the territory of his workshop. During archaeological supervision in the reconstruction of sewage pipeline in front of 10 Kompanii Street, A. Tvauri found at least one potsherd, which can be considered production waste (TÜ 1138: 25), from the fill layer consisting mostly of debris. It is a rim sherd of a tripod pot, covered with brownish green glaze, which has got out of shape due to pressure from the rim of another vessel during baking. In 2003, A. Tvauri directed archaeological investigations in the yard of 8 Jaani Street. During the excavations, an overheated and misshaped rim fragment of a tripod pot (TM A 150: 10) was found from the uppermost part of the cultural layer, reaching up to 1 metre from ground level. On the basis of both rim profile and glaze, the fragment can be considered a product of the workshop of Johann Rehn. This is the westernmost find-spot of production waste of the workshop under consideration so far, situated ca 150 m west of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 37

In 1998, archaeological investigations took place in the yard of 17 Ülikooli Street, directed by P. Piirits. During excavations, remains of the walls of a medieval brick building, demolished during the 18th century were found (Piirits 1998). In the destruction and filling layers surrounding the walls, many fragments of plate tiles with plant ornament and dark brown glaze were present, which have the characteristics of production debris (e.g. TM A 105: 249, 259, 276, 313). By their design and production details, such tiles correspond to the production of the workshop of Johann Rehn. This is the southernmost find-spot of production debris of the workshop under consideration, known to the authors. From the territory of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, the find-spot is situated ca 150 m southwest.

Moulds for stove tiles

At least two moulds for stove tiles, connected to the workshop of Johann Rehn, have been found. The first of these (Fig. 2) was found already by Richard Otto during his excavations in 1909. This mould has been mentioned above in this article, but as it is a really important find, we will describe it here in detail. The height of the mould is 21 cm and the width 18.5 cm. It is for making Baroque plate tiles depicting a rider carrying a sword with curved blade raised above his head, and a helmet decorated with feathers. The find is extraordinary because it was unbroken, and on its back side is the following text: JOHAN REHN anno 1684 FR BN d. 3. Majus. Stove tiles with the rider motif seem to be rather unusual in the Baltic Sea region. The closest parallel known to the authors so far is a plate tile depicting a rider, found from the castle of Dobele in Latvia. It depicts a rider swinging a sword within an architectural frame of caryatids and angels, and the cartouche under it carries the text NINVS (Ose 1996, 73, Fig. 63). Ninus is known from Greek mythology as king of Assyria and the founder of Nineveh. Although the tile mould from Tartu somewhat differs from the stove tile from Dobele, both by more professional realization as well as design (the Tartu mould lacks architectural framing and a decorative frame), it may be assumed that the mould of Johann Rehn was made for producing plate tiles depicting Ninus. The “Oriental” curved blade of the sword of the rider may be an additional proof of the idea. At the same time, it cannot be excluded that the rider on the mould depicts Julius Caesar, Alexander the Great or King Cyrus II the Great of Persia. All these rulers have been depicted as riders on 17th-century stove tiles (see http://www.furnologia.de/furnologia/Bibliothek/bibliothek_weltreich/bibliothek_ weltreiche_galerie.htm). The name of the potter Johann Rehn appears on the back side of the mould. There exists no clear evidence what the date 3rd of May 1684 stands for, but most likely it marks the date of production of the mould. The meaning of the letters FR BN is yet uncertain. There exist no data of any plate tile produced with that mould so far. Another mould, also of burnt clay (Fig. 9) was found in 1993 from the cable trench in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos.

38 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

0 10 cm

Fig. 9. Mould for stove tiles (TM A 149), found from among the production debris of the potter’s workshop in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu. Joon 9. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud kahlimatriits.

The length of the latter tile reaches 9.6 cm, with its width being 6.7 cm. The mould depicts a mirror image of a fish. Taking into account the small measures of the mould, it was probably used for making some smaller detail of the stove tile. So far, no stove tiles made using this mould have been found. Fish motif has been rather rare on stove tiles. The nearest parallel known to the author, i.e. a stove tile depicting fish was found from the town of Mir in the western part of present-day Byelorussia. It dates from the 17th century (Кравцевич 1988, 142, fig. 1: 2).

Production of the potter’s workshop, on the basis of production debris and the moulds Tripod pots

The production of the workshop of Johann Rehn can be best characterised on the basis of the sherds of production waste, gathered from the cable trench in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in 1993.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 39

In the find of 1993, fragments of tripod pots form the largest share. Fragments with tripod pans with a spout occur less often. Pots without legs have occurred as single items among the production waste of the workshop of Johann Rehn. In the 1993 find of production waste, there exist a total of 173 rim sherds. Their rim profile follows one general form. The amply profiled form is a characteristic feature, with at least four clear further characteristics (Fig. 10; 11; 12: 1, 2, 5). 1) Concave inner side of the rim part. 2) During turning the rim part, the upper edge of the vessel has been turned down towards the outer surface of the rim part. The adjunction in the rim part is often visible at the break. In rare occasions, a gap has remained within the upper part of the rim. This has been the reason why the rim part of the vessel has cleaved lengthwise during firing. 3) A cordon is formed between the rim and shoulder part of the vessel from the tip of the part turned down towards the outer surface. The shape of the cross- section of the cordon changes from a triangle to that of a halved cylinder. 4) Often, but not always a shallow groove exists in the lower part of the rim part. Other shapes of profile were present in the 1993 find only as two single items (Fig. 12: 3, 4). In the case of these vessels, the upper part of the vessel had been turned down during turning toward the outer surface of the rim, but the inner side of the rim part is not concave, and the distinguishing cordon between the rim part and the shoulder is missing.

Fig. 10. Rim profile, characteristic of the production of the workshop of Johann Rehn. 1 concave inner side of the rim, 2 upper edge of the rim, which has been turned down against the outer surface of the vessel during turning, 3 a cordon is formed between the rim and the neck of the vessel from the tip of the part turned down, 4 a shallow hollow in the upper part of the rim. Joon 10. Johann Rehni töökoja toodangule omase savinõu servaprofiil. 1 võriku nõgus sisekülg, 2 nõu treimisel vastu võriku väliskülge mahakeeratud ülaserv, 3 mahakeeratud osa tipust on võriku ja õla vahele moodustanud mõika, 4 madal vagu võriku ülaosas.

40 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

0 10 cm

Fig. 11. Reconstructions of the upper parts of clay vessels (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 11. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud savinõude ülaosade rekonstruktsioonid.

An especially characteristic part of redware grapens is the tube-like spout. From the cable trench in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos, 24 spouts or their fragments, were found. These belong to two types. One has a large and somewhat funnel-shaped mouth with a strengthening cordon (Fig. 13: 1–4), the others are characterized by a profiled mouth, gradually narrowing (Fig.13: 5–7). Unfortunately, there exists no fully preserved tripod pot among the find from 1993, but on the basis of the angle of connection of some of the spouts it may be presumed that spouts with the funnel-shaped mouth belonged to tripod pans, while those with narrowing end belong to tripod pots (compare Fig. 3). The legs of tripod pots, or their fragments were present in quantities, 97 of them were collected. Most of them were simple conical legs (Fig. 14), only in

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 41

0 10 cm

Fig. 12. Reconstructions of the clay vessels with unique profile of the rim (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 12. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud unikaalse servaprofiiliga savinõude rekonstruktsioonid.

one case a deep vertical groove exists on a leg (Fig. 14, the leg on the left). The legs found are of rather similar height – approximately 7.5 cm. In addition to spouts, handles, legs and rim fragments, 108 sherds from the wall or bottom parts of tripod pots exist in the find of 1993. These have almost no characteristic traits. In most cases, the unglazed outer surface of the vessels is corrugated horizontally, which is applied during turning on wheel. All the fragments of tripod pots originate from vessels that have been glazed inside. It was lead glaze, the colour of which varies from yellowish brown to dark brown. The brown colour of the glaze was achieved by adding ferric oxide to the lead glaze (Strauss 1969, 14). The brown glaze on some of the sherds has a slightly greenish nuance. One of the rim sherds, however, originates from a vessel, the glaze of which was dark green. The green colour was obtained

42 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

0 10 cm

Fig. 13. Spouts of tripod pans (1–4) and tripod pots (5–7) (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 13. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud kolmjalgpannide (1–4) ja graapenite (5–7) tõstenäsad.

Fig. 14. Legs of tripod vessels (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 14. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud kolmjalgnõude jalad.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 43

by adding cuprous oxide to the glaze. The sherd with green glaze represented the most common cross section of the rim, present among the production waste of the workshop. Among the production waste found from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street, there exists a sherd (TM A 92: 2681), the dark green glaze of which has frothed during heating.

Lids of vessels

In the current find of production debris, fragments of 12 vessel lids existed (Fig. 15). Two of these had been preserved to the extent that a reconstruction drawing was possible (Fig. 16). The diameter of the lids is between 8 and 15 cm. The biggest lid also contained a hole for ventilation. Fragments of exactly similar vessel lids have been collected from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (TM A 92: 1316, 2214). All the lids found are without glaze. The main reason for glazing the vessels was the need to make them waterproof. The lids were not in contact with the liquid contents of the vessel, and thus there existed no direct need for glazing them.

Fig. 15. Vessel lids (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 15. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud nõukaaned.

44 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

0 10 cm

Fig. 16. Reconstructions of vessel lids (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 16. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud nõukaante rekonstruktsioonid.

Platters and bowls with painted slip and lead glaze

Among the production debris collected in 1993, 17 fragments of bowl or platter exist. These originate from shallow dishes (Fig. 17) with varying dimensions (diameter 14–31 cm). The rim of the vessels is strengthened with a cordon, which, similarly to the rim of tripod pots, has been formed during turning by pushing down the upper edge of the blank vessel toward its outer surface. All the fragments of platters and bowls found in 1993, which have been considered as production debris, were decorated with polychrome slip, and then covered with transparent lead glaze. Engobing meant covering the surface of dried vessels with oxide-based colours before heating. The colours were attached to the clay surface during primary heating. Thereafter, the inner surface of the vessel was covered with glaze, and the vessel was baked secondarily. White, beige and dark brown slip clays were used while decorating the bowls. The most common motifs of decoration were spiral and wavy lines (Fig. 18). On one of the platter fragments, collected in 1993 from production debris, fragment of text “...dre...” had been painted on slip. A fragment of platter with similar finishing and rim profile (TM A 92: 4976) was collected from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street. This carried text fragment “...der...”. We may assume that it also originated from the workshop of Johann Rehn.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 45

0 10 cm

Fig. 17. Reconstructions of platters and bowls (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 17. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud liudade ja kausside rekonstruktsioonid.

Fig. 18. Fragments of redware bowls and platters, decorated with engobe paintings (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 18. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud angoobmaalinguga punasavist kausside ja liudade katked.

46 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Sieves

Two fragments of clay sieves (Fig. 19) constitute an interesting find among the production debris of 1993. A similar fragment of a ceramic sieve, but with yellow glaze was found from the mixed layer in the trench for water and sewerage pipelines at Magasini Street, in front of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos. The described fragments originate from a sieve with the shape of a platter. A similar fully preserved item has been found from Riga, in a 17th-century context (Strauss 1969, pl. 30: 2). It is a vessel with two flat handles, glazed on the inner side, which has holes at the bottom.

Pot-like stove tiles

19 fragments of pot-like stove tiles were collected from the cable trench of 1993. Judging from the rim sherds, these originate from tiles with both rectangular and round opening (Fig. 20). The diameter of the mouth of the latter was 13 cm. A few sherds originate from a tile, which had been covered with yellow glaze at the inner side.

Fig. 19. Fragments of ceramic sieve (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 19. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud keraamilise sõela katked.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 47

0 10 cm

Fig. 20. Reconstruction of a pot-like stove tile with a round mouth (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 20. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud ümmarguse avaga ahjupoti rekonstruktsioon.

Relief stove tiles

Stove tiles, which can be connected with the workshop of Johann Rehn without hesitation, are Baroque-style plate or edge tiles, with dark brown glaze. An almost fully preserved edge tile (Fig. 21: 1) was present in the find of 1993. In addition, 4 strongly overheated fragments of plate tiles were present in this collection; a rose was depicted on an unglazed fragment of one of these (Fig. 21: 2). In addition to one bigger blossom, the rose has some smaller blossoms, which have not yet bloomed, and leaves are also depicted below the blossoms. Fragments of wasters made probably with the same mould have also been found from the site of Tartu Botanical Garden on the northern side of Lai Street (TM A 43: 53, 110, 350, 531). Wasters with extremely similar decoration have been found from the cultural layer in the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (Fig. 21: 3). The latter waste tiles most likely originate from the workshop under consideration. This type of stove tiles is a rather typical find in the cultural layer of Tartu. Also in other regions of Estonia and Latvia, this motif was rather widespread during the second half of the 17th century (see Strauss 1969, pl. 69; Ose 1996, pl. V: 3, 4; VIII: 1, 2). The find from 1993 includes four fragments of cornice tiles of a stove (Fig. 22). They originate from a cornice strip with half-cylindered cross-section, with the width of 2.5 cm. These have been covered with egg yolk yellow glaze, which has been deformed during firing – the glaze has started frothering. A similar waster of a cornice tile, most likely originating even from the same wasted assemblage (TM A 145: 40), was found, however, from Magasini Street, northwest from the test pit of 1993. A waster of a cornice tile with similar profile, but with dark brown glaze (TM A 53: 125) has been found from the excavation plot of 1990 at the Botanical Garden of the University of Tartu.

48 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

0 10 cm

05 cm

Fig. 21. Waste stove tiles, produced in the workshop of Johann Rehn in Tartu. 1 stove tile found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993 (TM A 149), 2 fragment of unglazed and overheated plate tile with plant ornament (TM A 149), found from the same place, 3 fragment of a waste stove tile, found from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (TM A 92: 2952). Joon 21. Johann Rehni töökoja praakahjukahlid Tartust. 1 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud ahjukahhel, 2 samast leitud glasuurimata ja ülepõleta- tud taimornamendiga plaatkahli katke, 3 Rüütli 15 õuelt leitud praakahjukahli katke.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 49

0 10 cm

Fig. 22. Fragments of cornice tiles of a stove (TM A 149), found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 22. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud simsitükkide katked.

The find of 1993 also includes four fragments of the rectangular supporting frame attached to the back side of the tile. The separation of the supporting frame from the main tile seems to be one of the most common problems, which happened during firing. Plate tiles without supporting frame have been collected from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (e.g. TM A 92: 2952, 3823).

Remarks concerning production technology

In numerous cases, it is possible to learn something about the production process from sherds of ceramic vessels. Technological details are often important, as potters from different schools of production use slightly different methods of production, which can be used for tracing the origin of vessels. The clay test of the vessels found from the workshop of Johann Rehn is of light red colour after burning. Overheated and clinkered vessels have turned dark grey or reddish purple in colour. Small limestone fragments, which often appear in the clay test, form a characteristic detail, which have often destroyed the surface and the glaze of vessels during firing (Fig. 23).

50 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Fig. 23. Wall fragment of a clay vessel (TM A 149), where it is clearly visible that a small fragment of limestone in the clay mass has caused a fault in glaze. Found from production debris in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in Tartu in 1993. Joon 23. Tartust 1993. a Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja eest keraamikavalmistuspraagi hulgast leitud savinõu küljetükk, millel on näha savimassis leiduva lubjakivitükikese tekitatud glasuuridefekt.

Glazed redware vessels were usually baked twice. The first baking took place before glazing the vessel or tile. Slip, however, was applied to the surface of vessels before primary baking. Raw glaze, consisting of lead, was applied to the primarily baked vessels, and they were baked for a second time. The fragments of tripod pots (TM A 92: 1712, 2018) and a sieve (Fig. 19), which were broken during primary baking, are good evidence of such technological procedure. The wasters found from the cable trench by the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in 1993 have mostly been spoilt during secondary baking, as these were already glazed, or drops of glaze can be seen on their surface. The vessels show stacking scars, caused by breaking apart the vessels, which have stuck together during firing. Such scars exist both at the bottom (Fig. 24), edges and walls of the vessels. Thus it is possible to state that vessels in the oven were stacked upon each other. Judging on the basis of the direction of traces of flowing and dipping of glaze, the oven was stacked with vessels both in the right direction and upside down. This is also shown by the fact that drops of glaze exist on the outer side and spouts of vessels.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 51

Fig. 24. The bottom of a clay pot, found in the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (TM A 92: 423), which shows marks, when the upper part of another vessel was attached to it during firing. Joon 24. Tartust Rüütli 15 õuelt leitud poti põhi, millel on näha põletuse käigus selle külge kinni jäänud teise nõu ülaserva jälg.

Two fragments of clinkered S-shaped roof tiles were collected among fragments of vessel and stove tile wasters. So far, no finds have been collected which would refer to the production of roof tiles in the workshop under consideration. Thus it seems more logical to presume that roof tiles or their fragments were used for stacking the oven with vessels, more exactly for separating unburnt vessels from each other. Vessels requiring both primary and secondary baking were heated together in the oven. A plate tile, collected from the yard of 15 Ülikooli Street, is a good evidence for that (Fig. 25). The upper side of the tile, decorated with plant ornament, is unglazed while a thick layer of brown glaze had poured onto its

52 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Fig. 25. Fragment of a stove tile, found from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street (TM A 92: 4395), the glaze whose had run to the back side. Joon 25. Tartust Rüütli 15 õuelt leitud ahjukahli katke, millel on glasuur tagaküljele valgunud.

back side, inside the supporting frame. Another overheated stove tile, depicting a rose on its unglazed upper side (TM A 53: 110), was found from the territory of the Botanical Garden of the University of Tartu during the excavations of 1990. A thick layer of scorched glaze had flown onto its back side.

Production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn in the context of its time

Wasters from the workshop of potter Johann Rehn reveal interesting information concerning the production of the master. The large assortment of products from the workshop is amazing. So far, wasters of redware tripod pots and pans with a spout, pots, unglazed vessel lids, multi-coloured platters and bowls with slip and

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 53

lead glaze, clay sieve, simple pot-like stove tiles and plate tiles with brown glaze have been found. All of these have been spoilt during burning. While in bigger centres (e.g. in Lübeck), there existed specialized masters for producing clay vessels and stove tiles (see Mührenberg 2002), the potters of smaller places had to produce larger quantity of items for living. For example, the potter working next to the Cathedral of Turku, the biggest city of medieval Finland, produced both stove tiles and clay vessels at the end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century, on the basis of production remains (Tulkki 2003, 219). It seems that during its existence, the workshop of Johann Rehn fulfilled the greater share of the demand of the inhabitants of Tartu for simple tripod pots and pans with lead glaze. All the pottery of that type, found from the layers of the second half of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century is similar to wasters found from the territory of the workshop under consideration. For example, among the pottery collected from the yard of 15 Rüütli Street, fragments of tripod pots, which had definitely been in use3, were found (e.g. TM A 92: 1759/1) beside wasters. A platter with text with Christian contents (TM A 45: 2, 3) was probably also produced in the workshop of Johann Rehn. It was found from the inner yard of the 7th Block of Tartu just north of the Town Hall. Fragments of vessels with dark brown glaze, the rim shape of which was identical with the products of the workshop have also been found from the territory of the building at 3 Lossi Street (e.g. TM A 30: 88, 89, 93), the yard of 8 Jaani Street (TM A 150: 16), etc. The potters of Livonia had to compete for the whole medieval period, and also during modern times, with pottery imported in quantities from the West. Thus it is no wonder that in Tallinn, which is a bigger town than Tartu, only a few potters could earn their living. The Guild of Potters was organized only in 1643 in Tallinn, as there were four active potters (Kaplinski 1995, 107). Written notices exist of two more potters of Tartu during the 1690s, in addition to Johan Rehn (Strauss 1969, 152). However, it is not certain what kind of pottery they produced, if any. Redware tripod pots, pots and platters with multicolour slip had close parallels among ceramic finds from other Estonian towns, dating from the contexts of the second half of the 17th century. For example, close parallels to redware platters with polychrome paintings, found in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos in 1993, can be seen among the finds collected from the 17th–18th century cultural layer of Võllamäe (Gallons Hill) suburb of Tallinn (AI 6011: 119). Even the rim profile of tripod pots and pots, produced in the workshop of Johann Rehn, is not a unique one. Very close parallels to it can be found from the cultural layer of Tallinn (e.g. excavations at Toompea, 5 Rahukohtu Street, AI 6205: 21) and Haapsalu (excavations at 2 Lossiplats (Castle Square), HM 8241: 31). The Baroque stove tiles with plant ornament, produced in the work-

3 Wear marks at the bottom of the vessel, or on their feet, and a layer of scrouch inside the vessels, which has emerged during cooking, can be considered as evidence for the usage of the vessels.

54 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

shop of Johann Rehn, have a design rather widespread in the Baltic Sea countries during the second half of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century. In the whole territory of Estonia, the use of brown glaze for covering simple redware vessels and stove tiles spread during the second half of the 17th century, instead of green and yellow glazes, more popular during the 16th century, and the first half of the 17th century. In that sense, the production of the workshop of Johann Rehn reflected rather closely the fashion of the period. So far, no close parallels have been found to the mould for a stove tile depicting a rider, and the mould depicting a fish, found in 1993 in front of the priest’s house of the Church of Dormition of the Theotokos. The production of the workshop under consideration represents the last stage of the tradition of producing redware vessels, which had started in Germany and the Netherlands already during the 13th century, and had spread to Livonia during the 15th century at the latest. It is likely that the tripod pots, produced in the workshop of Johann Rehn until 1708, are the latest tripod pots produced in Tartu. In the property lists of the merchants of Tallinn from the 18th century, tripod pots are present, but only metal ones (Suurmaa 2004, 105). The location of the workshop of Johann Rehn – in a remote place next to the town wall – is rather typical potters’ workshops. The 13th century potter’s workshop of Viljandi (see Tvauri 1999; 2001), and the supposed workshop that existed at Olevimägi in Tallinn also during the 13th century (personal comment by Erki Russow), were both located at the edge of the medieval town, next to the town wall. The remains of the potter’s workshop of Turku, Finland, originating from the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century, were also located at the outskirts of the then-existing town (Tulkki 2003, 219). Also in Rhineland, the numerous potters’ workshops were mostly located at the outskirts of towns, or even outside the towns (Gaimster 1997, 47–48). Air pollution that inevitably forms during firing, a fire hazard caused by firing at high temperatures, as well as the considerably low social position of the potters can all be seen as reasons for such a situation. The fact that production remains of the workshop of Johann Rehn have spread over considerably large areas – up to 300 metres from the place of production –, is rather unusual. The possibility that the potter could lay down his waste to neighbouring and even further parcels is highly unlikely. It seems plausible that production remains spread after the year 1708. In that year, the citizens of Tartu (including Johann Rehn) were deported to Russia, and the town of Tartu was systematically destroyed. After the Northern War, in 1753, the Russian Orthodox Church of the Dormition of the Theotokos was established at the place of the former Dominican monastery. In all probability, the construction debris and soil, originating from the destruction of the ruins of the monastery, and the digging of the foundation pit for the new church was transported to various parts of the town as fill, including the pit 31 Kroonuaia Street outside the medieval town wall.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 55

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank archaeologists Arvi Haak and Erki Russow, treasurer of Tartu City Museum, Eero Heinloo, archivist of Estonian Historical Archives, Kalev Jaago and the student of the University of Tartu, Ursula Haava, who all contributed to the preparation of the article.

References

Gaimster, D. 1997. German Stoneware 1200–1900. Archaeology and Cultural History. British Museum. Kaplinski, K. 1995. Tallinn – meistrite linn. Tallinn. Mührenberg, D. 2002. Das Handwerk in einer Hansestadt – Archäologische Befunde und Funde aus Lübeck. – The Medieval Town in the Baltic: Hanseatic History and Archaeology, II. Proceedings of the third and fourth seminar, Tartu, Estonia 12th–13th June 1999 and 8th–10th June 2000. Tartu, 83–98. Ose, I. 1996. Podiņu krāsnis Kurzemes un Zemgales pilīs 15. gs. beigas – 18. gs. sākums. Rīga. Otto, R. 1911. Ueber zwei in Dorpat gefundene steinerne Gebrauchsgegenstände des 16-ten und 17-ten Jahrhunderts. – Sb. GEG, 1910, 138–147. Piirits, P. 1998. Arheoloogilised kaevamised Tartus Ülikooli tn. 17 hoovis. Tartu. (Manuscript in the National Bord of Cultural Heritage.) Russow, E. 2005. Keraamika. – Eesti kunsti ajalugu, 2. 1520–1770. Tallinn, 198–206. Strauss, K. 1969. Die Geschichte der Töpferzunft von Mittelalter bis zur Neuzeit und die Kunst- töpfereien in Alt-Livland (Estland und Lettland). Basel. Suurmaa, L. 2004. Tallinna saksa kaupmeeste varaloendites inventeeritud laua- ja kööginõud kultuuri- ajaloo allikana 18. sajandil. – Vana Tallinn, XV (XIX), 9–157. Tiirmaa, U. & Metsallik, R. 1996. Linnamüüri uuringud Magasini tn. 5 hoovil. Tartu. (Manuscript in the National Bord of Cultural Heritage.) Trummal, V. 1970. Arheoloogilised kaevamised Tartu vanalinna territooriumil. – TRÜ Toime- tised, vihik 258. Eesti NSV ajaloo küsimusi, VI. Tartu, 3–32. Tulkki, C. 2003. Oliko punasaviastioiden valmistus mahdollista uuden ajan alun Turussa? – Kaupinkia pintaa syvemmältä. Arkeologisia näkökulmia Turun historiaan. (Archaeologia Medii Aevi Finlandiae, IX.) Turku, 207–222. Tvauri, A. 1999. The medieval potter’s kiln from the Old Town of Viljandi. – AVE 1998. Tallinn, 89–95. Tvauri, A. 2000. Pihkva pottsepad Viljandis ja Tartus 13. sajandil. – EAA, 4: 1, 21–30. Tvauri, A. 2001. Archaeological investigations in the Old Town of Viljandi, at 4 Pikk Street. – AVE 2000. Tallinn, 103–107. Tvauri, A. 2005a. Aruanne arheoloogilisest järelevalvest vee- ja kanalisatsioonitrasside renoveerimisel Tartus Magasini tänaval 2005. aastal. Tartu. (Manuscript in the National Bord of Cultural Heritage.) Tvauri, A. 2005b. Arheoloogilised uuringud Tartu Uspenski apostliku õigeusu kirikus 2005. aastal. Tartu. (Manuscript in the National Bord of Cultural Heritage.) Tvauri, A. 2006. Arheoloogilised uuringud Tartus seoses Magasini 3 hoone keldritrepi ehitusega 2005. aasta detsembris. Tartu. (Manuscript in the National Bord of Cultural Heritage.) Vunk, A. 1996. Pärnu 16. sajandi ahjukahlite tüpoloogiast ja valmistamise tehnoloogiast. – Stilus, 6, 37–42. Vunk, A. 2000. Mentaliteedi peegeldus Pärnu kahlileidudel. Linnaarheoloogia teoreetilisi aspekte. – EAA, 4: 2, 151–174.

Кравцевич А. К. 1988. Исследования в г. п. Гродненской области. – Древности Литвы и Белоруссии. Вильнюс, 141–144.

56 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Andres Tvauri ja Romeo Metsallik

TARTU POTTSEPA JOHANN REHNI TÖÖKOJA (UMBES 1684–1708) TOODANG

Resümee

Eesti kesk- ja uusaja linnade 16.–18. sajandi arheoloogilise keraamika hulgas moodustab valdava enamiku pliiglasuuriga punasavikeraamika, mida valmistati kogu Läänemere piirkonnas. Küsimus, mille põhjal 16.–18. sajandi punasavi- keraamikat täpsemalt ajandada ja kuidas eristada importi kohalikust keraamikast, on uurijaid vaevanud aastakümneid. Eesti punasavikeraamika päritolu ja ajanda- mise küsimustele annavad osalise vastuse Tartust Magasini tänava äärest leitud 17. sajandi lõpu ja 18. sajandi alguse pottsepatöökoja valmistuspraak ja kahli- matriitsid. Pottsepatöökoja olemasolu oli seal (joon 1) teada juba aastast 1909, mil ajalooharrastaja Richard Otto korraldas keskaegse dominiiklaste kloostri alal kaevamised ja sai pottsepatöökojale viitavat leiumaterjali. Alates 1993. aastast Magasini tänava piirkonnast ja mujalt Tartust saadud uued arheoloogilised leiud on andnud rohkesti lisamaterjali, mis on aluseks ka käesolevale artiklile. Otto tegi 1909. aastal šurfe Tartu Uspenski apostliku õigeusu kiriku krundil. Umbes 1,2 m sügavusel maapinnast paljastusid maakivist hoonete müürid, mille vahelt leiti pottsepasavi tagavara ja suur hulk savinõukilde. Kõige tähelepanu- väärsemaks leiuks oli ratsaniku kujutisega ahjukahlite valmistamisel kasutatud savimatriits (joon 2), mille tagaküljel on kiri: JOHAN REHN anno 1684 FR BN d. 3. Majus. Otto kaevamiste leiumaterjal on enamjaolt kaduma läinud. Lisaks kirjeldatud kahlimatriitsile on jõudnud Eesti Rahva Muuseumi vaid üks peaaegu tervena säilinud graapen (joon 3), mis oletatavasti leiti samuti Otto kaevamiste käigus. Kahlimatriitsil esinev nimi Johan Rehn kuulub pottseppmeistrile, keda on mainitud Tartu raeprotokollides esimest korda 1684. aastal. Johann Rehn on ka 1708. aastal tsaar Peeter I käsul Venemaale Vologdasse küüditatud Tartu saksa kodanike nimekirjas. Vologdas ta ka 1711. aastal 71 aasta vanusena suri. Lisaks leidub 1734. aasta Tartu revisjoniraamatus märge: “…sellel platsil mis munga- kiriku juurde kuulub, on viimasel Rootsi ajal pottsepp Johann Rein elanud.” Pärast 1909. aastat tehti esimesed arheoloogilised uuringud Johann Rehni pott- sepatöökoja piirkonnas 1993. aastal, mil Romeo Metsalliku juhendamisel toimus kaabli paigaldamisel järelevalve Uspenski kiriku preestrimaja esisel alal. Selle käigus avastati keraamikapraagi lasu, millest korjati kokku 477 keraamilise toote kildu. Neist 425 pärinevad punasavikeraamilistest nõudest. Lisaks leiti 12 nõu- kaane-, 19 ahjupoti- ja 14 ahjukahlikatket. Neile lisandusid üks kahlimatriits, 2 keraamilise sõela katket ja 2 katusekivitükki. Leitu näol on tegemist keraami- liste toodete põletamise käigus tekkinud praagiga. Selle tõestuseks on paljud üle põlenud, lausa klinkerdunud killud. Kildudel esineb rohkesti glasuuridefekte, näi- teks mustaks kõrbenud või mullitavat glasuuri. Kindlalt on põletusahjus purune-

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 57

nud nõud, millel on glasuur murde pinnale valgunud. On ka kilde, millelt glasuur on savis olnud sobimatute lisandite tõttu tükati lahti tulnud. Lisaks on kogu leiu- kogum valmistusviisilt ja välimuselt väga ühtne. 1993. aasta kaevamistel saadud keraamika valmistuspraak annab ülevaate Johann Rehni töökoja toodangust. Selle põhjal võib otsida samast pärit praaki ka mujalt Tartu vanalinnast kogutud arheoloogilise leiumaterjali hulgast. Ilmneb, et vaadeldava töökoja valmistusjääke leidub Tartu kultuurkihis laialdasel alal (vt joon 1). Johann Rehni pottsepatöökojaga seotud kahlimatriitse on leitud vähemalt kaks. Neist esimese (joon 2) leidis Otto juba 1909. aastal. Barokkstiilis lamekahli matriitsil on kujutatud pea kohale tõstetud kõvermõõga ja sulgedega ehitud kiivriga ratsanik. Leiu teeb erakordseks see, et tegemist on täiesti terve matriitsiga ja lisaks leidub selle tagaküljel tekst: JOHAN REHN anno 1684 FR BN d. 3. Majus. Ratsanikumotiiviga kahlid on Läänemere piirkonnas haruldased. Johann Rehni kahlimatriitsil on kujutatud kas kreeka mütoloogiast tuntud Assüüria kuningat ja Niinive asutajaks peetud valitsejat Ninust, Julius Caesarit, Aleksander Suurt või Pärsia kuningat Küüros II Suurt. Kõiki neid valitsejaid on Saksa kultuurialal 17. sajandi ahjukahlitel ratsanikuna kujutatud. Kahli tagaküljel on pottsepp Johann Rehni nimi. Pole teada, mida märgib daatum 3. mai 1684, kuid kõige tõenäoli- semalt on tegemist matriitsi valmistamise ajaga. Ebaselgeks jääb tähtede FR BN tähendus. Ühtki selle matriitsiga valmistatud kahlit pole seni teada. Teine, samuti põletatud savist matriits (joon 9), leiti 1993. aastal. Matriitsil on kalakujutis. Arvestades matriitsi väikseid mõõtmeid, on sellega valmistatud mõnd väiksemat kahli detaili. Vasteid valmistoodete näol pole ka sellele matriitsile leitud. Kalamotiiv on kahlitel üpris haruldane. Lähedasim autoritele teadaolev vaste on leitud Miri linnast Valgevene lääneosas ja see pärineb 17. sajandist. Johann Rehni töökoja toodangu iseloomustamiseks sobivad 1993. aastal kogutud praaktoodete killud. Enim leidub nende hulgas graapenite katkeid. Graapenid olid Saksa kultuuriruumile omased kolme jala ja tõstenäsaga potid (vt joon 3). Vähem on tõstenäsaga kolmjalgpannide katkeid. Jalgadeta potte on vaadeldava töökoja kontekstist seni leitud praaknõude hulgas olnud vaid üksikuid. 1993. aasta leius on nõude ülaserva kilde 173. Nende servaprofiili tunnusteks on lopsakas profileering, mida iseloomustab vähemalt neli selget tunnust (joon 10, 11, 12: 1, 2, 5): 1) nõgus võriku sisekülg; 2) võriku moodustamisel on kasutatud võtet, kus nõu treimisel on nõu ülaserv vastu võriku väliskülge maha keeratud. Nõnda võriku sisse moodustunud liitekoht on murdel sageli näha; harvadel juhtudel on võriku ülaossa jäänud tühik. See on olnud ka põhjuseks, miks osa nõude võrik on põletusel pikuti lõhenenud; 3) mahakeeratud osa tipust moodustab võriku ja õla vahele mõika. Mõika kuju vaheldub kolmnurgast poolkerani; 4) sageli, kuid mitte alati on võriku ülaosas madal vagu.

58 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

Muid profiilikujusid leidus 1993. aasta leiu hulgas vaid kahe üksikeksemplari näol (joon 12: 3, 4). Punasavist graapenite eriti iseloomulikuks osaks on torujad tõstenäsad. Selli- seid näsasid või nende katkeid on 1993. aasta leius kokku 24. Need kuuluvad kahte tüüpi. Ühtedel on lai ja veidi lehterjas tugevdusvõruga suuosa (joon 13: 1–4), teistel aga kitsenev profileeritud suuosa (joon 13: 5–7). Kahjuks ei ole 1993. aasta leiu hulgas ühtki terviklikumat graapenit, kuid mõne tõstenäsa kinnitusnurga põhjal võib oletada, et lehterja suuosaga näsad kuulusid kolmjalgpannidele, aheneva suuosaga näsad on aga kolmjalgpottide küljest (vrd joon 3). Kolmjalgnõude jalad või nende tükid on leius esindatud arvukalt – kokku on neid 97. Tegemist on lihtsate kooniliste jalgadega (joon 14), vaid ühel juhul on jalal pikisoon (joon 13: vasakpoolne jalg). Leitud graapenijalad on ligikaudu 7,5 cm pikad. Lisaks on 1993. aasta leius veel 108 kildu, mis on pärit graapenite külje- või põhjapiirkonnast. Neil on vähe iseloomulikke tunnuseid. Kõik leitud graapenite killud pärinevad nõudest, mis olid siseküljelt glasuuri- tud. Tegemist on pliiglasuuriga, mille värvus vaheldub kollakaspruunist tume- pruunini. Mõnel nõukillul leiduval pruunil glasuuril on kergelt rohekas varjund. Üks servakild pärineb nõust, mille glasuur on värvuselt samblaroheline. Aga seegi kild esindab töökoja jäätmete hulgas kõige tavalisemat servaprofiili. Vaadeldavas leius on 12 nõukaane glasuurimata katket (joon 15, 16), mille läbimõõt jääb vahemikku 8–15 cm. Kaantest suurimas on õhutusauk. 1993. aasta leius on 17 liua või kausi katket. Need pärinevad erineva suurusega (läbimõõt 14–31 cm) nõudest (joon 17), mille servas on paksem tugevdusvõru, mis sarnaselt graapenite servale on tekitatud treimisel nõu ülaserva välisküljele mahakeeramise teel. Kõik valmistusjäätmeteks peetavad vaagnate ja kausside katked, mis leiti 1993. aastal, on kaunistatud mitmevärvilise angoobmaalinguga ja seejärel kaetud läbipaistva pliiglasuuriga. Põhilised kaunistusmotiivid on spiraal- ja lainjad jooned (joon 18). Ühel vaagnakillul on näha maalitud teksti. Huvitavaks leiuks valmistuspraagi hulgas on kaks savist sõela katket (joon 19). Sarnase, kuid kollase glasuuriga kaetud keraamilise sõela katke tuli välja ka Magasini tänava vee- ja kanalisatsioonitrassist segatud kihist Uspenski kiriku esiselt alalt. Kirjeldatud katked pärinevad liuakujulisest sõelast. Ahjupottide katkeid leiti 1993. aasta kaevise hulgast 19. Seal on nii nelinurkse kui ka ümmarguse avaga ahjupotte (joon 20). Viimaste suuava läbimõõt on 13 cm. Paar kildu pärinevad ahjupotist, mis on seest olnud kaetud kollase glasuuriga. Johann Rehni töökojaga kindlalt seostatavad praakkahlid on tumepruuni glasuuriga barokkstiilis kahlid. 1993. aasta leius on üks peaaegu terve servakahhel (joon 21: 1). Lisaks kuulub sellesse leidu 3 katket tugevasti ülepõletatud plaat- kahlitest, millest ühel (joon 21: 2) glasuurimata katkel on kujutatud roos. Väga sarnase kujunduse ja teostusega praakkahleid on leitud veel Rüütli 15 hoovist (joon 21: 3). See kahlitüüp oli Tartus tavaline. Ka mujal Eestis ja Läti alal oli see motiiv 17. sajandi teisel poolel kahlite kaunistamisel üpris levinud.

The production of the workshop of potter Johann Rehn of Tartu (ca 1684–1708) 59

1993. aasta leius on neli katket kahhelahju simsitükkidest (joon 22), mis päri- nevad poolkerakujulise läbilõikega simsiribast, mille paksuseks on 2,5 cm. Need on kaetud munakollasevärvi glasuuriga, mis on põletuse käigus ilmselgelt kahjus- tunud – hakanud mullitama. Huvitav on mainida, et täpselt samasugune, tõe- näoliselt samast praakpartiist pärit simsifragment on leitud 1993. aasta leiukohast loode poolt Magasini tänavalt. Johann Rehni töökoja alalt leitud praaknõude savimass on põlenud enamasti helepunaseks. Ülepõlenud ja klinkriks muutunud keraamika on omandanud tume- halli või punakaslilla värvitooni. Iseloomulikuks üksikasjaks on savimassis üpris sageli leiduvad väikesed lubjakivitükikesed, mis põletuse käigus paisudes on lõh- kunud nõu pinna ja glasuuri (joon 23). Nõusid põletati kaks korda, teisel korral koos glasuuriga. Sellise tehnoloogia kohta on tunnistuseks esmasel põletusel purunenud graapenite ning sõela (joon 19) katked. 1993. aastal saadud praak on siiski tekkinud reeglina nõu teistkordsel põletamisel, sest see on juba glasuuriga kaetud või esineb kildudel glasuuritilku. Nõudel leidub jälgi, mis on tekkinud ahjus üks- teise külge kleepunud nõude lahtimurdmisel (joon 24). Seega võib öelda, et nõud laoti ahjus sageli üksteise otsa. Otsustades glasuuri valgumise ja tilkumise suuna järgi, olid nõud ahju laotud nii õiget- kui ka tagurpidi – ka nõude välispindadel ja tõstenäsadel on glasuuritilku. Ühes ahjutäies põletati koos nii esmast kui teist põletust vajavaid nõusid. Selle tõendiks on Ülikooli 15 hoovilt leitud ahjukahhel (joon 25), mille pealispind on glasuurita, kuid tagaküljele, randi sisse on paksu kihina valgunud tumepruun glasuur. 1993. aasta leius on praaknõude ja ahjukahlite katkete hulgas ka kaks katuse- kivi klinkriks põlenud katket. Võib oletada, et katusekive või nende katkeid kasutati ahju pakkimisel nõude üksteisest eraldamiseks. Hämmastav on Johann Rehni töökojas valmistatud toodete lai sortiment. On leitud kolme jala ning tõstenäsaga graapenite ja pannide, pottide, nõukaante, angoobmaalingu ning pliiglasuuriga kaetud liudade ja kausside, miniatuurse kan- nukese, savist sõela, ahjupottide ja plaatkahlite põletuse käigus riknenud eksemp- lare. Kui suuremates keskustes (nt Lüübek) valmistasid savinõusid ja ahjukahleid erinevad meistrid, siis väiksemates kohtades pidid pottsepad äraelamiseks tootma laiemat sortimenti. Näib, et Johann Rehni töökoda täitis oma tegutsemise ajal suurema osa Tartu vajadusest tavaliste pliiglasuuriga punaste graapenite ja pannide järele. Kogu 17. sajandi teise poole ja 18. sajandi alguse kihtides leiduv sedalaadi keraamika vastab vaadeldava töökoja alalt leitavale valmistuspraagile. Johann Rehni töökojas valmistatud kolmjalgnõudel, pottidel ja angoobmaalinguga liudadel olid lähedased vasted ka teiste Eesti linnade 17. sajandi teise poole keraamikaleidude hulgas. Tema töökojas valmistatud graapenite ja pottide servaprofiil pole unikaalne. Johann Rehni töökojas valmistatud baroksed taimornamendiga kaunistatud ahjukahlid olid 17. sajandi teisel poolel ja 18. sajandi algul kõikjal Läänemere maades levinud kujundusega. Ka hakati 17. sajandi teisel poolel kogu Eesti alal lihtsamaid punasavikeraamilisi nõusid ning kahleid 16. sajandil ja 17. sajandi esimesel poolel enam levinud rohelise ja kollase glasuuri asemel

60 Andres Tvauri and Romeo Metsallik

tumepruuni glasuuriga katma. Selles osas vastas Johann Rehni töökoja toodang täpselt oma aja moele. Seni pole aga ratsanikukujutisega kahli matriitsile ja 1993. aastal leitud kalakujutisega matriitsile lähedasi vasteid leitud. Vaadeldava töökoja toodang esindab Saksamaa ja Hollandi aladel 13. sajandil alanud ja hiljemalt 15. sajandil Liivimaale levinud punasavikeraamiliste nõude valmistustraditsiooni viimast järku. Ilmselt on Johann Rehni töökojas tõenäoliselt kuni 1708. aastani valmistatud graapenite näol tegemist kõige hilisemate graape- nitega Tartus. Johann Rehni töökoja asukoht kõrvalises kohas linnamüüriga piirneval krundil on pottsepatöökodadele tüüpiline. Põhjuseks oli nii keraamikapõletusel tekkiv õhusaaste ja tuleoht kui ka pottseppade suhteliselt madal sotsiaalne positsioon. Huvitav on asjaolu, et Johann Rehni töökojast pärit valmistuspraak on Tartu linna kultuurkihis levinud suurel alal – tekkekohast kuni 300 m kaugusele. Vaevalt oleks pottsepp võinud oma rämpsu naaber- ja kaugematele kruntidele vedada. Valmistusjäägid levisid ilmselt pärast 1708. aastat. Tollal küüditati Tartu saksa kodanikud Venemaale ja Tartu linna hävitati süstemaatiliselt. Pärast Põhjasõda, 1753. aastal valmis endise dominiiklaste kloostri kohale Uspenski vene õigeusu kirik. Ilmselt veeti kloostrihoonete lammutamise käigus ja uue kiriku vundamendi- süvendite kaevamisel tekkinud ehitusrusu ning pinnast täiteks mitmele poole linnas, sh väljapoole keskajal linnamüüriga piiratud ala.

Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1, 61–80

Tanel Saimre

TREBUCHET – A GRAVITY-OPERATED SIEGE ENGINE A Study in Experimental Archaeology

The most powerful weapons in the Middle Ages were catapults, the latest and technically most advanced type of which were counterweight-operated trebuchets. This article deals with their mechanics and describes some experimental reconstructions of such siege engines. In Estonia the interest in trebuchets is augmented by the fact that such engines were used here repeatedly at the beginning of the 13th century, during the German-Danish conquest, and thereafter. The author built an experimental reconstruction of a trebuchet and carried out experiments on the Otepää hillfort, which resulted in some new knowledge about this type of siege engines enabling us to better interpret the information available in historical sources.

Keskajal olid võimsaimateks relvadeks heitemasinad, mille kõige hilisemateks ja tehniliselt täiuslikumateks tüüpideks olid vastukaalu jõul töötavad heitemasinad ehk blided. Käes- olevas artiklis on käsitletud selliste masinate mehaanikat ja esitletud olulisemaid ajalooliste heitemasinate rekonstruktsioone ja katseid nendega. Eestis on huvi heitemasinate vastu põhjustanud eelkõige asjaolu, et neid kasutati siin 13. sajandi algul toimunud Saksa-Taani vallutusest peale. Artikli autor on ehitanud blide rekonstruktsiooni, millega Otepää linna- mäel tehtud katsed annavad keskaegsete heitemasinate kohta uusi teadmisi ja võimaldavad tõlgendada kirjalikes allikates nende kohta esitatud andmeid.

Tanel Saimre, Chair of Archaeology, Department of History, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51004 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected]

Introduction The purpose of trebuchet reconstructions

Experimenting with trebuchet reconstructions, just as other aspects of experimental archaeology, is essential to better understanding our past. The trebuchet is a rather complicated machine and thus its behaviour can be fully understood only through practical experience. On the one hand, this experience helps replenish the information presented in historical sources, and on the other hand complements the knowledge attainable from the modern science of mechanics. Simple high- school level of mechanical analysis can be of much assistance to the historian in developing a sense of criticism towards historical sources. 62 Tanel Saimre

The goal of this paper is to analyse the trebuchet as a mechanical system, and to find the optimal parameters for trebuchet construction and its operation. The reconstructions built by the author and other researchers are then examined from this point of view.

The trebuchet and the progress of technology

The trebuchet consists of a long beam which is attached to a rotating axle. The axle divides the beam into two arms of uneven length. A counterweight is attached to the shorter arm and a sling containing the ammunition is attached to the longer arm. When the trebuchet is cocked, the tip of the long arm touches the ground and the short arm with the counterweight is lifted up. When the trigger is released, the counterweight drops down and the long arm with the sling is pulled up with great acceleration. The sling releases the ammunition at the right moment and it is hurled away towards the enemy (Fig. 1).

FIXED COUNTERWEIGHT

Fig. 1. Working principle of the trebuchet (Chevedden et al. 1995, 60). Joon 1. Raskusjõul töötava heitemasina tööpõhimõte. Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 63

The knowledge of mechanics had to be developed to a high enough level for such a concept to emerge. Furthermore – once these machines were being constructed and used in sieges, their crews and commanders were constantly exposed to the workings of mechanics and previously unsolved issues therein, forcing the brightest minds to contemplate these questions and issues. Thus it is fair to say that the trebuchet has contributed to the progress of science in its own way. One of the most outstanding scholars in the field of theoretical mechanics during the 12th–13th centuries was Jordan Nemorarius (died approx. 1237), who worked on the theory of the lever, based on the principle of the equality of work done and work gained (Piir 1996, 10). Jordan also claimed that a mass falling along a vertical trajectory is capable of doing more work than the same mass falling along a diagonal one. The connection to counterweight-operated trebuchets is obvious here. The trebuchet constructors were aware that a hinged counterweight has a trajectory more vertical than that of a fixed counterweight and thus can fire stones to a longer distance (Chevedden et al. 1995, 63).

Terminology and historiography

The word trebuchet, which is used in English to denote a counterweight operated siege machine, originally meant only the largest and most powerful of these machines. Trabucium, trabuchus, tripantium, trebusket, etc. are all different forms of the same word. It probably meant ‘three legs’, referring to the appearance of the machine: bigger machines were supported by two diagonal struts – two legs, while the beam itself depicted the third leg (Chevedden 2000, 100). The historical aspect of the topic is covered by the 1903 monograph, The Crossbow, by sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey, which has a richly illustrated and commented appendix on catapults. Although the book can be considered obsolete in some sense, it is still of great value. Another important source of information was the manuscript of Ain Mäesalu’s yet to be published monograph Ammud, laske- ja heitemasinad muistses vabadusvõitluses ja keskaegses Eestis. Not many papers have been published in the study of the mechanical aspect of the trebuchet. In the current paper two articles were used, both very thorough but unpublished and available only on the Internet: Trebuchet Mechanics by Donald Siano and The Counterweighted Trebuchet – an Excellent Example of Applied Retromechanics by W. E. Jahsman. Siano has also written trebuchet simulator soft- ware – WinTrebStar 4.0, which was used to conduct a number of simulations, the results of which were important for reaching some conclusions. Interest in medieval arms and military technology has seen a significant increase over the last few decades. There are a number of ‘backyard hobbyists’ and more professional researchers occupying themselves with everything connected to medieval warfare, including reconstruction of trebuchets. This popularity has resulted in a lot of material available on the Internet and in popular magazines, but scientific study is still sparse. 64 Tanel Saimre

Further complicating the research of this topic is the lack of archaeological finds. Contrary to hand weapons and armour, siege engines were too large to stay intact up to our day. German author Bernhard Rathgen reports that one such machine was found in 1890 in Liebenmühl, East Prussia during the knocking down of an old church. Unfortunately the value of that find was not recognised and the machine was used up for firewood (Hansen 1992, 193). Therefore we have to rely on indirect evidence – like the embankment erected for a trebuchet found in Viljandi castle excavations in 2000 (Valk 2001). Also we have written sources and the information obtained from experiments. In this paper I shall investigate the experiments conducted by Emperor Napoleon III (the first known experiment of its kind), Danish historian Peter Vemming Hansen (which yielded in the biggest amount of scientific information), and Estonian reconstructions in Varbola and Lihula. In addition, the author’s own reconstruction on Otepää hillfort is described.

The history of the use of the trebuchet

The working principle of the trebuchet is similar to that of the pole-sling, where the human muscle has been replaced by the heft of a counterweight or (in case of older machines) a rope-pulling crew. The pole-sling was in use already during the Stone Age. The history of the trebuchet, however, begins in 5th–6th- century China, where the human-operated trebuchets were first invented. This type of machine had a set of ropes instead of a counterweight, which were pulled by a crew. The first image of such a machine originates from a wall painting in the Pendzhikent palace in Central Asia near Samarkand and dates back to the end of the 7th or the beginning of the 8th century. It depicts a human-operated machine employing a sling (Nickel 2002, 124). However, human muscle strength is limited and only a certain amount of men can arrange themselves around the machine to pull the ropes. In addition, the rope-pullers were in danger themselves; in case the stone was not released by the sling for some reason, they were likely to be hit by it. For these reasons the counterweight was employed. The earliest accounts of counterweight-operated trebuchets are from the middle of the 12th century Islamic countries, Byzantium and Mediterranean area of Europe. The first such image originates from the end of the 12th century in Egypt (Nickel 2002, 124). Whether the counterweight was an oriental import or invented independently in Europe is unclear. According to Payne-Gallwey, the French were the first in Europe to employ the counterweight in the 12th century (Payne-Gallwey 1903, 309). From the 13th century onward the trebuchet gained much popularity in Europe and we find many such accounts in both textual and image form. An example of a trebuchet is provided by Henry of Livonia in his Chronicle of Livonia as he describes in detail the destruction brought about by such a machine during the siege of Mesoten by the Teutonic crusaders in December 1219: Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 65

At last the larger machine was put up and great rocks were cast at the fort. The men in the fort, seeing the size of the rocks, conceived a great terror. The duke took charge of the machine, shot the first stone, and crushed the enemy’s balcony and the men in it. He shot a second one and dislodged the planks and the logs of the rampart. He discharged a third one and pierced and shattered three large logs in the rampart and struck some men. After seeing this, the people in the fort fled from the ramparts and sought safer places. But since they had no refuge, they asked for quarter so that they could come down and make their plea to the bishop (CHL, XXIII, 8). The trebuchet described here was one of the biggest in Europe at the time. This excerpt vividly illustrates the power of a large trebuchet. The fact that Duke Albert himself took command of the machine demonstrates that the art of calling the fire of a trebuchet was of great prestige. The trebuchet was gradually upgraded and improved, with the historical sources reporting heavier and heavier ammunition being used. Although the first firearms (gunpowder-powered cannons) were invented already in the 1320s, the trebuchet was able to compete with them for nearly two centuries. The advantage of the trebuchet was the simplicity of its construction and use. It used robust stones as ammunition. Cannons, on the other hand, needed a constant source of fire and a supply of gunpowder, which could not stand humidity. The trebuchet could be used in any weather – be it rain, snow, scorching sun or freezing cold. It was constructed from timber and stone – materials easily available almost anywhere. Only the more advanced cannons of the 15th century could finally surpass the trebuchet. One of the last accounts of the use of the trebuchet comes from the New World, where Hernan Cortés besieged Tenochtitlan (present day Mexico City) in 1521. Ammunition for cannons had run out and he accepted a proposal to build a trebuchet. Its first shot was an unfortunate failure – the stone went straight up and on its way down ruined the machine (Chevedden et al. 1995, 63). The last known case of trebuchet use for military purposes was in 1779, when the British used it to bomb Spaniards who were on a position at the bottom of a gorge inaccessible to cannons (Hansen 1992, 191).

Trebuchet mechanics The working principle of the trebuchet

In this chapter I deal with the trebuchet as a mechanical system, to better evaluate its capabilities and limitations and to learn to critically assess historical sources and the opinions of many historians. Scientifically speaking, when the machine is cocked (the counterweight is raised) then potential energy is accumulated into it. When the trigger is released, the counterweight drops down and pulls the other end of the beam upward. The sling containing the missile is pulled with it. The missile moves along an arc and is released above the machine. Thus the potential energy of the counterweight is converted into kinetic energy of the missile. 66 Tanel Saimre

The sling is fixed to the beam at one end. The other end has a loop, which slides on a hook attached to the beam. At precisely the right moment the loop slides off the hook and the sling opens, releasing the missile. The length and curvature of the hook must be exactly correct for the sling to open at the right moment – when the counterweight has reached the bottom of its trajectory and the tangent of the missile’s trajectory is at the desired angle.

Power of the trebuchet

The main characteristic of a trebuchet is its power – which translates into ability to hurl heavy stones to a big distance. Power defines the destructive capability and military potential of a trebuchet. The power of medieval trebuchets has been evaluated by different authors. Payne-Gallwey, after experimenting with models, believed the largest trebuchets had a 15 m beam, a 9 ton counterweight and could hurl a 140 kg stone to a range of almost 300 m (Payne-Gallwey 1903, 309). Some authors have mentioned a much higher power, for example the German author Bernhard Rathgen wrote of a missile weighing 1400 kg, unfortunately without referring to a source (Mäesalu 2005, 30). A missile of such mass is hard to conceive, for the counterweight for hurling it effectively would have to weigh around 100 tons. The power of the trebuchet is defined by the amount of potential energy it is capable of accumulating. The formula for calculating the amount of potential energy is as follows:

EP = mgh⋅⋅.

This formula shows that the amount of potential energy depends on two variables – the mass of the counterweight (m) and the height of its drop (h). g denotes the acceleration due to gravity (9.8 m/s2). By knowing these two variables we can calculate the theoretical maximum range of the throw (in case the missile leaves the machine at an angle of 45° to the horizon and the machine and the end point of its trajectory are at the same level):

m1 RTCW=⋅2 H , m2 where RT is theoretical maximum range of the throw, m1 – mass of the counterweight, m2 – mass of the missile, HCW – height of the counterweight's drop (Siano 2001, 4). Simply put – a trebuchet cannot hurl stones further than is allowed by the amount of potential energy accumulated into it. Hence we have a reference point for assessing the maximum capability of a machine. Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 67

There are always factors which decrease the actual range of the stone, like friction between machine parts, air resistance and imperfect tuning of the machine. A badly tuned machine may achieve only 10% of its theoretical maximum, best modern machines (designed and built using computer simulations, modern engineering and materials) can throw to up to 70% of their theoretical maximum (Jahsman 2000, 28–30). How can we employ this formula in historical research? All three parameters (mass of the counterweight, mass of the missile and counterweight drop height) are easily measurable. However, historical sources seldom mention exact values. Thus, we must appraise them using the information we do know. Figure 2 shows the relations between different angles and dimensions of the trebuchet. For example, if we know the length of the shorter arm (l1), we can calculate the counterweight drop height using the following formula:

HlCW = 1 ⋅+(1 sinψ ) , where ψ is the angle of the beam relative to the horizon before the shot (this is usually around 45°) (Jahsman 2000, 30).

Efficiency of the trebuchet

The ratio of the theoretical maximum range and actual range is called efficiency. This shows how much of the potential energy accumulated into the machine before the shot is converted into kinetic energy of the missile, in other words – how well the machine is tuned. Like any real world machine, it cannot achieve an efficiency of 100% or above – some energy is always lost. Air resistance of the missile further shortens the flight distance. As mentioned earlier, efficiency is between 0.1 and 0.7 for most machines.

Fig. 2. Basic parameters of the trebuchet (Siano 2001, fig. 1). The machine is cocked and loaded. Joon 2. Raskusjõul töötava heitemasina skeem. Masin on vinnastatud ja valmis lasuks. 68 Tanel Saimre

Efficiency depends on a lot of factors; it illustrates the complexity of the trebuchet and the beauty of a well-tuned machine. Timing is of paramount importance here. To achieve the highest efficiency the machine must be tuned so that the missile is released at exactly the moment when two conditions are met (that is, three events must occur simultaneously). First, the stone must be released when the counterweight has reached the lowest point of its trajectory (as we shall see later, hanging counterweight travels along an L-shaped trajectory). That way the highest possible amount of potential energy is delivered to the missile. If the missile is released earlier than this, some of the energy is left in the machine and hence lost. This causes a decrease in the range of the stone, and also causes the machine to swing for some time after the throw. Swinging is harmful to the machine due to fatigue and hinders the crew from preparing the next shot. The behaviour of the beam after the shot is a good indicator for evaluating how well the machine is tuned and medieval trebuchet operators probably knew that. On the other hand, if the missile is released too late, it loses some of its energy by dragging the sling uselessly through the air. The second condition is that the missile be released when the tangent of its trajectory is at the correct angle. For the biggest range under normal circumstances, this angle is approximately 45° to the horizon. In a siege situation, however, the machine and the end point of the missiles trajectory are at different heights; so the angle must also be different. Furthermore, the goal was not to hurl the stone to the greatest possible distance, but to hit a target – enemy trebuchet or castle rampart. To achieve this, the trebuchet operators had quite a difficult problem to solve.

Parameters of trebuchet construction

Here I shall deal with the parameters to be observed while constructing, operating and tuning a trebuchet. I have divided these parameters into two categories: parameters to be observed while constructing the machine (that are difficult or impossible to change afterwards) and parameters to be observed while operating and tuning the machine. The first section contains most of the machine part lengths, excluding the length of the sling, which has an important role in the aiming of the trebuchet. Lengths of the shorter and longer arms The beam with the axle, sling and counterweight is the most important part of the whole machine. All the rest is just a supporting structure keeping the axle at the correct height from the ground. The beam must be strong and rigid, any flexibility causes it to vibrate after the release of the trigger and this has a negative effect on the precision of the shots. The ratio of long arm and short arm lengths is considered to be one of the most important parameters of trebuchet design. This ratio defines the velocity of the tip of the beam compared to the drop of the counterweight. Different opinions have been expressed about the best ratio. P. V. Hansen describes a medieval author Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 69

Marinus Sanutus who believed the best ratio to be 1:5.5 or 1:6 (Hansen 1992, 200). Also we know of captain Favé, who on the order of Emperor Napoleon III built a machine with a ratio of 1:33 (Hansen 1992, 193 f). This machine had a remarkably low power and the reason was this very ratio, which was poorly chosen. Mechanically speaking, the shorter arm should simply be as long as possible. We can conclude this from the formulas above – the longer it is, the bigger is the counterweight drop height, thus the higher the amount of potential energy. The length of the shorter arm is limited by ground – in case of a too long arm, the counterweight hits the ground on its way down. If we have a fixed counterweight, we must simply leave some space between the counterweight and the ground. But in case of a hinged counterweight, the distance between the axle and the ground must accommodate both the short arm and the counterweight hanger. Hence we must know the priorities of both the short arm and counterweight hanger. See more on that below. Axle height Axle height together with the length of the long arm defines the beam’s initial angle before the shot. Simulations show that this angle should be around 45° to the horizon. If the angle is too small, the counterweight drop height remains small – hence the machine is incapable of accumulating much potential energy. If it is too big, the counterweight does not fall vertically, but diagonally. Hence the machine loses some energy to overcome its inertia to accelerate it in a horizontal direction. Optimal axle height causes the counterweight to fall almost vertically, transferring most energy to the missile (Fig. 3).

{L} = 1 4.5 4.5 1.5 4.4 {L} = 1 4.5 4.5 1.5 3.2 {M} = 300 3 50 {M} = 300 3 50 {RG CM k xp r} = 2,363 –1,75 1, 0, 0 {RG CM k xp r} = 2,363 –1,75 1, 0, 0

Fig. 3. Fall trajectory of the centre of gravity of the counterweight: on the left the axle height is too big, on the right the axle height is optimal (diagrams generated by WinTrebStar 4.0). Joon 3. Vastukaalu massikeskme langemistrajektoor: vasakul väga suure teljekõrguse korral ja pare- mal optimaalse teljekõrguse korral (WinTrebStar 4.0 poolt genereeritud graafik). 70 Tanel Saimre

Counterweight hanger length What happens if there is no hanger at all – i.e. the counterweight is fixed to the beam? The trajectory of a fixed counterweight is circular (Fig. 4). As shown above, this causes the trebuchet to lose energy to accelerate the counterweight in a horizontal direction. The hanging counterweight drops more or less vertically and transfers the most energy to the missile. In addition to that, the hanging counterweight has a lower centre of gravity and the forces on the whole structure of the machine are weaker. This allows a lighter machine that is easier to build. Also, it is much handier to load stones into a hanging counterweight basket than to strap them to the beam. We must find the optimal hanger length. Computer simulations show that the longer the hanger, the more vertical the trajectory of the counterweight. So the hanger should be as long as possible without the counterweight hitting the ground. But the short arm should also be as long as possible – and we have only a limited distance between the axle and the ground. I could find no clear answer to this problem. Computer simulations show that the length of the counterweight hanger should be at least half the length of the short arm, for the benefits of the hanging counterweight to appear at all.

{L} = 1 4.5 4.5 0.01 3.2 {M} = 300 3 50 {RG CM k xp r} = 2,363 –1,75 1, 0, 0

Fig. 4. Fall trajectory of the fixed counterweight (diagram generated by WinTrebStar 4.0). Joon 4. Vastukaalu massikeskme langemistrajektoor jäigalt kinnitatud vastukaaluga masina puhul (WinTrebStar 4.0 poolt genereeritud graafik). Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 71

Parameters of trebuchet operation

Missile mass The goal of building a trebuchet is to hurl missiles of as big a mass as possible, to targets as distant as possible. The desire to hurl big stones is understandable, but we must keep in mind that the kinetic energy of the stone, rather than its mass, determines the amount of destruction it is capable of inflicting on its target. Kinetic energy is defined by the following formula:

mv2 E = , K 2 where EK is kinetic energy of the missile at end of trajectory, m – missile mass, v – missile velocity at end of trajectory. Since velocity is squared (v2), kinetic energy depends on the missile’s velocity more than on its mass. Therefore a smaller missile hurled from a greater distance (and thus with a greater velocity at the end of trajectory) can inflict more damage than a bigger missile hurled from a closer range. Good distance between the siege machine and the enemy offers better protection from the enemy’s crossbow fire as well. This formula also reflects one advantage that the defenders had over the attackers – since their machines were positioned on higher ground and were shooting downwards towards the besiegers, their missiles had a higher velocity (in addition to the bigger range) than those of the besieging machines, which had to shoot upwards into the hillfort. Therefore their missiles could do more damage.

Counterweight mass Counterweight mass is the essential factor that characterises the power of the trebuchet. The principle is very simple here – the bigger the counterweight mass, the more powerful the machine. Mechanical analysis shows that the counterweight mass should be approximately 100 times the mass of the intended missile for the machine to operate efficiently (Siano 2001, 40).

Sling length The working principle of the sling is that it increases the length of the trajectory that the missile travels while under the influence of the machine, thus enabling it to achieve a greater velocity. The sling should be approximately as long as the long arm of the beam. A sling of correct length increases a trebuchet’s power several times. Adjusting the length of the sling is also the primary method of aiming the trebuchet to shoot to correct distance. Bigger stone demands a shorter sling, smaller stone a longer sling. Unfortunately most medieval images omit the sling or depict it in such a general manner that the mechanism for adjusting length cannot be seen. However, 72 Tanel Saimre

length can be easily adjusted by tying knots into it, for example. It is important that both ends of the sling are of equal length; otherwise the stone will fall out during the shot. Length and curvature of the sling hook Sling hook is the critical factor that makes the sling open at precisely the right moment. If the sling opens too early, the missile is hurled backwards or straight up. If it is released too late, the missile will crash down in front of the machine. Henry of Livonia describes such a mishap in his Chronicle of Livonia. In 1206 the Polozk Russians were besieging the fort of Holm on the lower course of the river Dvina, described by Henry: The Russians also made a little machine like that of the Germans, but not knowing the art of throwing rocks, they hurled them backwards and wounded many of their own men (CHL, X, 12). This failure must have been the result of an incorrect hook length or curvature. The hook may also have zero curvature and be at a certain angle to the beam. Then it is the length of the hook that defines the moment of release – the longer the hook, the later the sling is released. P. V. Hansen (1992, 202) describes a clever way of adjusting the length of the hook – by putting wooden rings on it, so the effective length of the hook is decreased. Hansen notes that each such ring decreased the range by five meters (probably by causing the sling to open sooner, thus making the flight trajectory higher). This is quite a precise method of controlling the range.

Rate of fire, precision and reliability

The rate of fire depends on the time it takes to prepare the machine for a shot. This includes cocking, tuning (if necessary) and loading the ammunition into the sling. Generally – the bigger the machine, the slower its rate of fire. Historical sources do not provide much detail here. Only prolonged and uninterrupted bombardments are mentioned quite often. In 1147 during the siege of Lisbon the amount of missiles hurled at the city in one hour was said to reach 500 (Phillips 2002, 86), however we do not know how many machines were operating. The lengthiest operation is cocking the machine. This includes pulling down the long arm of the beam or raising the counterweight, and securing the machine in a cocked position with a trigger. Smaller machines can be cocked by simply pulling the longer arm down with a rope, with many men, if necessary. Larger machines need a winch, a treadmill or a similar device. These devices take much longer to operate, thus bigger machines have a lower rate of fire. Smaller machines can be cocked in a few minutes; larger ones need ten minutes or more. Precision is influenced by many factors, primarily the overall rigidity and sturdiness of the construction. Flabbiness causes instability. If the beam flexes under the gravity of the counterweight, it will vibrate after the trigger is released and shots will be less accurate. The rope of the sling must not stretch for this Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 73

would cause chaotic movement of the missile when the trigger is released. The axle and the counterweight hanger must be sturdy and allow seamless movement. During the reign of Edward I (1273–1307) the English soldiers were known to grease the axle with lard (Hansen 1992, 200). Reliability generally depends on the same factors as precision. An inaccurate and flabby machine will not last long. Also, the machine must be well tuned, so that potential energy of the raised counterweight is transferred to the missile. If too much energy stays in the machine, it causes the beam to swing heavily after the shot. This causes wear and tear of the machine and lowers the rate of fire as the crew must wait for the beam to stop swinging before they can start preparing another shot.

Ammunition

Stones were the main ammunition used with trebuchets. For the purposes of aiming, the stones must be as spherical as possible and it is useful to have many stones of similar weight. The result of a shot can then be used to aim the next one. If a suitable configuration is found, the bombardment can be continued until a sufficient amount of destruction has been achieved on the target. Spherical stones also have the smallest air resistance for their mass, so they have the greatest range. The spinning of a flat stone has significant effect on its trajectory, so they are inherently inaccurate. There are notes of shaping stones for use as ammunition (Schmidtchen 1983, 126). The second most important type of ammunition were incendiary bombs. Sources tell of ‘fire’ being thrown at the enemy (for example CHL, X, 9), but usually do not specify in what form. ‘Glowing irons or pots of fire’ are mentioned (for example CHL, XXVIII, 5). Pot of fire probably means a clay vessel filled with some incendiary liquid with a wick that is lit before shooting. This sort of a vessel would shatter upon impact and splash its burning contents all over the target. Glowing iron may be a very effective weapon if it falls on wooden parts of a rampart, parapet or enemy machine. The sling does not withstand this kind of ammunition. Therefore the glowing iron may have been placed inside a clay wrapping, which also helps reduce the cooling effect of air during flight. Such pre-prepared ammunition could be standardized and thus have known shape and mass, therefore making the aiming task easier. There are also notes of animal carcasses being hurled into enemy castles. In addition to the psychological effect the aim could have been to spread diseases and create unsanitary conditions among the enemy. The best-known example of such warfare is the siege of port town of Kaffa by the Mongols in 1345–1346. The Mongol army was devastated by ‘black death’. They used trebuchets to hurl dead bodies of soldiers who died of the plague into the enemy castle. Later the disease spread all over the Mediterranean on Genoan merchant ships (Chevedden et al. 1995, 60). 74 Tanel Saimre

Captured spies or their heads have been thrown at the enemy for psychological impact. Clay balls filled with little pebbles have also been used, to achieve a shrapnel-like effect. Barrels full of urine and faeces were similar to animal carcasses in their effect. Beehives and baskets filled with scorpions and snakes have also been described (Hansen 1992, 203). These would, however, present a significant problem of aiming, since any ammunition significantly lighter than stone would behave very differently both in the machine and during flight and thus such shots had a high risk of failure or even friendly fire.

Experimental research

This chapter summarises the knowledge obtained from several authors’ experimental research, including my own. It is evident that trebuchets constructed using computer modelling and present-day materials have a much higher efficiency than their medieval counterparts, so we cannot take every result at face value. However, these machines show us the limit of the capabilities of the trebuchet. In addition, there are a number of experiments, where historical accuracy has been aimed for; the results of these are certainly of high value to us.

Emperor Napoleon III

One of the first experiments with trebuchets was the reconstruction built by order of Emperor Napoleon III by his adjutant captain Ildenfonse Favé (1812– 1894). The machine had a beam of 10.3 m, with the short arm of only 30 cm. Such a ratio between the short and the long arm was a big mistake, as the trial shots demonstrated. The counterweight had a mass of 4500 kg, 1500 kg of which was fixed to the beam and 3000 kg hung freely. The supporting structure of the machine failed after only four shots and the experiment had to be stopped. Here are the results of these four shots (Hansen 1992, 194): 1) cannon ball, 24 lbs: 175 m; 2) shell, diameter: 22 cm, filled with sand: 145 m; 3) shell, diameter: 27 cm, filled with sand: 120 m; 4) shell, diameter: 32 cm, filled with sand: 120 m. Because of such a small length of the short arm, the machine was incapable of accumulating much energy – the drop height of the counterweight was just around half a metre. Hence the ranges are very small considering the adequate mass of the counterweight. Peter Vemming Hansen

During the second half of the 20th century such a vast amount of reconstructions have been built that it is impossible to describe all of them here. Of great importance to my own work was the experimental reconstruction by the Danish scholar Peter Vemming Hansen in Nykøbing Falster Medieval Centre. Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 75

In his article of 1992 Hansen describes the thorough preparations that preceded the construction of the machine. Among the team there were a smith, millwright and a rigger, and Hansen emphasises the importance of the practical knowledge provided by these team members. Before the construction of the actual machine, two replicas were made, in scales of 1:10 and 1:5. The base of the machine was built according to a ground-plan of Villard de Honnecourt dating to the middle of the 13th century. The rest of the machine was constructed according to 1854 drawings of Viollet-le-Duc. At this phase Hansen stresses the importance of the base of the machine being completely flat and horizontal. The machine was designed for easy assembly and unassembly. Operations require 10–12 people, of whom all but two were required for cocking the machine. Cocking is done without a winch, simply by pulling on a rope with a block and tackle mechanism. The machine can fire a shot approximately every ten minutes. Hansen had performed 120 shots by the time of writing his article and almost all were successful. The machine needs little care besides checking the ropes and greasing the axle. Counterweight was originally planned at 4000 kg, but only 2000 kg had been tested so far. A range of 168 m was achieved with 15 kg cast cement ammunition. I know that by now three more machines have been built at Nykøbing Falster, but I have obtained no further publications on them. Hansen has supplied the blueprint of the machine along with the article. From there I measured the long arm of the beam to be 5.85 m and the short arm to be 1.2 m. This means a ratio of 1:4.875, which fits nicely into the usual interval of 1:4 to 1:5. Counterweight hanger is 1.35 m, axle height only 3.15 m. This means the initial angle of the beam to the horizon is only 32° instead of the desired 45°. Therefore the counterweight drop height is 1.84 m instead of 2. Theoretical maximum range of a 15 kg missile and 2000 kg counterweight with this machine is 490 m. Hurl range of 168 m means an efficiency of 0.34, which is average. Raising the axle by 1 m would result in an increase of the theoretical maximum range by 17% with all other factors remaining the same.

Earlier reconstructions in Estonia

The first attempt at trebuchet reconstruction was during the 1997 archaeological expedition to Lihula by archaeologist Mati Mandel and historian Jaak Mäll. Two trial shot results have been published: the first shot employed a counterweight of 300 kg and hurled a 5 kg stone to a distance of approximately 40 m. The second shot used a 600 kg counterweight and hurled an 8 kg stone to a distance of 100 m (Mäesalu 2005). Spruce and pine logs, forged nails, a hook and hemp rope were used in the construction for authenticity. In the summer of 1999 enthusiasts led by Priidu Pärna constructed a trebuchet at Varbola hillfort. This was significantly larger than the machine at Lihula. Unfortunately the results are not published. According to the enthusiasts themselves the counterweight was 1400 kg, beam length 7.5 m and the machine was 76 Tanel Saimre

capable of hurling a 10 kg missile to a range of 120 m. Judging on site by visual survey, the ratio of the short and long arms is approximately 1:5.5, hence the short arm is 1.15 m long. Counterweight drop height is thus 1.96 m and a 10 kg missile flight distance of 120 m gives us an efficiency of 0.22, which is mediocre. Probably it could be improved by lengthening the sling, which was much shorter than the long arm of the beam during my visual inspection of the machine.

Experiment carried out by the author on Otepää hillfort

In August 2002 a trebuchet reconstruction was erected on Otepää hillfort for experiments organized by the author (Fig. 5). The trebuchet was built on top of the hillfort to represent a defenders’ machine – accounts of trebuchets being used for defensive purposes can be found in historical records. For example, the defence of Viljandi by Estonians during a siege by the Teutonic knights in 1223:

Fig. 5. Trebuchet reconstruction at Otepää hillfort, fall of 2004. The machine is cocked and ready to shoot. (Author’s photograph.) Joon 5. Heitemasina rekonstruktsioon Otepää linnamäel 2004. a sügisel. Masin on vinnastatud ja valmis heitmiseks. Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 77

They were very much hindered by the ballistarii of the men in the fort; for the latter had a great many of the ballistas of the Brothers of the Militia which they used against the ballistas of the Christians and they had built paterells and machines against the Christians’ machines. They fought against one another for many days (CHL, XXVII, 2). During the planning phase a counterweight of 500 kg, ratio of the long and short arm (1.4:5) and axle height of 3.1 m were decided upon. The rest of the parameters were settled during construction. Due to shortage of time and budget, no scale models were built. Construction work took six days, only up to three or four hours of work was done each day. Historical look was less of a concern for us; most attention was given to the mechanical aspect of the task at hand. The trebuchet was constructed of spruce logs using present-day tools. The beam has a length of 5.5 m and the initial angle to horizon is 44 degrees. The first trial shot used a counterweight of 300 kg. The machine turned out to be more efficient than expected, so the counterweight was never increased and the mass stayed in the interval of 200–300 kg. Stones of 2–11.5 kg were used as ammunition. Shots were fired from the top of the hillfort, which is approximately 35 m above the surrounding terrain. The best shot employed a counterweight of 250 kg and fired a 5 kg stone to a distance of 120 m. Before calculating the efficiency we must account for the effect of the machine being 35 m above the end point of the trajectory. By extracting the height of the hillfort from the flight distance, we shall get a distance equal or less than the distance the machine would reach on level ground (because in the final part of its trajectory the missile must fall at an angle greater than 45 degrees to the horizon); 120 m – 35 m = 85 m. Such a range gives us an efficiency of 0.5, which is quite good. The fact that a trebuchet is rather stabile in terms of trajectory found proof in our experiments. Three trial shots with the same missile landed in points no further than 2 m from each other. Also we gained an insight of the force of even a small (3–7 kg) missile. These stones penetrated so deep into the ground that it was impossible to retrieve them without a crowbar or a spade (although it can partly be attributed to the rather soft ground and the 35 m height of the hillfort). The reconstruction in general was a success, experience given by it was extensive and the author has acquired some degree of proficiency in operating such a complex mechanism.

Conclusion

Trebuchets were the historically latest and technologically most advanced siege engine type. In addition to the role on the field of war, these machines have also played an important part in the scientific thinking of mankind. The use of counterweight trebuchets has affected the views of many historically important thinkers, from Jordanus of Nemore to Leonardo da Vinci. 78 Tanel Saimre

Most important conclusions of the theoretical analysis and practical experiments with the trebuchet are the following. The most important characteristic of a trebuchet is its power, which defines how big the missiles are and to what distance it is capable of hurling them. A formula was given for calculating a trebuchet’s maximum theoretical range from counterweight drop height, counterweight mass and missile mass. Efficiency was defined, which characterizes the ratio of a machine’s theoretical maximum range and actual range. Efficiency is between 0.1–0.7 for most machines. A machine may be deliberately tuned not to throw to its maximum range for the purposes of hitting a particular target. The extent of swinging of the beam is a good indicator of how well a machine is tuned – a well-tuned trebuchet’s beam all but stops right after the missile has been released. A badly tuned machine’s beam swings heavily, because a large portion of the counterweight’s potential energy has stayed in the machine. A missile’s destructive capability is defined by its kinetic energy at the end of trajectory. Since the kinetic energy is defined by missile mass in first power and missile velocity in second power, the destructive power is more dependent on missile’s speed than on its mass. Missiles flying a greater distance also have a greater speed at arrival, thus it is more advantageous to hurl smaller stones from a greater distance than vice versa. Greater distance from the enemy also provides better protection. Since the machines of the defenders were situated on higher ground than those of the besiegers, the former had a significant advantage, not only of greater range but also of greater destructive power of their missiles, since the stones hurled from higher ground had a greater velocity at impact than at leaving the machine. In spite of the amount of research done on the subject of trebuchet mechanics, there are still many questions that need further study. The most immediate need is for research of events at the end point of the trajectory. Experiments need to be performed with various missiles arriving at various velocities at various targets (logs, planks, soil, stone walls with lime mortar and without, etc.) and the amount of inflicted damage must be observed. By employing a combination of practical research and technical knowledge the forgotten ‘art of the machine’ can hopefully be restored to the benefit of the disciplines of military history and history of technology.

References

Chevedden, P. E., Eigenbrod, L., Foley, V. & Soedel, W. 1995. The trebuchet. – Scientific American, July, 58–63. Chevedden, P. E. 2000. The Invention of the Counterweight Trebuchet: A Study in Cultural Diffusion. (Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 54.) Washington D.C. Also available on the Internet: http://www.doaks.org/DOP54/DP54ch4.pdf, illustrations: http://www.doaks.org/DOP54/DP54ch4pl.pdf. CHL = The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia. Translated and commented by James A. Brundage. Columbia, 2003. Hansen, P. V. 1992. Experimental reconstruction of a medieval trebuchet. – Acta Archaeologica, 63, 189–208. Trebuchet – a gravity-operated siege engine 79

Jahsman, W. E. 2000. The Counterweighted Trebuchet – an Excellent Example of Applied Retro- mechanics. http://home.att.net/~wjahsman-mta/RetroMechanics.pdf. Mäesalu, A. 2005. Ammud, laske- ja heitemasinad muistses vabadusvõitluses ja keskaegses Eestis. (Manuscript in author’s possession.) Nickel, H. 2002. The mutual influence of Europe and Asia in the field of arms and armour. – Companion to Medieval Arms and Armour. Ed. D. Nicolle. Rochester, 107–125. Payne-Gallwey, R. 1903. The Crossbow. Medieval and Modern, Military and Sporting. Its Construction History and Management. London. Phillips, J. 2002. The Crusades, 1095–1197. London. Piir, I. 1996. Füüsika ajalugu. (Manuscript in author’s possession.) Schmidtchen, V. 1983. Mittelalterliche Kriegsmaschinen. Soest. Siano, D. B. 2001. Trebuchet Mechanics. http://www.algobeautyreb.com/trebmath35.pdf. Valk, H. 2001. Viljandi linnuse 1223. aasta piiramisrajatised. – Viljandi Muuseumi aastaraamat, 2000. Viljandi, 73–91.

Tanel Saimre

VASTUKAALU JÕUL TÖÖTAV HEITEMASIN

Resümee

Vaatluse alla on võetud keskaegse Euroopa võimsaim relvaliik – vastukaalu jõul töötav heitemasin. See koosneb heitekangist, mis on ristuva pöörlemistelje abil jagatud kaheks ebavõrdse pikkusega õlaks. Pikema õla otsas on ling, kuhu asetatakse heidetav kivi. Lühema õla otsas on vastukaal, mis tõuseb masina vin- nastamisel üles ja salvestab seeläbi endasse potentsiaalset energiat. Kui masin valla päästa, vajub vastukaal alla, tõmmates heitekangi teise otsa suure kiiren- dusega üles. Selle otsas olev ling teeb kaare läbi õhu ja päästab heidetava kivi parajal hetkel lahti. Oma arengu algfaasides töötas nimetatud heitemasin inimjõul – vastukaalu asemel olid köied, millest tõmbas sõdurite meeskond. Selline masin võeti esma- kordselt kasutusele 5.–6. sajandil Hiinas, esimesed teated vastukaaluga heite- masinatest on pärit 12. sajandi Islamimaadest, Bütsantsist ja Euroopa Vahemere- äärsetelt aladelt. Heitemasina võimsust on erinevad autorid hinnanud erinevalt. Mehaanika seisukohalt määrab heitemasina võimsuse potentsiaalse energia hulk, mille masin on võimeline vinnastamise käigus endasse salvestama. See sõltub vastukaalu massist ja kukkumisteekonna jooksul läbitavast kõrguste vahest. Järgnev valem määrab heitemasina teoreetiliselt maksimaalse heitekauguse:

m1 RTCW=⋅2 H , m2 kus RT on teoreetiliselt maksimaalne heitekaugus, m1 – vastukaalu mass, m2 – heidetava kivi mass ja HCW – vastukaalu poolt kukkumisteekonna jooksul läbitav kõrguste vahe. 80 Tanel Saimre

Reaalne heitekaugus sõltub sellest, kui hästi masin on häälestatud. Teisisõnu: sellest, kui hästi on reguleeritud heitekangi õlgade pikkused, lingu pikkus, kinnitus- konksu kõverus ning vastukaalu mass ja heidetava kivi mass. Seda iseloomus- tavat tegurit nimetatakse kasuteguriks. Autori enda rekonstruktsiooni ja teiste uurijate poolt ehitatud masinaid analüüsides näeme, et kasutegur jääb enamasti vahemikku 0,1–0,7. Kasutegurit vähendavad ka hõõrdumine, õhutakistus jm. Kriitilise tähtsusega on ling, mis peab vabastama kivi täpselt õigel hetkel. Kui kivi vabaneb lingust liiga vara, lendab see liiga kõrge kaarega otse üles või lausa selja taha. Sellisel juhul jääb ka osa vastukaalu salvestatud potentsiaalset energiat masinasse, mis põhjustab heitekangi pendeldamist. Liiga hilja vabanev kivi aga saab liiga madala trajektoori ja tungib maasse masina lähedal. Reaalses sõjategevuses ei ole tähtis saavutada maksimaalset heitekaugust, vaid tabada sihtmärki ja põhjustada võimalikult suuri purustusi. Kivi purustusjõudu ei määra selle mass, vaid kineetiline energia, mis sõltub kivi massist ja kiirusest tabamuse hetkel:

mv2 E = , K 2 kus EK on kivi kineetiline energia, m – kivi mass ja v – kivi kiirus tabamuse hetkel. Näeme, et kineetiline energia sõltub kiirusest isegi suuremal määral kui massist, sest kiirus on antud valemis ruudus. Kaugemalt heidetud ja seega suurema kiirusega kergem kivi võib tekitada isegi rohkem kahju kui lähemalt heidetud massiivsem kivi. Vastukaalujõul töötavate heitemasinate rekonstruktsioone on ehitatud palju, esimene neist juba 1850. aasta paiku keiser Napoleon III käsul. Autori töö seisukohalt oli olulisimaks Taani eksperimentaatori Peter Vemming Hanseni poolt ehitatud ja 1992. aasta artiklis kirjeldatud rekonstruktsioon, mille paljud lähtekohad said aluseks ka autorile oma rekonstruktsiooni ehitamisel. Eestis on ehitatud veel kaks seesugust heitemasinat: üks Lihulas arheoloog Mati Mandeli juhatusel ja teine Varbola linnuses ajaloohuvilise Priidu Pärna eestvedamisel. Otepääle 2002. aasta augustis ehitatud rekonstruktsiooni puhul kasutati 200– 300-kilost vastukaalu ja 250-kilose vastukaalu ning 5-kilose kivi puhul saavutati parimaks tulemuseks umbes 120 m; siin tuleb siiski arvestada, et masin asus 35 m kõrguse linnamäe otsas. Tasasel maal oleks masin heitnud arvestuslikult umbes 85 m kaugusele, mis annab kasuteguriks 0,5. Edaspidi uurimist vajavatest küsimustest on kõige pakilisem erineva massi ja kiirusega kivide purustusjõu väljaselgitamine kivist, puust ja pinnasest märk- laudade puhul.

REPORTS

Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1, 81–88

Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak

A NEW EARLY BRONZE AGE SOCKETED AXE

A bronze axe found from Eesnurga village is described. According to some indirect parallels reported from Scandinavia and southern Baltic region, the axe can probably be dated to period III of the Nordic Bronze Age.

On käsitletud Eesnurga külast leitud pronkskirvest. Otsustades mõningate ligikaudsete paralleelide põhjal Skandinaaviast ja lõunapoolsest Baltikumist, on tegu arvatavasti pronksiaja III perioodil valmistatud esemega.

Valter Lang, Chair of Archaeology, Department of History, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51003 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Aivar Kriiska, Chair of Archaeology, Department of History, University of Tartu, 3 Lossi St., 51003 Tartu, Estonia; [email protected] Arvi Haak, Museum of Viljandi, 10 Laidoneri Square, 71020 Viljandi, Estonia; [email protected]

As it recently became evident, there is a socketed bronze axe stored in the Museum of Viljandi, which had so far attracted no specific archaeological interest. The axe was discovered by Heino Mölter during field cultivation on the land of Lääne farm in the village of Eesnurga, located 1.5 km south of Kolga-Jaani (central southern Estonia) already in 1972 (Fig. 1). However, it was only in 1996 when the artefact was given to the Museum of Viljandi, and still ten years later when it finally attracted the attention of an archaeologist. Lääne farm was located on a drumlin of northwest–southeast direction. The length of the drumlin is ca 1 km and its width is some hundred metres, with relative height until 48 m above sea level (in the Baltic system). The drumlin is situated in the central part of the Kolga-Jaani group of drumlins, where numerous sites and stray finds dating to various periods of the Stone Age and Bronze Age have been registered. Stone Age artefacts have also been reported from the land of Lääne farm (Anni 1921, 14). 82 Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak

0 1 2 3 4 km

Fig. 1. Location of find of the Eesnurga axe. Joon 1. Eesnurga pronkskirve leiukoht.

In April 2006, Aivar Kriiska, Arvi Haak and Andres Vindi visited the find spot. The whole drumlin had been turned into a cultivated field. A few flakes of local flint, and a small number of potsherds were collected during field-walking. However, the finds were rather scarce and cannot be connected with any clear- cut prehistoric site. The Eesnurga axe (Fig. 2) is relatively long and slender; its length is 142 mm and the width in the middle 24 mm. The maximum width of the blade reaches 43 mm, whereas the edge of the blade is slightly curved. The outer diameter of the socket’s round-shaped mouth is 34 mm and the inner one – 25 mm. The depth of the socket reaches 91 mm. The axe is relatively evenly thickening towards the mouth of the socket and ends with a sausage-like undecorated bulge immediately beneath the mouth. The axe is furnished with an oval-shaped loop. The only decoration of the axe consists of symmetrically curved narrow bulges running parallel to the sharp edges of the wider sides and joining arc-wise on the narrow sides. The weight of the axe is 285.7 g. A new Early Bronze Age socketed axe 83

0 5 cm

Fig. 2. Bronze axe from Eesnurga. Joon 2. Eesnurga pronkskirves.

The dating and cultural determination of the axe under question is slightly complicated. From the first sight, it resembles the axes of the so-called Littausdorf type determined by Eduard Šturms (1936, 53 f, pl. 13: d) on the basis of a hoard in the previous East Prussia. Similar axes, which however have sturdier and smaller bodies, had been also reported from eastern Germany and Poland and dated according to co-finds from the IV period of the Scandinavian Bronze Age (1100– 900 BC). Therefore Šturms did not exclude the possibility that the Littausdorf axes might belong already to the late III period (1300–1100 BC); according to him, such axes could be located, both in typological and chronological terms, in between the long and slender socketed axes of period II (1500–1300 BC) and those of period IV (Šturms 1936, 54). One bronze axe, typologically close to the 84 Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak

Littausdorf axes, has also been found in Põhjaka near Suure-Jaani (Fig. 3), not far from the axe of Eesnurga. The Põhjaka axe was published by Harri Moora (1938, 370, fig. 2) who supposed that it could even originate from a later time, i.e. period V of the Bronze Age (900–600 BC). Some axes of the IV period, analogous to the Littausdorf type, have also been reported from Scandinavia: Gotland, Skåne and Denmark (Baudou 1960, 25). Further development of these axes was towards smaller dimensions, so that the length of the axes of period V or VI does not usually exceed 8–9 cm. On the other hand, there is also a rather similar group of socketed axes in Scandinavia, called group E by Andreas Oldeberg (1976, 9; 1974, figs. 470, 601, 1993, 2193, 2196b, 2218a), which on the basis of co-finds of at least some specimens seems to belong to the transition from period III to period IV. At least some axes of this group are decorated similarly with the Eesnurga axe. However, all these axes are not the exact parallels to this new Estonian one. The main difference between the axe from Eesnurga and those mentioned above is that the former is remarkably longer, more slender and heavier than the latter. Judging by its general form and proportions, the Eesnurga axe resembles more the axes of periods II and III than those of periods IV or V. With this respect, one should mention a very unique socketed axe found from Järveküla, northern Estonia, which in morphological terms has many similarities with that of Eesnurga. The Järveküla axe can be considered the most beautiful artefact of the Estonian Bronze Age (Fig. 4), which still has no exact parallels. Generally, it should

Fig. 3. Bronze axe from Põhjaka (AI 3609). Joon 3. Põhjaka pronkskirves. A new Early Bronze Age socketed axe 85

Fig. 4. Bronze axe from Järveküla (TLM 19855). Joon 4. Järveküla pronkskirves.

belong to the group of so-called nordische Streitbeile by Ekkehard Aner (1962, 180 ff, figs. 6–8), and it also has indirect similarities with some specimens from Södermanland in Sweden (Montelius 1917/1991, fig. 878; Oldeberg 1976, fig. 2724). Judging by its general proportions, the shape of the blade and the decoration motifs, the Järveküla axe was presumably made somewhere in southern Scandinavia or northern Germany during period II. It is interesting to notice that similarly with the Eesnurga axe, the Järveküla axe is also decorated with additional bulges running parallel to the sharp edges of the wider sides and joining arc-wise on the narrow sides. For conclusion it should be mentioned that judging by the general proportions, shape, dimensions and decoration, the Eesnurga axe should originate from the intermediate centuries between periods II and IV, i.e. most likely from period III of the Scandinavian Bronze Age. Where it was made is also difficult to establish; yet southern Scandinavia seems the most plausible area in this respect. Thus, the axe of Eesnurga increased the number of metal artefacts of the Early Bronze Age (1800–1100 BC) in Estonia by one. Until recently, there was a total of 13 bronze artefacts dated to that era: eleven axes, one sickle and one spearhead (Fig. 5). In addition, there was data of two more flanged axes reported from the island of Muhu and from Valgjärve, southern Estonia, although they have not reached the museums. Thus, one can consider altogether 16 metal artefacts of the 86 Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak

Fig. 5. Distribution of Early Bronze Age metal artefacts in Estonia. a sickle, b axe, c spearhead, d Late Bronze Age axe from Põhjaka. 1 Eesnurga, 2, 6 Muhu, 3 Käesla, 4 Kaarma, 5 Tahula, 7 Järveküla, 8 Lelle, 9 Aseri, 10 Raidsaare (Taganurga), 11 Mõisamaa, 12 Tõstamaa, 13 Karksi, 14 Asumaa, 15 Valgjärve, 16 Põhjaka, 17 Kivisaare. Joon 5. Vanema pronksiaja metallesemete levik Eestis. a sirp, b kirves, c odaots, d noorema pronksiaja kirves Põhjakalt.

Early Bronze Age found so far in Estonia. All bronze axes in question have been imported from (southern) Scandinavia, whereas the spearhead and the sickle originate from the eastern- and south-easternmost cultural regions. It should also be noticed that the Kolga-Jaani group of drumlins is rather significant as for the artefacts of the Early Bronze Age found there. On Raidsaare drumlin in the village of Tagaküla, ca 8 km north of Eesnurga village, there was a flanged axe found in 1909 (Šturms 1935, fig. 1: 3). The find spot was located ca 50 cm deep in the layer of clay covering the bank of Navesti River, which is flooded in springs (Anni 1921, 36). One more find – the bronze sickle (see Šturms 1935, fig. 1: 6) – was discovered during the archaeological excavations of a multi- period settlement site and cemetery at Kivisaare drumlin in the village of Meleski (Indreko 1935, 12). As this area is also remarkable by the density of earlier, i.e. Neolithic finds (Jaanits et al. 1982, pl. III–V) and the scarcity of later, Iron Age sites, these artefacts represent the last long-distance exchange connections of this ancient settlement centre. A new Early Bronze Age socketed axe 87

Acknowledgement

The authors are grateful to Kristel Külljastinen for preparing all illustrations.

References

Aner, E. 1962. Die frühen Tüllenbeile des nordischen Kreises. – Acta Archaeologica, XXXIII, 165–219. Anni, A. 1921. Kolga-Jaani. (Manuscript in the archives of Institute of History.) Tallinn. Baudou, E. 1960. Die regionale und chronologische Einteilung der jüngeren Bronzezeit im nordischen Kreis. (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Studies in North-European Archaeology, 1.) Stockholm. Indreko, R. 1935. Viljandimaa muinasaeg. – Viljandimaa. Äratrükk. (Eesti, VI.) Tartu, 1–60. Jaanits, L., Laul, S., Lõugas, V. & Tõnisson, E. 1982. Eesti esiajalugu. Tallinn. Montelius, O. 1917/1991. Minnen från vår forntid. Nytryck. Stockholm. Moora, H. 1938. Neue Funde der Bronze- und frühen Eisenzeit aus Estland. – ÕES Ar., 1937, I, 365–380. Oldeberg, A. 1974. Die ältere Metallzeit in Schweden, I. Stockholm. Oldeberg, A. 1976. Die ältere Metallzeit in Schweden, II. Stockholm. Šturms, E. 1935. Die Kulturbeziehungen Estlands in der Bronze- und frühen Eisenzeit. – ÕES Ar., 1932, 245–277. Šturms, E. 1936. Die ältere Bronzezeit im Ostbaltikum. (Vorgeschichtliche Forschungen, 10.) Berlin; Leipzig.

Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska ja Arvi Haak

UUS VANEMA PRONKSIAJA PUTKKIRVES

Resümee

2006. aasta talvel köitis Viljandi Muuseumis tähelepanu pronksist putkkirves, mis seni ei ole teaduskäibesse jõudnud. Kirves leiti Kolga-Jaanist 1,5 km kauguselt Eesnurga külast Lääne talu maalt juba 1971. aastal põllu kultiveerimise käigus traktorist Heino Mölteri poolt ja anti Viljandi Muuseumile üle 1996. aastal. Lääne talu paiknes praegu terves ulatuses põllustatud umbes 1 km pikkusel voorel (joon 1). 2006. aasta aprillis tehtud inspektsioonikäigul koguti kirjeldatud voorelt küll üksikuid tulekivi- ja savinõukilde, kuid selgemat muistist ei ole võimalik seal siiski eristada. Eesnurga kirves (joon 2) on 142 mm pikkune, lehelt 43 mm laiune ja 285,7 g raskune; putke läbimõõt on väljastpoolt 34 mm ja seest 25 mm, sügavus on 91 mm. Kirve dateerimine ja kultuurilise kuuluvuse määramine on komplitseeritud. Esmapilgul meenutab see kirveid, mida E. Šturms eristas Littausdorfi tüübina. Need Ida-Preisimaal, Ida-Saksamaal ja Poolas esinevad kirved on aga üldiselt massiivsemad ja lühemad kui Eesnurga eksemplar. Üks niisugune on leitud ka 88 Valter Lang, Aivar Kriiska and Arvi Haak

Eesti alalt Suure-Jaani lähedalt Põhjakast (joon 3). Kaasleidude järgi on niisugu- sed kirved dateeritud Skandinaavia pronksiaja IV perioodiga (1100–900 eKr). Littausdorfi tüübile analoogseid kirveid on teada ka Lõuna-Skandinaaviast. IV ja V perioodi kirveste pikkus aga ei ületa 8–9 cm. Selgeid sarnaseid jooni on Eesnurga kirvel A. Oldebergi poolt Skandinaavias eristatava E-rühma kirvestega. Vähemalt mõned selle rühma kirved on Eesnurga eksemplariga isegi sarnaselt dekoreeritud. Kaasleidude järgi on vähemalt osa neist olnud kasutusel III ja IV perioodi üleminekuetapil. Täpset vastet Eesnurga kirvele ei olegi võimalik praegu tuua, kusjuures peamine erijoon on just kirve sihvakus, mis sobib oluliselt enam II ja III perioodi kui hilisemate perioodide kirvestele. Selles mõttes on Eesnurga kirves sarnane Põhja- Eestist Järvekülast leitud unikaalse putkkirvega (joon 4). Kokkuvõtvalt võib Eesnurga kirve esialgselt dateerida Skandinaavia pronksiaja III perioodiga. Oletatavasti on see valmistatud Lõuna-Skandinaavias. Tege- mist on varase pronksiaja 16. pronksesemega (neist kaks on fikseeritud vaid leiuteatena): 14 kirvest, 1 sirp ja 1 odaots (joon 5). Kõik kirved on imporditud Skandinaaviast, odaots pärineb aga ida ja sirp ilmselt kagu poolt. On tähele- panuväärne, et Kolga-Jaani voorestikust on teada juba kolm varase pronksiaja pronkseset: Lääne talust umbes 8 km kauguselt Taganurga külas paiknevalt Rand- saare voorelt on leitud rantkirves ja umbes 11 km kauguselt Meleski külas paiknevalt Kivisaarelt sirp.

REVIEWS

Estonian Journal of Archaeology, 2006, 10, 1, 89–95

INIMENE, KESKKOND JA MÄLU

Kristi Grünberg ja Mari Lõhmus

Kristi Grünberg, Eesti Rahva Muuseum, Veski 32, 51014 Tartu, Eesti; [email protected] Mari Lõhmus, Tartu Ülikooli ajaloo osakonna arheoloogia õppetool, Lossi 3, 51003 Tartu, Eesti; [email protected]

Arheoloogia ja etnoloogia kevadkool 11.–12.03.2006, Taevaskoja

Identiteet sünnib dialoogis teisega: nii sõltub ka teadusharu identiteedi postuleerimine suuresti sellest, kelle suhtes ja kelle jaoks end määratletakse (Kotov 2005, 186). Identiteediloome raamis- tikku moodustavate ideoloogiate väljendamisel, elluviimisel ja eriti taastootmisel täidab olulist funktsiooni diskursus, kuna ainult keelekasutuses, diskursuses või kommunikatsioonis on võimalik ideoloogiaid selgelt formuleerida (Van Dijk 2005). Kas ja mil viisil on arheoloogia ja etnoloogia diskursused omavahel dialoogis?

Kultuur etnoloogia ja arheoloogia uurimisobjektina

Tänaseks on nii etnoloogia kui arheoloogia positivistliku (tekstikeskse) paradigma kiiluvees hermeneutikani (kontekstikesksuseni) jõudnud (vt Konsa 2005; Ligi 1995; Vunder 1999). Kesken- dudes võimalikult üldistele teooriatele, seadis objektiivse reaalsuse olemasolu eeldav positivistlik kultuuriuurimine eesmärgiks sotsiaalsete ja kultuuriliste faktide avastamise, seaduspärasuste välja- selgitamise. Soome arheoloogiast impulsse saanud ajaloolis-geograafilises meetodis kasutati algul evolutsionismi (kultuuri arengu) ja hiljem difusionismi (kultuuri leviku) teooriat. Kui arheoloogid tähtsustasid ajalisi variatsioone, siis etnoloogide jaoks olid olulised ruumilised erisused. Milline on aga arheoloogia ja/või etnoloogia tänapäeva Eestis? Homogeensete teaduste asemel on tegemist pigem pluralistlike distsipliinidega, mille uurimissuundi ühendab kõige üldisemas mõt- tes inimene, püüd mõista. Viimast tõdesid ka arheoloogia magistrandid oma projektis: minevikku on tasapisi tekkimas tegutsev ja otsustav, tundev ja uskuv – elus inimene (Konsa jt 2003, 90). Kui etno- loogil on võimalik pöörduda inimese kui mõtleva, tegutseva ja kultuuri loova indiviidi poole, siis arheoloogil see võimalus puudub. Muistset inimest, keda arheoloogid uurivad, enam ei ole, on vaid fragmentaarsed jäänukid materiaalsest kultuurist. Kultuur, mille uurimisega nii etnoloogia kui ka

90 Kristi Grünberg ja Mari Lõhmus

arheoloogia tegelevad, on heterogeenne (tuleneb inimese tegutsemisest ja loovusest), viimane omakorda aga teeb kultuurist keeruka uurimisobjekti (Torop 2005, 113).1 Antropoloog Clifford Geertzi (1973) järgi on kultuur inimese käitumises ja tegevuses, ideedes ja mõtlemises manifesteeruv tähenduste süsteem. Nii lähtubki antropoloogiline (inimkeskne) etnoloogia kultuurist kui konkreetsest miljööst ja loojatest sõltuvast kommunikatsiooni- ja vahendusprotsessist. Kausaalsete diakrooniliste selgituste asemel on huviobjektiks sotsiaalne kontekst, konkreetne aeg ning ruum ja inimene kultuuri- loojana. Fenomenoloogilise käsitluse põhiliseks meetodiks on hermeneutika – tähendust omava materjali interpreteerimine eesmärgiga mõista. 1990. aastatel tõi tõlgendav-hermeneutiline lähenemine muudatusi ka senistesse arusaamadesse arheoloogiateadusest. Hermeneutika annab võimaluse selgitada muistse mõtteviisi ja materiaalse kultuuri seost (Ligi 1995, 197). Materiaalset kultuuri vaadeldakse mitte lihtsalt kui inimese loodut, vaid kui tähenduslikult moodustatut ja inimese poolt mõtestatut (Konsa 2005). Kui seni seletati materiaalses kultuuris toimunud muutusi murrangutega majandusviisis, sotsiaalsetes ning omandi- suhetes, ideoloogias ning religioonis, siis nüüd hakati kalduma seisukoha poole, et ühiskonna erinevate aspektide muutused ei toimu ühesuguse intervalliga (Konsa jt 2003, 89–90). Kuidas käsitletakse etnoloogia- ja arheoloogiateaduses inimest? Milline on (olnud) tema roll (minevikus)? Kuidas ja miks uuritakse ajalooteadvust? Millised on nende terminite ja teemade kattu- vused arheoloogias ja etnoloogias? Nimetatud küsimustele otsiti vastust 11. ja 12. märtsil Taevaskojas toimunud arheoloogia ja etnoloogia kevadkoolis. Seminari eesmärgiks oli oma vaadete, meetodite ja uurimisprobleemide tutvustamine teise teadusharu esindajatele, s.o senisest aktiivsema kommunikatsiooni tekitamine kahe distsipliini vahel, konstrueerides nii teadlaskonna kui sotsiaalse rühma identiteeti.2 Sügis- talvistel kokkusaamistel jõuti ühise arutelu tulemina teemani “Inimene, keskkond ja mälu”, mis andis noortele uurijatele oma vaadete, meetodite ja konkreetsemate uurimisülesannete avamiseks piisavalt laiad raamid.

Mälu ja keskkond uurimisainesena

Kui etnoloogide jaoks on mälu fundamentaalne meedium, allikas ja vahend kultuuri kirjelda- miseks (Kõresaar 2003, 7), siis Eestis on nimetatud temaatika esialgu veel arheoloogiakaugeks jäänud.3 Kuna aga see, mida inimesed mäletamisväärseks peavad, sõltub nende kultuurilisest taustast, olevikusituatsioonist, siis ei saa ka arheoloogia mälust kui sotsiaalsest fenomenist ei üle ega ümber. Millised kategooriad olid olulised minevikus? Millised olid need kultuurilised tegurid, mis mõjutasid minevikus seda, mida mäletada? Olles osa identifitseerumise protsessist (Van Dijk 2005), seob mälu identiteedi kujunemise aja- looga ja vastupidi (Kõresaar 2003, 9). Individuaalse ja kollektiivse mälu kontseptsiooni autor prant- suse sotsioloog ja antropoloog Maurice Halbwachs tõlgendas mälu kui mineviku kollektiivset rekonstruktsiooni. Indiviidid mäletavad, ent ühiskond määrab tegelikult selle, mida mäletada, mis

1 Lähtudes Paul Feyerabendist, ei ole maailmas olemas üht õiget kultuuri uurimise viisi. Rangelt võttes on ka teaduslik lähenemine kultuurile vaid üks võimalus, mis ei välista omakorda teisi tõl- gendusi ja viise enda kõrval (Torop 2005, 113). 2 Sotsiaalse rühma identiteedi konstrueerimise tasandid: 1) rühmasisene diskursus – sellest sõl- tuvad rühma parajasti käsil olevad tegevused, taastootmine ja ühtsus; 2) rühmadevaheline diskursus – rühmade ja nende liikmete huvideks on eneseesitlus, enesekaitse, legitimeerimine, veenmine, uute liikmete värbamine (Van Dijk 2005, 150). 3 Samas ei saa mööda vaadata üksikutest tekstidest, kus mäletamisele ja mälule Eesti muinasajal riivamisi viidatakse (vt nt Lang 2005).

Inimene, keskkond ja mälu 91

on mälestusväärne ja kuidas seda tuleb mäletada. Seega on mälu alati selektiivne.4 Samastades end oma rühmale oluliste avaliku elu sündmustega, mäletatakse paljugi sellist, mida pole isiklikult kogetud (Burke 2003, 70). Kollektiivses mälus toimub pidev dialoog erinevate aegade, reaalsuste, kogemus- ja tõlgendussüsteemide vahel. Nii on kollektiivne mälu protsessuaalne ja dünaamiline, järjepidevust loov, aja- ja kohaspetsiifiline (Kõresaar 2003, 10). Jan Asmanni järgi fikseerib mälestusi avalik mälukultuur – komemoratsioon, mille tulemusena tekivad toetuspunktid ehk mälestusmärgid, millest edaspidi saavad omakorda kultuurimälu tugi- postid (Kõresaar 2001, 44–45). Arheoloogiamagistrant Silja Kalle käsitles ettekandes “Mälust kirjaeelsetes kultuurides” mälu ja mäletamise probleemi mineviku ühiskondades, otsides vastuseid küsimusele, kuidas kogukonna mälu (kollektiivne mälu) on mõjutatud ühiskonna kõrgemate insti- tutsioonide poolt. Arheoloogias (kirjaeelsetes kultuurides) saab mälu nähtavaks materiaalsetes objektides, kajastades põlvkondi kestvaid traditsioone või siis nende katkemist.5 Halbwachsi järgi on ruum samuti üks mälu edasikandmise vahendeid. Meelespidamisväärseks peetavad kujundid paigutatakse mõjusatesse kujutluspaikadesse, et kasutada seeläbi tekkivaid ideede assotsiatsioone (Burke 2003, 73). Ettekandes esitletule järgnes elav arutelu, mille käigus tõstatati küsimusi paikade tähenduse muutumise seosest mäluga, näiteks: miks me leiame kivikirstkalmete alt nöörkeraamika kultuuri asulakohti? Miks on kivikirikud rajatud muistsetele kultuskohtadele või nende vahetusse lähedusse? Kuidas neid fenomene interpreteerida? Kristi Grünberg jätkas oma ettekandega “Ajaloopilt identifikatsioonimarkerina: vene multikate põlvkond” mälu temaatikat, keskendudes küsimusele identiteediloomest. 30-aastaste kohordi, nn vene multikate põlvkonna varal püüdis etnoloogiatudeng visandada muutused rühma identiteedis ja kirjeldada selle aluseks olevat ajaloopilti. Väljendades kollektiivset arusaama ajaloolisest reaal- susest, on ajaloopildid teadmised ühisest ajalikkusest ja sel moel oluliseks osaks rühmaidentiteetide kujunemisel (Heins 1993, 63). Allikmaterjalina kasutatud Andrus Kivirähki näidendit “Helesinine vagun”, selle lavaversiooni ja Taago Tubina lavastust ümbritsevaid tekste, st teatrikriitikat ana- lüüsides lähtus uurija etendusest kui kommunikatsiooniaktist, arvestades selle dialoogi ümbritseva sotsiaalse ruumiga. Teatrietendusele võib samuti läheneda kui mäletamisrituaalile – mineviku taas- esitusele, mälestusaktile, mis on samal ajal ka katse suruda peale mineviku tõlgendusi, vormida mälu ja sel teel kujundada ühiskondlikku identiteeti (Burke 2003, 73). Seminaris osalenute isiklik seotus ja ühine kogemus põhjustas ettekande järel laiapinnalise diskussiooni, mille käigus püüti muu hulgas piiritleda vene multikate põlvkonnaks nimetatavat inimrühma. Ajaloomagistrant Lembi Sepp ja -tudeng Jüri Metssalu tegelesid oma ettekannetes mälu- (pärand)maastike6 ning pärimuskultuuriga, tuues esile kaks erinevat võimalust meid ümbritseva

4 Nii on see, mida me minevikust mäletame, seotud otseselt teadlaste tegevusega, sh arheoloogide tööga (ajaloopildi (re)konstrueerimine). Sõltub ju see, milliseid muistiseid me maastikul eristame ja kaevame, uurija (teaduslikust) taustast ja eelteadmistest. Läbi metodoloogilise valiku mäletame kirjalike allikatega katmata minevikust vaid mingit osa (sellest, mis maapõues säilinud on). 5 Nt on Richard Bradley analüüsinud paelkeraamika kultuuride aegset pikkmajade ehitamise traditsiooni Edela-Euroopas (nt Cuiry-les-Chaudares’i asulakoht Põhja-Prantsusmaal). Uurimis- tulemustest johtus, et pärast elamu hülgamist ehitati see mujale, jälgides eelmisega samasugust orientatsiooni. Tõenäoliselt peeti meeles mahajäetud elamu asupaika, vaatamata sellele et maa- pealsed struktuurid polnud enam jälgitavad. Nii anti läbi küllalt püsiva meediumi edasi kogukonna sotsiaalset mälu, rõhutades seeläbi ka juurte müüti (Bradley 2002, 25, 47). 6 Uudseks aspektiks inimese ja keskkonna suhete analüüsil kujunes 1990. aastatel kultuurmaastiku mõiste (vt Lang 1999; 2000: kultuurmaastik on pidev protsess, kus pühitsetud ning pühitsemata aeg ja ruum on ühiskonna religioossete, ideoloogiliste ja sotsiaalsete suhete manifestatsiooniks füüsilises maastikus). Inimese ja keskkonna suhetesse on sisse toodud religioosne ja mentaalne aspekt (Konsa jt 2003, 88–89).

92 Kristi Grünberg ja Mari Lõhmus

keskkonna uurimiseks. Aktiivse kultuurilooja ja -kandjana annab inimene ruumile tähenduse, täi- dab selle subjektiivse sisuga. Nii on ruum teadmiskultuur, milles põimuvad ja ristuvad erinevatelt ootushorisontidelt (st erinevatest sotsiaalsetest ja kultuurilistest taustsüsteemidest) pärit infoväljad. Kognitiivse kultuuriuurimise huvi keskmes seisab inimene oma isikliku aja ja ruumi loojana. Nii peatus Lembi Sepp ettekandes “Arheoloogia ümbritsevas maastikus. Mälupaigad: Rebala, Keava, Kivisaare” suures osas küsimustel: kuhu paigutuvad arheoloogilised väljakaevamised ja nendega seotud paigad lähiümbruses elavate inimeste mõttemaailmas? Kuidas mõtestatakse ümbritsevat maastikku, kuhu koonduvad mälupaigad? Kohalike inimeste kohatunnetust ja mineviku mõtesta- mist kajastab hästi ettekandes väljatoodud tsitaat ühest intervjuust: “Ja siis oli see arheoloog Vello Lõugas. Tema hakkas Rebala küla hirmsasti päästma. Lõugas ei saanud muud moodi hakkama, siis pani küla muinsuskaitse alla ja hakkas neid kalmeid siia tegema” (naine, sündinud 1931, Harju maa- kond, Rebala küla). Kohatunnetuse kujunemise protsess on jälgitav vaid siin ja praegu. Ajalootudeng Jüri Metssalu keskendus ettekandes “Pärimusmaastiku uurimisseisust ajaloolisel Lõuna-Harjumaal” kohapärimusele kui interdistsiplinaarsele uurimisteemale, tutvustades ühtlasi 2004. aastal läbiviidud Raplamaa (Rapla, Juuru ja Hageri kihelkond) kohapärimuse kogumise ning uurimise projekti ja sellega seoses esilekerkinud küsimusi (dateerimine, pärimuse seotus ajalooliste sündmuste, pärimusekandja isiku ja tema elulooga, kasutatud terminid jne). Nii etnoloogiat, arheoloogiat kui ka folkloristikat siduvaks faktoriks mälu(pärimus)maastike uurimisel on koht. Püüdes jutustada paiga lugu, kõnelevad uurijad ka praeguste ja minevikus elanud inimeste lugu, kuna inimene ja teda ümbritsev keskkond on pidevas vastasmõjus. Ühe probleemina tõi Jüri Metssalu välja küsimuse uurija ja uurimissituatsiooni võimalikust mõjust kogutud materjalile. Sama temaatika kerkis esile ka pärast Lembi Sepa ettekannet. Uurijat ei ole võimalik elimineerida, tema kohal- oluga tuleb arvestada nii kogumis(intervjuu)situatsioonis kui hilisemates tõlgendustes. Vastukaja leidis ka kohapärimuse ekspluateerimist ja kaitset puudutav küsimus. Turism küll väärtustab päri- must, on selle levikukanaliks, kuid ärihuvisid silmaspidav meelelahutusega manipuleerimine viib koha n-ö puutumatuse, eheduse kadumiseni. Artiklis “Mõistmisest ja teisest antropoloogias” on Toomas Gross välja toonud Melville Herskovitsi definitsiooni kultuurist kui inimese poolt tehtud osast keskkonnast, mis on küll tabav, ent mitte ammendav (1996, 1718). Kuid just sellisel kultuurikeskkonnal peatus arheoloogiamagistrant Mari-Liis Rohtla, lahates muuseumi kui tehiskeskkonna küsimust. Ettekanne “Muuseum kuulub…” puudutas võrdselt nii arheolooge kui etnolooge. Muuseumi ülesandeks on anda inimesele võime näha pärandit, ajalugu oma igapäevases elus.7 Tõstatunud probleemid käsitlesid nii meelelahutuse ja tõsiteaduse vahelist rajajoont, ehedate esemete ja koopiate vahekorda kui ka läbielamise rolli (viljajahvatamine, eksperimentaalarheoloogia) teadmiste kinnistajana nn suure muuseumi lugema õppimisel. Kui kaugele võib muuseumides eksponeeritava atraktiivse(ma)ks muutmisel, põnevuse ja pinge kruvimisel minna (näiteks poodud vahakujud Toweris), et ei kaoks side esemetega? Muuseumi põhitrumbiks on ju ehe ja originaalne artefakt (näiteks selle asemel et minna muuseumisse Mona Lisa koopiat vaatama, ostab inimene endale pigem juba isikliku koopia (posteri)). Rahvus- vahelise Muuseumide Nõukogu (ICOM) definitsiooni järgi on muuseum mittetulunduslik, püsiv, ühiskonna teenistuses ja juhtimise all olev publikule avatud asutus, mis kogub, säilitab, uurib, tutvustab ja eksponeerib uurimise, harimise ja meelelahutuslikul eesmärgil materiaalset tõestus- materjali inimese ja keskkonna kohta. Muuseumi sünergia tulenebki sellest, kui kõik need funkt- sioonid on normaalselt välja arendatud.

7 Nii on museoloog Kenneth Hudson võrrelnud nt Euroopat suure muuseumiga, kus iga ehitis, iga põld, jõgi ja raudtee kannab endas sõnumit oma maast ja minevikust, kui vaataja teab, mida näeb. Siin-seal selles suures muuseumis on asutusi, mida kutsume muuseumiks. Nende peamine üles- anne on aidata inimesi mõista suurt muuseumi (Tvauri 2003).

Inimene, keskkond ja mälu 93

Tehnoloogiatest ja inimesest selle taga

Tehnoloogia pole pelgalt miski, mis eksisteerib iseenesest, see on alati enamat kui protseduu- ride kogum, mis muudab maailma füüsilist vormi. Näiteks ei seisne jahipidamine oskuslikus vibu ja noole käsitsemises (meeste töö) ega heade jahikoerte treenimises (naiste töö). Sisaldades neid mõle- maid, hõlmab see spetsiifilisi teadmisi ja oskusi, ühtlasi võimeid ja võimalusi seada sisse vajalikke suhteid tapetava looma vaimuga (Gosden 2005, 162). Paljuski on tehnoloogiaid, kaubandust ja artefakte uurivate Eesti arheoloogide huvid instrumentaalset laadi, suunatud funktsioonianalüüsile ja positivistlikust metodoloogiast lähtuvad (Konsa 2005). Kuigi materiaalse kultuuri ja tehnoloogiate kirjeldamine ja analüüsimine on üks etnoloogia klassikalisi uurimisvaldkondi, käsitlesid seda temaatikat kevadkoolis arheoloogid, kelle ettekanded ei piirdunud pelgalt tehnoloogiliste protsesside illustreerimisega. Arheoloogiamagistrant Riina Rammo pöördus ettekandes “Pronksspiraalkaunis- tuste valmistamisest Eesti aladel muinasaja lõpul ja keskaja alguses” pronksspiraalkaunistuste tootmisprotsesside kirjeldamise kõrval nende valmistajate ehk meistrite küsimuse juurde. Kes olid need inimesed, kes selliseid kaunistusi valmistasid? Kas ja miks oli tegemist spetsialiseerunud käsi- tööharuga? Hiljemalt 10. sajandist levinud pronksspiraalkaunistused olid tehtud imporditud hinna- lisest toormaterjalist, sealjuures hõlmas tootmisprotsess ühtlasi mitut käsitööala (toormaterjali töötlemine ja spiraalkaunistuste valmistamine). Samuti kerkisid esile küsimused meistri teenindus- piirkonna, sotsiaalse positsiooni ja sotsiaalse soo kohta (mees või naine), käsitööalast kui iseseis- vast elatusallikast (mh miks mõni tehnika on kandunud kuni 20. sajandi alguseni?). Tootmisprotsessiga tegelesid ka arheoloogiamagistrant Tanel Saimre ja TÜ õppejõud Andres Tvauri: “Lubja- ja tõrvatööstuse arheoloogia”. Et kõnealune projekt on alles algusjärgus8, esitati kevadkoolis läbi uurimisajaloo tutvustamise (näiteks etnoloog Mihkel Leetmaa 19.–20. sajandi lubja- ja tõrvatööstuse käsitlused) edasise töö eesmärgid ning probleemid. Vaatluse alla võetakse kogu süsteem: logistika, mis kaasneb valmistamise, turustamise ja kasutamisega. Huvi möödunud aegade tehnoloogia ning tootmisprotsesside ja nende ühiskondliku mõju vastu on kasvanud ka tänapäeval kasutatavate loodusteaduslike meetodite läbi avanevate võimaluste tõttu. Millal hakati Eestis tõrva ning tökatit ajama ja tootma? Kas aja jooksul (muinasajast uusajani) on nii lubja- kui ka tõrvatööstuses toimunud tehnoloogilisi muutusi? Kas ja millised on piirkondlikud erinevused? Milline on tööndusliku tegevuse sotsiaalne funktsioon? Pikemas perspektiivis soovitakse tõrva- ja lubjatööstuse uurimisse haarata teistegi teaduste (näiteks etnoloogia, ajalugu) esindajaid. Madis Rennu “Kivid aias nagu rosinad saias. Muljeid-mõtteid-intervjuukatkeid suvistelt kiviaia välitöödelt” vaatles Virtsu lähedal asuva Rame küla kiviaedu. Lisaks aedade ehituse tehno- loogilise külje, funktsiooni ja kohalikest loodusoludest tingitud tööriistade ning -võtete vaatlusele tõi etnoloogiamagistrant välja ka kiviaia erinevaid rolle endisaegses elukorralduses. Sarnaselt lubja- ja tõrvatööstust käsitlenud ettekandele keskenduti siingi küsimustele kiviaedade piirkondlikust eri- pärast, nende ehitamise traditsiooni algusest. 2005. aasta välitöödel talletati ka kiviaedadega seotud pärimust. Kes rajasid kiviaedu – kas iga mees sai selle tööga hakkama või olid nende ehitamiseks kindlad meistrid? Arutelu käigus tõdeti, et kiviaedade vanuse Eestis võib tagasi viia vanimate põllupeenardeni, seega kuni 3000–2000 aasta taha. Vaatamata sellele et edasine uurimine on funktsio- nalistlikku laadi, pidas autor aedadest endist olulisemaks nende vahel elavat inimest oma vajaduste, eelistuste ja maitsega. Kui tehnoloogiaid käsitlenud ettekannetes pöörati sotsiaalsetele suhetele põgusat tähelepanu, siis etnoloogiamagistrandid Maarja Kaaristo ja Reet Ruusmann võtsid luubi alla sotsiaalsed

8 Seni pole Eestis tööstusarheoloogiaga tegeldud. Kuna tõrva- ja lubjatööstusega seotud tootmis- muistised on arheoloogiliselt uurimata, vajab traditsioonilise töönduse objektide otsimise, kaeva- mise ja uurimise metodoloogia alles väljatöötamist.

94 Kristi Grünberg ja Mari Lõhmus

suhted etnoloogia uurimisprobleemina. Neist esimene vaagis oma ettekandes “Sotsiaalne stratifi- katsioon ja Eesti külaühiskond” Nursi vallakohtu materjalidele (1868–1911) põhinedes sotsiaalset stratifikatsiooni9 ületavaid kohtuvaidlusi. Baseerudes õigusetnoloogilistele uurimustele, pole õigus etnoloogile niivõrd autonoomne institutsioon kui ühe kultuuri olemuslik ja orgaaniline osa. Seega on oluline üksikjuhtumi uurimine sotsiaalset konteksti arvestades, samuti inimkäitumise uurimine, mida aktsepteeritakse ja kasutatakse üldiselt mingis sotsiaalselt defineeritud kogukonnas, kui see puudutab seaduse teemat. Õigusetnoloogi Simon Robertsi välja töötatud tüliküsimuste sotsiaalse stratifikatsiooni skaalat (vt Kaaristo 2005) kasutades käsitleti nimetatud juhtumeid. Arheoloogile on kättesaadavad vaid esemed, sageli fragmendid, mis ei pruugi olla oma esi- algses kasutuskontekstis. Etnoloog võib aga ligi pääseda ka eset ümbritsevatele (kultuuri)tekstidele, mis võimaldavad jälgida artefakte kui sotsiaalsete kategooriate väljendajaid. Nii pühendas Reet Ruusmann oma ettekande “Asjad sotsiaalsete kategooriate väljendajatena” asjade võimele konst- rueerida identiteeti. 1990. aastate esemeuurimise keskmes on inimesed, kes tegelikult materiaalseid objekte valmistavad, omavad ja kasutavad. Materiaalse kultuuri uurimisele võib läheneda ka kui inimestevaheliste sotsiaalsete suhete analüüsimisele selle kaudu, kuidas indiviidid konstrueerivad oma materiaalset ümbrust. Kokkuvõtvalt tõdeti, et esemed iseenesest ei oma tähendust, see luuakse alles nende kasutamise käigus – ühelt poolt nad ilmalikustavad kõige aluseks olevad kultuurilised kategooriad, teisalt positsioneerivad inimesi sellesse vastavalt kellegi käitumisharjumustele.

Kokkuvõte

Seminari ülesandeks ei olnud anda tõstatatud probleemidele terviklahendeid, pigem püüti esitatud materjali ja küsimustega ärgitada kaasa mõtlema ja nendel teemadel arutlema. Olenemata ühise keele olemasolust praegusel ajahetkel, muutuvad ka siin pakutud tõlgendused ajas ja ruumis koos muutustega kultuuris, millesse tõlgendaja kuulub. Etnoloogiat ja arheoloogiat võib ka vaa- delda kui kaht kultuuri, mis pole küll unitaarsed, ent moodustavad just nagu hõimude konföderat- siooni. Omades piisaval määral ühist sõnavara (sarnast keelt), jõutakse vähemalt aeg-ajalt omavahel kokkuleppele õige tegutsemise vormi ja protsessi osas. Viimane teeb niisiis võimalikuks etnoloogia- ja arheoloogiateaduse vahelise kommunikatsiooni (Gosden 2005, 35), mille üheks tunnistajaks oli ka toimunud kevadkool.

Kasutatud kirjandus

Bradley, R. 2002. The Past in Prehistoric Societies. London; New York. Burke, P. 2003. Ajalugu kui ühiskondlik mälu. – Vikerkaar, 10–11, 69–83. Geertz, C. 1973. The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York. Gosden, C. 2005. Anthropology and Archaeology: A Changing Perspective. London; New York. Gross, T. 1996. Mõistmisest ja teisest antropoloogias. – Akadeemia, 8, 1717–1738. Heins, F. 1993. Über Geschichtsbilder in Erinnerungerzählungen. – Zeitschrift für Volkskunde, 89, 66–77. Honko, L. & Pentikäinen, J. 1997. Kultuuriantropoloogia. Tallinn. Kaaristo, M. 2005. Peksmine ja löömine Eesti külas 1868–1911 Nursi vallakohtu protokollide näi- tel. Õigusetnoloogiline perspektiiv. – Mäetagused, 27, 31–46. Konsa, M., Ilves, K., Jonuks, T., Kiudsoo, M., Ots, M., Saluäär, U. & Sarv, K. 2003. Missugune sa oled, Eesti arheoloogia? – EAA, 7: 1, 72–94.

9 Ühiskond on ühiste eesmärkide poole pürgivate inimeste sotsiaalne süsteem, mis koosneb eri asenditest – staatustest (Honko & Pentikäinen 1997, 43).

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Konsa, M. 2005. Tee normaalteadusest normaalseks teaduseks: Eesti arheoloogia suundumusi 1990. aastatel. – Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi aastaraamat, 2003. Tartu, 94–115. Kotov, K. 2005. Kultuur, identiteet ja enesekirjeldus. – Acta Semiotica Estica, II, 184–192. Kõresaar, E. 2001. Kollektiivne mälu ja eluloouurimine. – Kultuur ja mälu. Konverentsi materjale. (Studia ethnologica Tartuensia, 4.) Tartu, 42–58. Kõresaar, E. 2003. Mälu, aeg, kogemus ja eluloouurija pilk. – Mälu kui kultuuritegur: etnoloogilisi perspektiive. (Studia ethnologica Tartuensia, 6.) Tartu, 7–32. Lang, V. 1999. Kultuurmaastikku luues. Essee maastiku religioossest ja sümboliseeritud korral- dusest. – EAA, 4: 1, 63–85. Lang, V. 2000. Keskusest ääremaaks. Viljelusmajandusliku asustuse kujunemine ja areng Vihasoo- Palmse piirkonnas Virumaal. (MT, 7.) Tallinn. Lang, V. 2005. Inimene, kultuur ja loodus muinasajal. – Eesti looduskultuur. Koost T. Maran & K. Tüür. Tartu, 11–28. Ligi, P. 1995. Ühiskondlikest oludest Eesti alal hilispronksiajal ja rauaajal. – Eesti arheoloogia historiograafilisi, teoreetilisi ja kultuuriloolisi aspekte. Toim V. Lang. (MT, 3.) Tallinn, 182–270. Torop, P. 2005. Peeter Toropi järelsõna eestikeelsele väljaandele. – Kultuuride analüüs. Tõlk E.-R. Soovik. Tallinn, 311–315. Tvauri, A. 2003. Museoloogia ja muinsuskaitse. Õppematerjal (veebruar 2003). http://www.arheo.ut.ee /Museo&muinsus.pdf. Van Dijk, T. A. 2005. Ideoloogia. Multidistsiplinaarne käsitlus. Tartu. Vunder, E. 1999. Muutuv eesti etnoloogia. – Ajalooline Ajakiri, 1 (104), 31–42.

ABBREVIATIONS – LÜHENDID

1. Publications – Trükised

AVE – Arheoloogilised välitööd Eestis. Archaeological Field Works in Estonia, 1997–. Koost ja toim Ü. Tamla. Tallinn, 1998–. EAA – Eesti Arheoloogia Ajakiri, Tallinn, 1997–2003. Estonian Journal of Archaeology. Eesti Arheoloogiaajakiri, 2004–. KVHAAH – Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar. Stockholm, 1789–. MT – Muinasaja teadus, 1–. Tallinn, 1991–. Sb. GEG – Sitzungsberichte der Gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft, 1861–1923; Õpetatud Eesti Seltsi Aastaraamat, 1924–1938. Dorpat (Tartu), 1861– 1940. Stilus – Stilus. Eesti Arheoloogiaseltsi teated, 1–. Tallinn, 1992–. TÜ AKT – Tartu Ülikooli Arheoloogia Kabineti Toimetised, 1–. Tartu, 1923–.

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Õnnitleme!

05.II Ülle Tamla – 55 12.II Kaupo Deemant – 70 13.III Leiu Heapost – 70 04. V Ain Lavi – 55