TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA ISAURA.1
IF any confirmation were required of the evidence supplied by the first inscription published in the J.H.S. 1904, as to the ancient name of Dorla, it would be found in the Roman accounts of the siege of Isaura by Servilius Isauricus. Frontinus, iii. 7, 1, says that Servilius compelled the city to surrender from thirst, flumine ex quo hostes aquabantur averso. Now there are very few cases in which such an operation is possible. Three conditions must be fulfilled : (1) the city must be dependent for its water almost entirely on a river flowing through it or close to the wall; (2) there must be open ground on the opposite side of the river towards which the water can be diverted ; (3) the operation must not be on so great a scale as to be beyond the power of an army such as Servilius had with him, a comparatively small and rather lightly equipped force, able to cross the Taurus from Cilicia, and operate on the northern flanks of the mountains. Tarsus, for example, in ancient times fulfilled at least two of those conditions: the river flowed through the city and could be diverted without very serious difficulty by an operation which was quite within the power of a Roman army. But, on the other hand, there is every probability that Tarsus was sufficiently supplied with water from wells to enable it to hold out against a siege, as the soil yields water everywhere at an easily reached level below the surface, so that the loss of the river-water would indeed be inconvenient, but not decisive in a military view. It is impossible that a large city like Tarsus could be supplied solely from the river, because the river-water would necessarily become to some degree polluted in its course through the city. The wells must have been in permanent use within the city. Again at Dinorna,, where Prof. Sterrett placed Nova Isaura, the city was not dependent on a river, for the obvious reason that neither of the streams there is capable of supplying it with water. They were both quite dry when I passed through the place in 1890; and at no time during the summer can they ever carry much water. I believe that they are almost dry great part of the year. The city at Difiorna, like Tarsus, was undoubtedly dependent more on wells than on a river.
1 This paper was intended to follow the one was crowded out. The numbering of the in- by Miss Ramsay on The Early Christian Art of scriptions is continued from that paper. Nova Isaura, J.H.S., 1904, p. 260 ff., but M 2 164 W. M. RAMSAY But at Dorla all the conditions are fulfilled. The ancient town of Isaura was situated on the high ground on the right side of the stream (which flows here north, and slightly east; not north-west, as Kiepert has it), and extended at least down to the river bank. On the left, or west side of the stream, opposite the city, an isolated hill rises in the midst of the valley. It would be an easy operation for Roman soldiers, accustomed to the use of the spade, to divert the river a few hundred yards above the city and make it flow on the opposite or western side of the isolated hill, entirely out of reach from the city. In its present and normal course the river would touch Isaura only for a short distance, and was thus less liable to pollution. It flows through- out the year with a good supply of water for the city. The city for the most part lay on the broad ridge east of the river, which slopes back very gently towards the last eastern ridge of the Isaurian mountains. The surface of this ridge must lie high above the level of the subterranean waters. Wells would here require to be deep, and could not be quickly made. Further, Sallust in a fragment of the Histories mentions that Servilius occupied a mountain within javelin-throw of the city (montem ex quo in forum oppidi tali coniectus erat occupavit sacrum Matri Magnae)? This ' mons ' is evidently the isolated hill on the left bank of the stream. From this hill the lower part of the city could be reached by javelins; and it is quite natural and probable that the forum (assuming that this conjecture is to be adopted) may have been in that part of the city. The hill rises from the left bank of the little river, and we understand that the city wall bordered the right bank. The holy hill of Cybele, the Great Mother, therefore, was outside of the city ; and was in all probability employed in Anatolian, non-Hellenic fashion as a cemetery. The dead returned to the mighty mother who bore them, as the Lydian chiefs, the sons of the Gygaean Lake, were buried on its shore, according to Homer; and it has been repeatedly shown that this idea is peculiarly and almost universally characteristic of native Anatolian religion.3 The way from the gate of the city, crossing the stream by a bridge at the same place where the modern bridge stands, and ascending the hill to the temple, was bordered, doubtless, by a line of graves the whole way; and thus the Greek fashion was united with the Anatolian; but besides that, it is probable that the whole hill around the temple was full of graves. The Temple of the Great Mother, where on certain days she came to feast, was replaced by the Church, parts of which can still be seen amid the houses on the summit: it was impossible for us to tell how far the walls of the Church might still be traced, as careful exploration amid the houses was not within our power. It is unfortunate that the modern village is for
2 The MS. reading is fugam oppidi. Forum and uncertain, et in eo credebatur epulari dicbus is Hauler's emendation. Mommsen suggested certis dea, etc, iwga. The last may be right: iugum would 3 See e.g. remarks by the present writer in suit the single broad ridge on which the city B.C.H. 1898, p. 236; Cities and Bish. of stood better than iuga, but the plural may be Phrygia, i. pp. 100 f., 361, 367, etc. applicable. The sequel of the text is mutilated TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA. IS AURA. 165 the most part built on the hill, covering up the most interesting ruins. Even as things are, there can be little doubt that £100 or £200 spent in excava- tion would reveal many of the ancient grave-monuments. The account given by the inhabitants unanimously is that in the open spaces between the houses the upper surface of soil, about four or five feet deep, covers over a mass of cut stones. The tomb of the Bishop Theophilus, No. 2, was evidently a monument of large size; and perhaps several, or even many, of the component stones were inscribed (No. 58 may belong to this monument). Beside the great church on the top of the Hill of Cybele, there were of course others in the city. One of these doubtless stood on the site of the present mosque, close to the bridge on the left bank of the stream. It has been rebuilt, and the walls are full of tombstones ; I imagine that nearly all of them are Christian, and that the city was entirely Christian in the fourth century. While the outer walls of the mosque seem to be rebuilt, the inner door is probably pre-Turkish. The stones of which it is composed are dove- tailed (if the word may be used, where the form is so completely altered) in a very intricate style, which I take to be Byzantine. In the vestibule of the mosque, under the thick modern coating of white-washed mud-plaster, where this has partially scaled off, there appears an older coating of stucco, moulded in elaborate pattern, which I take to be Seljuk or early Turkish. Photo- graphs of this pattern proved unsuccessful. The situation of Nova Isaura, as now determined, illuminates the true character of the campaign of Servilius. Thinking of the enterprise as a mountain-campaign, I always found it a quite remarkable and hardly credible achievement at that period. Now an easier line of march is indicated as the probable one. It was possible to advance on the Isaurian country from a basis in Roman possession either directly from the south coast, or from the Province of Cilicia, or from the Province of Asia. The first of these three routes may be set aside as improbable : the country was too difficult for an army, and offered too many opportunities to the natives to attack and destroy the invader in positions where not a blow could be struck or a weapon hurled in reply. The least difficult road would go round by Laranda, and thus would fall into the second route. The second route would traverse the Cilician Gates, and pass through Cybistra, Laranda, Ilistra, and Derbe. Now Servilius, as Sallust says, captured another city, before he came to Isaura Nova; and if he had advanced from that side, the former must have been Derbe. No allusion to Isaura Palaia would in that case be contained in the fragments of Sallust that we possess. The third route was from the Roman province Asia by the valley of the Maeander. Strabo, p. 568, mentions that Servilius captured both Isaura Palaia and Isaura Nova. Cicero, de Zege Agr. ii. 50, says that he added the ager Oroandicus to the Roman territory: this must be the territory of the tribe Orondeis, north-west from the Isaurian country and near Lake Karalis 166 W. M. RAMSAY (Bey-Sheher Lake).4 This might suggest that the line of advance was from the Asian side by Apameia, Apollonia, and Pisidian Antioch; and in that case the city which was captured immediately before Isaura Nova would probably be Isaura Palaia. But Sallust's description of the capture of that city through want of water does not suit well with the situation of Isaura Palaia (as Professor Sterrett has rightly pointed out, Wolfe Expedition, p. 151). Accordingly the probability is that Servilius advanced from the eastern side by Laranda and Derbe, capturing the latter by thirst, which is entirely natural in its situation, thereafter advancing to Nova Isaura, only six or seven miles to the west. Thus he gradually penetrated the Isaurian country and proceeded to reduce also the Orondeis, before he returned to Cilicia (probably through Pappa and Iconium). He did not advance further to the north-west, because beyond Pappa he would soon come to the territory of Pisidian Antioch, which at this time was autonomous (Strabo, p. 577). The campaign, as thus pictured, suits with the fact that Servilius (as both Orosius and Eutropius say) ranked as administrator of the Province of Cilicia at this time. It is also evident that Nova Isaura was founded (or grew to importance), because the site was in the nearest part of the Isaurian land to the open plain of Lycaonia and the great routes of communication that pass across it. Palaia Isaura always had been, and continued to be, the great fortress of the Isaurian territory. Nova Isaura in its delightful and convenient situation grew under the Roman rule from a village (as Strabo, p. 568, calls it) to be a bishopric. It struggled to maintain its rank as a city and bishopric inde- pendent of Palaia Isaura; and Basil of Caesareia favoured its claims; but it was forced to sink back into dependence, and an imperial decree (probably passed by Zeno about A.D. 474 and confirmed by Justinian) recognized and confirmed its dependence. This topic is discussed in an article on Lycaonia (Oest. Jahresh. 1904 Bb. p. 77 f.). The territory of Nova Isaura included, besides a tract of hill-country wholly unknown, the land of the modern villages, Dinek, Dinek-Serai, and Alkaran or Algeran. Dinek lies almost due west of Dorla, about two or three miles distant. Dinek-Serai is norbh-west of Dorla, and two miles north of Dinek, on the high south bank of Tcharshamba-Su, with a good bridge. Alkaran lies nearly due north of Dorla, almost eight kilometres distant. Seven kilometres north-north-east of Alkaran is another bridge over Tschar- shamba-Su, called Baltcha-Assar. Here a village of Roumelian refugees was built in 1902. This bridge lay outside Isaurian territory, in the open Lycao- nian plain; and everything here is different in kind and period. To show how different are the remains of an ordinary Lycaonian village of the plain from those of Isaura Nova, I add at the end the series of inscriptions from Baltcha-Assar. They belong to the fifth or following century. The reason why the art and writing of Nova Isaura came to an end
4 See Pisidia and the Lycaonian Frontier, § 9, § 22, B.S.A., 1904, pp. 254, 266. TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA IS AURA. 167 about 400 to 450 A.D. is obscure. We must connect its fate with that of Korna, also a bishopric until shortly after 381. Both towns have a similar situation; ^both were important under the Koman Empire; both ceased to be bishoprics during the fifth century. The culture and art of Nova Isaura ceased along with its independent rank. 39.—Dorla. R. 1901. Letters worn, faint, and hard to read. TDNTTAClC^IAoN TOV iraai <$>i\ov KeHAYETTH *e r)hvevf, tYXHNTBKE ifrvxvv r[e?] «e KAIAIOJNAPAEVT KO[T lajlwva? ENTIMIOCEC eW/M»? e[ TEC A NT T[tj] |XHPUNO#<|>ANUlf TTUJPWN/fpuroci,, TTPGCBYTetoCTUNI"-, MAT UN / '••• "\ TaXai- ap(oy6<;, [name of deceased, and perhaps his father 7rp6o-/SiiTe[p]oi{ T&P i[epoi>v avaKw—(or fidrcov We found the left-hand fragment of this stone first. The unusual interest of the inscription was evident; and, in the hope that the other parts might be discovered, we sent to the village for implements, and proceeded to •dig round the grave and to examine every scrap of stone of the same colour. After a time the central fragment was found ; but the rest remains unknown. 168 W. M. RAMSAY Except for the name of the deceased, however, the run of the text is apparent. The stone stood on the grave of a presbyter, probably of Isaura Nova; he is defined as having the duty of superintending the church expenditure. Prof. Cumont suggested 7rpa 41.—Dinek-Serai. R. 1901: engraved on a stone in the common Phrygian form of a sepulchral altar. The stone has been split down the middle: the left half (a) is built into the wall which surrounds a small garden, and the right half (b) forms part of the pavement beside the door of the house within this garden. The letters are difficult to read, being very faint; and the position of part (b) is such that it is impossible to get a close view of the letters except upside down. I had only taken a first hurried copy of the two parts,6 when the owner, who had already been paid too liberally, refused to permit further work, unless I gave him ten pounds. As 6 See Histor. Geogr. of Asia Minor, p. 74 f., a piece of the same gravestone as (b), and made Arch. Jahreshefte, 1904, Beib. pp. 91, 105. a first copy of it. When I proposed to return 6 I was copying part (b), and had not finished, to (b) the owner interfered ; and to save long when my men told me they had found part (a). delay and bargaining or force, I desisted. I went to see it, found it was (as they suspected) TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OP NOVA IS AURA. 169 the inscription seemed to be a mere metrical epitaph of the usual valueless kind, I was loath to bargain with him, all the more so, as he would have been hard to deal with. If, however, the partial restoration here given is correct, the epitaph is an important Christian document of the fourth century, and ought to be recopied. It is to be found at one of the most western or south-western houses in the village. In the circumstances I cannot guarantee that the size of the gap between the two fragments is accurately indicated in every line. In 1. 8 there is no gap, as H is divided. Many of the suggested restorations are quite uncertain. €N€nO)nAPIONTI(j> //OCXAIP6N //eP€Y£NAPO €NOIC€VA€MOIXArPeA// OnPOC€AO eeCCIMA0CL)NAeCACpC//jCOTINeCTCUPA 5 TePOCM TPItUNXHF//OJNenAPlKlTOC KPATIHCOAIAKONO//CeC0AOC TTO HC0HCAYPOCenAPXl//lCeniA€KTOC AO ANIOYOAIAACKAAOCh//HI0€OICIN KAICO TT/VZ' ?] evevco vapiovri (f>[i\oi(ri r ?]e iv ravrat<; ? l]ipevev apo\ypcu<; 1 evens eVJe'eacrt fiadwv Be aacfi&s on NecrTwp 5 Keirat, \ irpea-^v]Tepo<; p[e\Tpl(ov X^pwv e7rap[ t \ aira irdvra olicovofJiov \ fi\yrf\iMr)<; xdpiv &[?] p ]o? iv V/J.POI<; Tefji or r\p\r)(Tev tcaWidcrovac ical icraofiei>[oi 7 J.H.S. 1904, p. 290 f. TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA ISAURA. 171 crowded against the preceding | in such a way as to make r probable. Thus the line is a mere metrical variant of the prose expression in No. 40 ; and it may be regarded as almost certain that the prose formula is older, and that the metrical form took its origin shortly after (just as the epitaph of Avircius Marcellus of Hieropolis Phrygiae was within a few years imitated by Alexander8). Probably No. 40 and No. 41 belong to the same half century, and were engraved on the graves of two presbyters of the church of Isaura Nova. The name Nearaip is too short for the gap in No. 40, line 2; and a different name containing 8 to 10 letters is needed there. 6.—[iry]icpaTir}Lystra from c. 297 to c. 372 A.D. ; and though we should hardly have expected Dorla to be included in that province, yet this restoration if correct would prove that it was, and the connexion is quite possible. Hence probably this epitaph was composed before 372, while it certainly cannot be much older than that date. 10.—^[elvoi<; re] seems unsuitable. 19.—The final tag is common in such epitaphs of Central Asia Minor. 42.—Dorla. K. 1901. MAMACK€AHMHTPIOCeKOC Ma/*a? ice Ar)fir]Tpio<; eicoa- MHCANCAAANTONnPeCBY ixyaav 'ZaSav TOP Trpecrfivrepov TePON 8 C.B. ii. p. 720 if. of Dr. Saba Diamantides into the false form 9 Ath. Mitth. xiii. 1888, p. 272. Prof. Ster- Orestis instead of Orestine. rett wrongly assigns it to Konia {Epigraph, 10 Isaura Palaia was included in the Tres Journey, No. 217). He did not see the stone. Eparchiae from c. 137 onwards. Iconium and I copied it in Ladik in 1882. Sterrett's No. probably Lystra were in Prov. Galatia until 217 and No. 216 are engraved side by side on about 297 ; but probably Isaura Nova went with one stone : he has been misled by the bad copy Derbe and Isaura Palaia in the Tres Eparchiae. 172 W. M. RAMSAY 43.—Euren near Dinek. R. 1901. AOMNDCOMDAQrHTHCEKDC Ao/*fo? o/^oXoynr^ eicocr- MHCEN[IEPEIAIONTDNAHEACJ)DN fir) 44.—Dinek. R. 1901. Fountain. Late letters, rude and faint.' NEDnTDAEMDCIE//// Neo7rro\e/AO9 U\pev [firjTepa ? Relief: horseman. AKKANTHNfc ice ?] "AKKOV TTJV e[avrov The term lepev 45.—Alkaran. R. 1901, 1904. On round cippus in cemetery north- west of the village. MNHMHCXAPIN MJ"?>?? %dpiv KONWNOC Koi>ewo? ////////ICTA [>/oo]io-Ta|>ei>oi/] %api,v seems to be here a translation of in memoriam at the beginning of Latin epigraphs and not used after the fashion of the usual Greek formula which comes always at the end of the epitaph. Konon is one of the official Proistamenoi whom Basil, Epist. 190, advised Amphilochius to appoint in the small towns dependent on Isaura Palaia, before a new bishop was appointed in that city.11 It is not improbable that Konon may have been appointed by Amphilochius in the village or town whose remains are seen on the left of the road to Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu, near the bridge. This dating would suit the lettering, which is midway in style between the usual Isauran forms and the late letters of No. 43 or 44. 46.—Dorla. In the mosque. R. 1904. \AYAIAeKOCMHC€NAnOAA K]\av8ta eKotr/irja-ev A[ip.] 11 See Oest. Jahresh. 1904, Bcib. p. 77 ff. TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA ISAURA. 173 47.—Dorla. R. 1904. Na^5 i/cocrp7)[cre\v Et'ouXtov. Underneath is an incised garland. The first name may possibly have lost some letters at the beginning (e.g. ['A#?j]i>aj;?); but this is improbable. Naes (i.e., Nais) would be a Hellenized form of the native name Nas or Enas, see Git. and JBish. i. p. 269, No. 91. 48.—Dorla. R. 1904. Two miles south-east from the village. Ndwa NaX^'/wo?. Underneath is ornament, pair of rosettes between columns, no pediment above the columns. 49.—Dorla. In western cemetery: R. 1904. Complete on right, and top. ////\AHPO 6 K]XVPO- ////YTOYA vopos a]vrov 'A- ////6NTOAHN /"-a? tear] evroXrjv ////VTO////TY avTo]v TO[V] TV[^OV p. %• 50.—Dorla. R. 1904. [f] helva eKoa^f&rj&ev TO\V ap\Zpa 51.—Dorla. R. 1904. Av[p]r][Xta ?] i/cocrfirjaev ro\y\ ahsXfyov ropa. 52.—Dorla. R. 1904. Avp. A[v] 53.—Dorla. R. 1904. TvWta A.dSa Maicpl[v]ov dvydryp fi. %. Swas- tika under the inscription. 54.—Dorla : Stele in the mosque wall: H. 1890. 4>ANAACeKOCMHC£NTON t's seems to be a Grecized form of OvavaXts or Baj/aXt'?, No. 69; a common Isaurian name. 55.-Dorla. R. 1901. T Al IOVA OCOYAAHC6KOCMHC6 IOYAIAAONriNIATHNAA€AchHNAYTOY . Tat. 'Iot/X[i]o? OvaKrjs eKoafirjae 'lovXia Aovywia rrjv d8eX 56.—Dorla. R. 1901, 1904. ////\,NreiNOCXAAK€YC Mill//// A]ovyeivo<; TTACKJJIAON X iracn cf>l\ov. No letters seem to have been lost at the beginning of line 2. Probably we should read wdai 57.—Dorla. R. 1901. nATTIAC€KOCMHC€NTHN IlaTu'a? eKoa^crev rr)v niNATPAN irlvarpav. irlvwrpa was probably a native word, indicating some relationship, like the obscure nrdrpa (perhaps father's sister), often used in Phrygian inscrip- tions, C.B. ii. p. 394. 58.—Dorla. R. 1904. Large stone beside No. 2, perhaps belonging to- the same heroon (but more probably part of a neighbouring grave): broken right and left. nAnAcoAcck na-n-a? TOYTUUNTHNAAe TOVTCOV $ X A fiv.] %d. The rare word in inscriptions aBeXcpoTrjs might also be restored in 1. 2. It occurs also in a fourth century Phrygian Christian inscription, published in G.B. ii. p. 720. 'Oa? is a variant of Ba?. There seems to be a list of names, which does not suit the restoration ahekfyrjv very well. Possibly, in 1. 1 i]ic[6ar/j,?icrev should be restored (instead of S« as beginning of a personal name). 59.—Dorla. R. 1904. On fragment of entablature, broken right and left: letters small, crowded, and worn. TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA ISAURA. 175 01 AONiA "HNPeKAANANkUHCAN AKAIAN IAN.i KnnN©YrAT€PATOYT€rOYAA This inscription was engraved on the heroon of Rekla. In line 1 the end is ... .]TJV 'PeicXav dv\ka-r]r\cyav. In 1. 2 another set of persons, probably, did honour to '~Pe]/cX[a]v 6vyarepa rod TejovXa. The lettering of this inscription is different in character from the other inscriptions of Dorla, and the monument also was of a different form. It probably belongs to the second or even the first century after Christ. 60.—Dinek. R. 1901. In the mosque. T€ NGITAlA [ot Setz^e?] re\j^\velTat, a- rTHPTICANTA dfi(j)6Tepa epya This restoration may confidently be preferred to the other possible suggestion that the name may be Te[v]i>eiTai or Te[i]veirai (of which Dinek would be a modern form, with K suffixed to give a Turkish appearance). Artisans trained in stone cutting and carving are mentioned in No. 15, also in the district of Isauria immediately south of Nova Isaura (Sterrett Wolfe Exped. pp. 23, 41, 49), and in an unpublished inscription copied by Mr. T. Callander in 1904. 61.—Dorla. R. 1901. MACOKA€KOCM.HC£ NMO Y//// Macroica iic6 62.—Dorla. R. 1901. KAniT 63.—Dorla. R. 1901. POAOKAHC 'VOBOKX9I<;. H A AeA(j>HAIANI-//// V aBeX(j>rj Aiavrj 1 Alavfj ? [eKoer/u,r]crev ? There is no space for the reading [r]y aBeX 68.—Dinek-Serai, in the bridge. R. 1901. nAnTTACB&CIAICCHAA€A 69.—Dinek-Serai, in the bridge. R. 1901. 6N ACIH \YACi)POC€NAN©PO) nOICIAlKAhON <& ZHCANTAnAnAN KAT€Xf.lKOAnOICIAABOYCA 0 ON OYANAAICT6IAAHC6N v €H ^ ©YTA THPreroNY//// A 70.—Dinek-Serai, in the mosque. R. 1901. Rude letters. AOHNICONTb - 'A]0-nvicov r[f, CYBIBIU3MOY av0i/3i(p fiov M N H M H C X A fivwrp Xa- PIN piv 72.—Alkaran. R. 1904. Rude letters. NAPKICCDZ KAEONEIKLJ TYNAIKAAEA (j>UrAYKYTA TLJMX 7V P-X- Terms for relationship are numerous in Asia Minor (cp. No. 57), showing that the family ties were carefully attended to. 73.—Alkaran. R. 1904. AAr€THC0€ Aayer^ @e- OACUPArYNAI oBcopa yvvai- KIIAIAMNH icl tiia fivrj- MHCXAPIN fit]* X"Plv The first two letters are uncertain, and the name may be 'AA.yer>7?; but Aayera? occurs on coins of Philadelphia (see Head, B.M.G. Lydia, p. lxxxvi). 74.—Alkaran. R. 1904. KVP C Kup[o]? 6KOCMH etc6 75.—Alkaran. R. 1904. Complete on right; probably very little, if anything, lost on left: probably no second line. cecAnePNOY H.S.—VOL. XXV. N 178 W. M. RAMSAY 76.—Euren near Dinek. B. 1901. This and the next were on two similar stones of great size. KACTCUPeKOCMHCCNCACIN Kdarwp eic6 77.—Euren near Dinek. B. 1901. See No. 76. TATAeKOCMHCeNTONriATePAY Tdra e/covfirjvev TOP irarepa (a)v CAC€INMNHMHC "Zdveiv fipijfirjs tf x & x- 78.—Dinek. R. 1901. In a fountain. AYP ilOKONAACANC//// Avp. [Tp]oKov8a 79.—Dinek. R. 1901. MAMMHCEKOCMHCENTATAN Ma>/4))? e/cocrfirjcrep Tdrap KAIZOHNTHNAACACpHN ical Zor/v ryv a8e\ 80.—Dinek. R. 1901. POYc[)OC///7 'Povcptv; [eKoa^tjae Aopyei-1 NONTC//// vov TO]V viov 1 MNHMhllll fivrjfirj] 81.—Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu. R. 1901. The stones in this bridge have no resemblance to those of Dorla; and have evidently been brought from some village of the open plain, perhaps from the ancient site a few minutes south of the bridge. They are quite in the style of the ordinary Lycaonian village inscriptions. NCCTCOPMAN© Ne'o-TOj/a Mdv0- AMHTP MX a ftr)rp[t] ft. %• The letters are very rude and late. 82.—Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu. R. 1901. Letters rude and late. TATICICnAYAOJA TaneU IlavXp d[8- €A(J)GJrAYKYTA e TGJXAIPeiN r TOPOGRAPHY AND EPIGRAPHY OF NOVA ISAURA. 179 The formula with xa^PeiV ig noteworthy. I do not remember it else- where. 83.—Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu. E. 1901. nAT7€IC©6IH MHTPITAYKY l y\viev- AIP6IN irj is either the name or an epithet of the mother, equivalent to the ' departed and deified.' 84.—Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu. R. 1901. Contains the same formula, tpetv, but with the genitive . . . elrjs \6vya\rp6 3U 1 C ;E 1 H C irpoc ;XAPV> i £>£INM f A£HfHH£Hf 85.—Baltcha-Assar-Keupreu. R. 1901. KONn TATI5H MNHM ifir] usually comes first in these late village stones of Lycaonia. 86.—Baltcha-Assar village. R. 1904. KAJUATAAN6CTH CeNKVPON-UNHA-AHC Either TWVO<; or TOI? was omitted before rptyovai, as the gap is too small to contain both. TT by apparent slip for T is certain on the stone, and e is omitted (unless some other word than rpe^ovcri is intended). The p is extremely rude in shape. W. M. RAMSAY.v\a. Kal fivrjcrdels ai/[a]\[t]? Uoa^aev rbv AAEAC|)ONT//AMON aSeX^oi/ T[i]a/j,ovv OviiXevTO?. See No. 55. 66.—Dorla. R. 1901. ////MOYAC MAZI //l/fiovas Mdt;i[/j,av or -pa The first name may be TXa/ioua.? or KtSpapovas or '.Oirpafiovas or OvavyBapovas (see Cronin, No. 75) or Ovpa/j,/iova<;. 67.—Alkaran. R. 1901 : border round stone and garland, under inscr. IN/ ////////KOCKAITTATTIAC "Iz>[Sa>o? ical nATi////AN(.////rAYKYTA Ua[-jri]av[w] M.NHMHCXA9IN Ttp/ivy/if}?