Israel's Nuclear Strategy and America's National Security
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Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
Containing Iran: Strategies for Addressing the Iranian Nuclear Challenge Met Through Patient and Forward-Looking Policymaking
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Containing Iran Strategies for Addressing the Iranian Nuclear Challenge Robert J. Reardon Supported by the Stanton Foundation C O R P O R A T I O N The research described in this report was supported by the Stanton Foundation. -
Transatlantic Brinksmanship: the Anglo-American
TRANSATLANTIC BRINKSMANSHIP: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ALLIANCE AND CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY, 1953-1956 by DAVID M. WATRY Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Arlington in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT ARLINGTON December 2011 Copyright © by David M. Watry 2011 All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have helped me in the preparation of this dissertation. I wish to personally thank and acknowledge Dr. Joyce S. Goldberg, who chaired the dissertation committee. Without her support, encouragement, and direction, this project would have been impossible. Dr. Goldberg fought for this dissertation in many ways and went far beyond the call of duty. I will be forever in her debt and forever grateful for her expertise, passion, patience, and understanding. I also wish to thank the other members of my dissertation committee, Dr. Kenneth R. Philp and Dr. Stanley H. Palmer. Their critiques, evaluations, and arguments made my dissertation a much more polished product than what it would have been without their significant help. Their wealth of knowledge and expertise made the writing of the dissertation a pleasurable experience. I would also like to thank the Dean of Liberal Arts, Dr. Beth Wright, the Associate Dean, Dr. Kim Van Noort, and Assistant Dean, Dr. Eric Bolsterli for providing me with the Dean’s Excellence Award for Graduate Research Travel. With this award, I was able to travel overseas to do research in London, Cambridge, Oxford, and Birmingham. Moreover, I wish to thank Dr. Robert B. Fairbanks, the former Chairman of the History Department at the University of Texas at Arlington. -
Timeline: Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament in the Middle East Compiled by Amanda Tapp
Timeline: Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament in the Middle East Compiled by Amanda Tapp 1949: The Israel Defense Forces find 1960s: Steps to establish a nuclear sources of uranium in the Negev desert. weapons-free zone in the Middle East begin. The Committee for the 1950s: Iran’s nuclear program begins Denuclearization of the Middle East (a with U.S. assistance as part of the “Atoms group of Israeli intellectuals) proposes for Peace” program, which began under the idea first in 1962, publicly stating U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s that the development of nuclear weapons administration. This collaboration “constitute[s] a danger to Israel and to would come to a halt with the toppling peace in the Middle East,” urging the of the Shah of Iran in the 1979 Iranian United Nations to intervene “to prevent Revolution. military nuclear production”. 1953: Iran launches a civilian nuclear May 1961: The U.S. Atomic Energy program initiative with the aim of Commission (AEC) sends inspectors reaching nuclear cooperation agreements to Dimona. The results affirm that with other nuclear-capable states. Dimona only had a research reactor and was not capable of producing weapons- 1955: The United States agrees to sell grade plutonium. This is reaffirmed by a Israel a small nuclear research reactor. second inspection in September 1962. 1957: Israel begins work on the Negev 1963: Israel agrees to buy 100 tons of Nuclear Research Facility, a large reactor uranium ore from Argentina in a secret in the desert near Dimona, which would agreement in response to rising tensions become the foundation for Israel’s between the United States and Israel. -
Incentives and Disincentives for Proliferation
Chapter IV . Incentives and Disincentives for Proliferation . 4 Chapter IV Incentives and Disincentives for Proliferation An analysis of proliferation suggests a number ot broadly applicable incen- tives and disincentives for acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. The useful- ness of those generalized incentives (or disincentives) for gaining insights into the motivations of specific Nth countries varies from country to country. Moreover, such a list can be representative, but not exhaustive. In the majority of instances, however, the decision to proliferate will, explicitly or implicitly, be based on some composite of the factors listed below. This composite varies over time with the unique characteristics of each country and the evolution of its na- tional affairs. Before examining general incentives and disincentives it may be helpful to identify specific countries of particular importance in assessing the past and future course of proliferation. This includes states in three categories: weapon states, major refrainers, and Nth countries. The list of countries under the latter two headings is necessarily selective. Selected Selected Weapon States Potential Weapon States Major Refrainers (Nth Countries) Us. Sweden Argentina U.S.S.R. Japan Brazil UK Fed. Rep. of Israel a France - Germany South Africa China Iran Indiab Pakistan Taiwan South Korea a Widely reputed to already possess one or more weapons. b Ha5 exploded a nuclear device but apparently has not converted that device into an actual WeaPOn. A 93 GENERAL INCENTIVES Deterrence the wealth, power, and expertise, the rest struggle for economic independence, self- The primary incentive for many states to -respect, and a place in the sun. Nuclear acquire nuclear weapons would be to deter ex- weapons may serve to bolster a nation’s self- ternal efforts to undermine or destroy the ex- -confidence and win respect from or engender isting regime or governmental system. -
Navigating the Taiwan Strait 49
Navigating the Robert S. Ross Taiwan Strait Deterrence, Escalation Dominance, and U.S.-China Relations Since the end of the Cold War, the strategic focus of the United States has shifted from Europe to East Asia, in recognition of East Asia’s growing economic importance and the strategic dynamism of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).1 In this context, the prospect for war in the Taiwan Strait has emerged as a major preoccupation of U.S. policymakers. The March 1996 U.S.-China confrontation, when the PRC carried out military exercises and missile tests near Taiwan and the United States deployed two aircraft carriers to the region, placed this concern at the forefront of U.S. strategic planning. The result has been increased U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, the beginnings of a U.S.-Taiwan defense relationship focused on wartime cooperation, and heightened U.S. interest in missile defense.2 The assumption of the George W. Bush administration is that war in the Tai- wan Strait is sufªciently likely that the United States must strengthen its diplo- matic and military ties with Taiwan, even though such ties could disrupt U.S.- China relations and regional stability. But the analysis supporting this key as- sumption is lacking. In the aftermath of the Cold War, interest among scholars and policymakers in deterrence theory and in its application to U.S. foreign policy has languished.3 This article draws on deterrence theory to understand Robert S. Ross is Professor of Political Science, Boston College, and Associate of the John King Fairbank Center for East Asian Studies, Harvard University. -
Nuclear-Conventional-Firebreaks
NUCLEAR-CONVENTIONAL FIREBREAKS AND THE NUCLEAR TABOO BARRY D. WATTS NUCLEAR-COnVEnTIOnAL FIREBREAKS AnD THE NUCLEAR TABOO BY BARRy D. WATTS 2013 Acknowledgments The idea of exploring systematically why the leaders of various nations have chosen to maintain, or aspire to acquire, nuclear weapons was first suggested to me by Andrew W. Marshall. In several cases, the motivations attributed to national leaders in this report are undoubtedly speculative and open to debate. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the rulers of at least some nations entertain strong reasons for maintaining or acquiring nuclear weapons that have nothing to do with the nuclear competition between the United States and the former Soviet Union, either before or after 1991. Eric Edelman provided valuable suggestions on both substance and sources. At the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, Abby Stewart and Nick Setterberg did the majority of the editing. I am especially grateful to Nick for vetting the footnotes. Last but not least, Andrew Krepinevich’s suggestions on the narrative flow and the structure of the paper’s arguments greatly clarified the original draft. © 2013 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. COnTEnTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 5 THE AMERICAN SEARCH FOR ALTERNATIVES TO GENERAL NUCLEAR WAR 5 Context 7 Atomic Blackmail and Massive Nuclear Retaliation 11 Flexible Response and Assured Destruction 15 The Long Range Research and Development Planning Program 19 Selective Nuclear Options and Presidential Directive/NSC-59 23 The Strategic Defense Initiative 26 The Soviet General Staff, LNOs and Launch on Warning 29 POST-COLD WAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA 29 Evolving U.S. -
Is Counterproliferation Compatible with Nonproliferation?: Rethinking the Defense Counterproliferation Initiative
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1995-06 Is counterproliferation compatible with nonproliferation?: rethinking the Defense Counterproliferation Initiative McColl, Angus A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31463 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS IS COUNTERPROLIFERATION COMPATIBLE WITH NONPROLIFERATION? RETHINKING THE DEFENSE COUNTERPROLIFERATION INITIATIVE by Angus A. McColl June, 1995 Thesis Co-Advisors: Peter R. Lavoy John Arquilla Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. 19960116 044 mt&m ra^crr REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information ,s estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions searching• existing data sources. gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and review.ng the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or änv othe'r aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services. Directorate^ inf5rrn«Sn S-S r - V -a*ect-?f ,h,s Oavis Highwav.Suite, 204, Arlington, ^22202-4302.,"»^ 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 1995 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS IS COUNTERPROLIFERATION COMPATIBLE WITH NONPROLIFERATION^ RETHINKING THE DEFENSE COUNTERPROLIFERATION INITIATIVE 6. AUTHOR(S) McColl, Angus A. 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND AODRESS(ES) PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93940-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance in the Baltic Region Alexander Lanoszka University of Waterloo, CA [email protected]
SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF Lanoszka, A. (2019). Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance MILITARY STUDIES in the Baltic Region. Scandinavian Journal of Military Studies, 2(1), pp. 84–94. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31374/sjms.22 RESEARCH ARTICLE Nuclear Blackmail and Nuclear Balance in the Baltic Region Alexander Lanoszka University of Waterloo, CA [email protected] Questions about the nuclear balance have resurfaced in Europe after a long hiatus. NATO members in the Baltic region especially worry that Russia might use nuclear weapons to gain a strategic advantage at their expense. I draw on the political science literature on nuclear coercion to investigate whether Russia can successfully use nuclear coercion. I argue that NATO defense planners have more cause for optimism than they might realize. First, Russia will continue to suffer an unfavorable nuclear balance at the strategic level and so will never fully be confident that it can escape unacceptable costs meted out by the United States. Second, although their record of behavior suggests that Russian leaders might believe that nuclear weapons are useful for compellence, an alternative explanation is possible. That is, they may simply be compensating for their own relative inferiority with bluster. Third, nuclear coercion is only effective under very stringent circumstances: when the user is facing a large-scale conventional military attack that it cannot handle. Far from being cowed, NATO members located in the Baltic region are responding to Russia’s nuclear saber rattling with efforts to bolster their defense and deterrence measures. Keywords: A2/AD; nuclear coercion; NATO; Baltic security The nuclear balance of power seems to matter once again in Europe. -
Air Strike at Osirak
Air Strike at Osirak Rumors have been circulating for years that Israel was getting ready to n the fall of 1980, Israeli military launch a pre-emptive attack on Iran’s emerging nuclear weapons capability. intelligence reported that the Osirak The speculation intensified as Iran prepared to move its uranium enrichment nuclear reactor, 12 miles southeast plant into a hardened mountain bunker. Iran continued to resist diplomatic of Baghdad, would become opera- and economic pressures to cease its quest for an atomic bomb. tional between July and November In February, Israel warned that the window of opportunity for a successful Iof 1981. Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein military operation was closing, and an attack could not be delayed much had no need for a reactor for electric longer if it was to be done at all. News reports said the Pentagon believed power production or other peaceful Israel might attack as early as April. purposes; Iraqi oil reserves were ranked There were inevitable comparisons to a situation with marked similarities sixth in the world. 30 years ago, when the Israeli Air Force wiped out a nuclear reactor in Iraq What Saddam really wanted from the just before it was to be activated. This is the story of the air strike at Osirak. reactor was the spent atomic fuel, from which plutonium could be extracted to manufacture the core of an implosion- 58 AIR FORCE Magazine / April 2012 relations with the Arab world. In the Iraq’s nuclear reactor was about to go hot. wake of severe gasoline shortages in If the Israelis were going to take action, the United States and Western Europe following the Arab oil embargo of it had to be soon. -
The Regional Context Domestic Aspects of Strategic Postures: the Past and Future in a Middle East Nuclear Regime
The Regional Context Domestic Aspects of Strategic Postures: The Past and Future in a Middle East Nuclear Regime ETEL SOLINGEN This paper examines domestic aspects of the debate over the establishment of a regional nuclear regime in the Middle East. It does so in order to offset the marginal attention paid to the impact of domestic processes and institutions in the definition of strategic outcomes.' The call for incorporating domestic politics into the study of international regimes is not new but, with few exceptions, has been rarely followed by actual applications.2 That failure has not been the subject of great controversy in the analysis of nuclear options in the Middle East, because neorealist assumptions about the primacy of state survival considerations have gained unparalleled analytical supremacy. The potential for physical annihilation compelled a neorealist point of departure, even when neorealist assumptions led to no particular saddlepoint, or solution (in logical terms, the search for survival could have led to a range of means and outcomes). That different domestic actors are likely to define strategic options with different considerations in mind seems self-evident. Domestic groups weigh different international outcomes according to the latter's potential effect on their own political and institutional pay-offs. The pay-offs associated with different outcomes can be affected by different mixes of side-payments. For instance, no military establishment entrusted with maintaining conventional deterrence would endanger its access to conventional weapons, the means with which it maintains its mission. In general terms, domestic actors rank their preferences according to the rate at which they discount the future, their degree of receptivity to transparency, their sensitivity coefficients to gaps in gains, and/or their definition of a 'balanced exchange'. -
CPC Outreach Journal #919
Issue No. 919, 27 June 2011 Articles & Other Documents: Featured Article: Congress Continues to Struggle with WMD, Bioterror Legislation 1. Iran to Conduct Missile Drills Today 2. N. Korea's HEU Stocks May Exceed its Plutonium Stockpile in 3 Years 3. N.Korea 'Getting Ready to Build a Nuclear Warhead' 4. Prime Minister Julia Gillard to Call for Global Disarmament, Destroy Atomic Weapons in US, Britain 5. Pakistan, India Seek to Lower Nuclear Fears 6. Melt Seen in Frozen Pak-India Ties 7. India Expects Partners to Fulfill Nuclear Commitments 8. Pak Not Capable of Keeping N-Arms Safe: Top Nuclear Physicist 9. Bulava Launches to Resume June 28 - Source 10. Hugo Chavez in 'Critical' Condition in Cuban Hospital 11. Congress Continues to Struggle with WMD, Bioterror Legislation 12. Fire Threatens Los Alamos National Laboratory 13. FBI Says Terrorism Cases on Upswing 14. War on Terror and Judicial Collapse in Pakistan – Analysis 15. Nuclear Proliferation in Southwest Asia 16. U.S. and North Korea: The Land of Lousy Options 17. Deterrent and Defense against a Nuclear Iran 18. Iran Carves Out an AfPak Hub Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. This information includes articles, papers and other documents addressing issues pertinent to US military response options for dealing with chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) threats and countermeasures. It’s our hope this information resource will help enhance your counterproliferation issue awareness.