Air Strike at Osirak
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Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
Doktori (Phd) Értekezés
NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Doktori (PhD) értekezés Kis J. Ervin Budapest, 2017. NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Kis J. Ervin A LÉGVÉDELMI ÉS LÉGIERŐK EVOLÚCIÓJA, HELYE, SZEREPE, AZ ARAB-IZRAELI 1967-ES, 1973-AS és 1982- ES HÁBORÚK SORÁN, VALAMINT AZ IZRAELI LÉGIERŐ HAMÁSZ ÉS A HEZBOLLAH ELLENI HÁBORÚS ALKALMAZÁSÁNAK TAPASZTALATAI Doktori (PhD) értekezés Témavezető: Dr. habil. Jobbágy Zoltán ezredes, (Ph.D.) egyetemi docens Budapest, 2017 2 TARTALOMJEGYZÉK I. BEVEZETÉS ....................................................................................................................... 5 I.1. A kutatási témaválasztás indoklás ..................................................................................... 9 I.2 A kutatási téma feldolgozásának és aktualitásának indoklása ........................................ 9 I.3 A tudományos probléma megfogalmazása ................................................................... 12 I.4 Hipotézisek ..... .................................................................................................................... 14 I.5 Kutatási célok...................................................................................................................... 14 I.6 Alkalmazott kutatási módszerek ...................................................................................... 20 I.7. A témával foglalkozó szakirodalom áttekintése.................................................. .............21 I.8 Az értekezés felépítése ....................................................................................................... -
Israel's Struggle Against Hamas
Università degli Studi “Roma Tre” Scuola Dottorale in Scienze Politiche XXV Ciclo Israel’s Struggle Against Hamas Supervisore Dottorando Prof. Leopoldo Nuti Niccolò Petrelli Coordinatore della Sezione Prof. Leopoldo Nuti Introduction The PhD research, ‘Israel’s Struggle against Hamas: Strategic Culture, Adaptation and War’, studies the impact of cultural factors on the Israeli counter-insurgency vis-à-vis Hamas in the period comprised between 1987 and 2005, analyzing to what extent the peculiar traits of the Israeli approach to security and military affairs account for the shaping of a distinct ‘way of war’ and for the successes and failures of the Jewish state in countering the Islamic Resistance Movement’s insurgency. The concept of ‘counter-insurgency’ is logically contingent on that of ‘insurgency’, to which it applies. Being insurgency a protracted struggle to control a contested political space conducted by one or more popularly based non-state challengers1, ‘counter-insurgency’ could be defined as all those measures through which elements of national power are applied for the purpose of suppressing an insurgency. From this definition it appears clear how the concept constitutes an analytical paradigm through which scholars and practitioners approach asymmetric warfare (or war against ‘irregulars’, ‘partisans’ or ‘guerrillas’), that is struggles between non-state and state actors.2 Although old as human civilization, asymmetric warfare rose to prominence after 1945, coming to represent the norm, rather than the exception, of war.3 The end of the Cold War and the last two decades seemed to confirm the ascendancy of this specific kind of warfare over ‘conventional’ or ‘symmetric warfare’ and the setting of a pattern that will probably continue for some time.4 Counter-insurgency represents therefore a topic worth to study not only by virtue of its prominence in the history of warfare, but also in light of the nature of the conflicts confronting the international community, either currently and possibly also in the near future. -
US Foreign Aid to Israel: a Reassessment Policy Paper
2013 תשע“ג US Foreign Aid סיוע חוץ :to Israel של ארה“ב לישראל: A Reassessment הערכה מחדש נייר מדיניות Policy Paper גדעון ישראל Gideon Israel המכללה למדינאות The Jewish Statesmanship Center ת.ד. 18749 ירושלים P.O.Box 18749, Jerusalem טל' 077-5156011 פקס Tel. +972-77-5156011 077-5156014 http://www.statesmanship.org.il http://www.statesmanship.org.il/ © כל הזכויות שמורות All rights reserved © US Foreign Aid to Israel: A Reassessment Policy Paper Gideon Israel Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................ 5 Policy Paper Summary ................................................................. 6 Appendix 1 History of Aid ......................................................... 17 Appendix 2 Origins of the Aid ................................................... 26 Appendix 3 Examples of Pressure ............................................. 32 Appendix 4 Israel’s Dependence on America ............................ 47 Appendix 5 Linkage: Impact on US Aid to Israel's Enemies .... 50 Appendix 6 Congress and Foreign Policy ................................. 54 Appendix 7 US State Department and Israel ............................. 65 Appendix 8 US Financial Crisis ................................................ 70 Appendix 9 Recommendations .................................................. 75 Afterword ................................................................................... 86 Bibliography ............................................................................. -
Israel, Middle East
Review of the Year OTHER COUNTRIES Israel and the Middle East Israel X HE VIOLENCE THAT BEGAN in late 2000 and continued all through 2001—featuring Palestinian suicide bombings aimed at pro- ducing a maximum of Israeli casualties, and Israeli reprisals—did not abate in 2002; in fact, it intensified. Tough new measures by the Likud- led coalition, including stepped-up "targeted killings'1 of terror kingpins and large-scale incursions into Palestinian areas—such as Operation De- fensive Shield in the spring—brought only temporary halts to the attacks on Israelis and sharp criticism from around the world. An exception to the unsympathetic attitude toward Israel in world cap- itals was that of the American government. Although President George W. Bush became the first president explicitly to call for a Palestinian state, he delivered a speech on June 24 announcing that the Palestinian National Authority would have to undergo democratization, renounce terror, and select new leadership (that is, not Yasir Arafat) first. Toward the end of the year, with a U.S. strike on Iraq looming, the U.S., the UN, the European Union (EU), and the chief European powers promoted a "road map," charting steps that Israel and the Palestinians might take to reach an ultimate settlement. The security crisis loomed large over Israeli life. The economy, already hard-hit by more than a year of violence, suffered further blows. And while the Labor Party left the coalition and brought down the government on October 30 ostensibly over a budgetary matter, what was really at stake was whether Labor could devise a strategy for stopping the bloodshed that would be both different from Likud's and convincing to the voters. -
Israel-Iran Short-Term Potential for Conflict
Executive Summary Monday, August 27, 2012 SPECIAL ANALYSIS: Israel-Iran Short-Term Potential for Conflict EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Despite comments by some Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, that the window for attacking Iran’s nuclear program is closing, it is unlikely that Israel will conduct a unilateral attack in the short-term. Any attack would strain Israeli military capabilities to the limit, invite costly counterstrikes from Iran and/or its proxies, worsen global economic conditions (impair oil transshipments, Middle East instability, etc.), and severely damage the Israeli economy which, to-date, has been a success story for Prime Minister Netanyahu. Political Considerations Prime Minister Netanyahu’s comments indicating that Israel will take unilateral action and not rely on allies is assessed as an effort to force President Obama’s hand in supporting future Israeli action or, optimally, pressuring the U.S. to take the lead in military action against Iranian nuclear facilities o Based on the perception that President Obama is vulnerable during the pre-election period on support-to-Israel issues with some voters Much of the Israeli government (including President Shimon Peres), leaders of the Israeli Defense Forces, and the Israeli public are not in support of an attack (61% oppose without U.S. support)i U.S. support, or acquiescence, does not seem to be in place as evidenced by recent trips to Israel by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, both of whom urged restraint -
Israel, Iraq, and Operation Opera
Chapter 8 Preventive Strikes: When States Call the Wrong “Bluff” On June 7, 1981, fourteen of Israel’s best fighter pilots gathered at Etzion air base, near Israel’s southernmost point. At 3:55 pm local time, the pilots entered their F-15 and F-16 fighter jets and took off. Their target: Osirak, a nuclear facility on the outskirts of Baghdad. Less than an hour later, the fighters had destroyed the facility. Israel had successfully executed one of the cleanest acts of preventive war in history. This book’s core theoretical model shows how a credible threat of preven- tive war heavily shifts bargaining power to the declining state. But thus far, the declining state has used that leverage to achieve better peaceful outcomes; the threat alone deterred the rising state. But Israel’s 1981 attack, dubbed Operation Opera demonstrates that rising states do not always successfully internalize a declining state’s preventive intentions. Why not? Operation Opera was neither the first nor last preventive assault.1 Nor- way’s Vemork Hydroelectric Plant was one of the earliest facilities capable of producing heavy water. On the eve of Nazi Germany’s invasion of Norway, French special forces smuggled the plant’s entire supply out of the country. When Nazi officials ordered the Vemork plant to produce more heavy water, Allied forces and Norwegian resistance sabotaged the its machinery, dealing a significant blow to Germany’s nascent nuclear program. Similarly, during the early stages of the Iran-Iraq War, Iran executed Operation Scorch Sword. With French assistance, Iraq broke ground the 1See Fuhrmann and Kreps 2010 for an exhaustive list of attacks on nuclear facilities. -
Israel's Attack on Osiraq
NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS ISRAEL’S ATTACK ON OSIRAQ: A MODEL FOR FUTURE PREVENTIVE STRIKES? by Peter Scott Ford September 2004 Thesis Advisor: Peter R. Lavoy Second Reader: James J. Wirtz Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2004 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Israel’s Attack on Osiraq: A Model for Future 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Preventive Strikes? 6. AUTHOR Peter S. Ford 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Israeli Perceptions of the Iranian Issue
Conflict Studies Research Centre Middl e East Series 06/42 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom 1 Israeli Perceptions of the Iranian Issue Eugene Kogan Key Points * There is a clear agreement within the Israeli military ranks and the political leadership that the Iranian nuclear programme poses a threat to the whole world and not just to Israel. As a result, diplomacy has to be given ample time before resorting to various sanctions including military options. * Nonetheless, as diplomacy leads nowhere, various sanctions including the military option are gradually moving to the central stage. There is also a deep understanding within the Israeli defence establishment that should there be a pre-emptive strike against Iran, it will respond with all its military might, including using proxy forces such as Hizbullah, which is based in Lebanon. As a result, Israel has been taking measures to protect itself in case of an attack from Iran. * As for an Israeli military strike, there are too many question marks regarding a successful outcome. However, such a possibility cannot be dismissed outright. Reaction from the West or Russia will not be positive, but neither will Israel be ostracised. Contents Introduction 1 Iranian nuclear programme – A world problem and not just Israel’s 3 In case of a pre-emptive strike against Iran 5 Potential operation: Facts and practicalities 6 In case of an attack from Iran 8 International Reaction 9 Conclusion 10 06/42 Israeli Perceptions of the Iranian Issue Eugene Kogan Introduction This report deals with the issue of Israeli reporting and perception of the Iranian nuclear programme under prime ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert, who are rather different in style and policy. -
Operation Opera: an Ambiguous Success
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 3 Number 4 Volume 3, No. 4: Winter 2010 Article 8 Operation Opera: an Ambiguous Success Joshua Kirschenbaum [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons pp. 49-62 Recommended Citation Kirschenbaum, Joshua. "Operation Opera: an Ambiguous Success." Journal of Strategic Security 3, no. 4 (2010) : 49-62. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.3.4.3 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol3/iss4/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Operation Opera: an Ambiguous Success Abstract To assess the efficacy of Israel's strike on Osirak, one must determine Israel's strategic objectives and their material effects on Iraqi capabilities. The capacity of the facilities to produce fissionable material without detection remains in dispute. So, too, does the timeline—and therefore the imminence—of Iraqi acquisition of a nuclear option. The political cost-benefit equation in this case requires a fair dose of subjective judgment. How much did the Israelis delay the program? How much did Iraqi motivation increase post facto? Is military counter-proliferation a viable strategy? Was the potential Iraqi bomb worth risking a bold, unprovoked attack that inevitably drew the condemnation of the world? Did the raid, in toto, raise or lower the risk of regional proliferation in the Middle East? All of these considerations must factor into an informed opinion on the retrospective wisdom of Begin's decision. -
The Sixth Herzliya Conference on the Balance of Israel’S National Security
The Sixth Herzliya Conference On The Balance of Israel’s National Security January 21-24, 2006 Conference & Accommodations at the Daniel Hotel, Herzliya, Israel Saturday, January 21, 2006 Greetings: Yael German, Mayor of Herzliya Opening Remarks: National Resilience in the Face of Risks and Opportunities Prof. Uzi Arad, Chair, Herzliya Conference; Head, Institute for Policy and Strategy Assessing Israel's National Security and the “Herzliya Indices 2006” Chair: Israel Trau, Assistant General Manager, First International Bank of Israel Prof. Rafi Melnick, Dean, Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy, IDC Herzliya Maj. Gen. (res.) Giora Eiland, Head of the National Security Council Prof. Gabriel Ben-Dor, Director, National Security Studies Center, University of Haifa Discussion Lt. Gen. (res.) Shaul Mofaz, Minister of Defense 20:00 Dinner Opening Ceremony Chair: Prof. Uriel Reichman, President, IDC Herzliya Prof. Israel (Robert) J. Aumann, Nobel Prize Laureate in Economics; Center for the Study of Rationality, HebrewUniversity of Jerusalem Prof. Haim Harari, Chairman of the Board, Davidson Institute for Science Education, Weizmann Institute Sunday, January 22, 2006 08:00 Morning Sessions National Security Policy as Risk Management Chair: Maj. Gen. (res.) Eitan Ben-Eliyahu, CEO, Sentry Technology Group Prof. Paul R. Kleindorfer, Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania Prof. Paul Bracken, School of Management and Department of Political Science, Yale University Discussion Strategic Trends on the Global Landscape Chair: Prof. Jerry (Yoram) Wind, Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania Stanley Roth, Vice President for Asia, International Relations, Boeing Company Dr. Nicholas Eberstadt, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Dr. Robert Trice, Senior Vice President, Business Development, Lockheed Martin Corporation Prof. -
21295 Hon. Edolphus Towns Hon. Sheila Jackson-Lee
October 31, 2001 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 21295 for his ambitious histories, ‘‘The Catskills: We should support democracy in South Asia and stalking. The Act also reauthorizes critical From Wilderness to Woodstock’’ and ‘‘Wood- in the form of a free and fair plebiscite with grant programs created by VAWA of 1994 and stock: History of an American Town,’’ as well international monitoring on the question of subsequent legislation, establishes new pro- as ‘‘In Catskill Country: Collected Essays on independence for Khalistan, Kashmir, grams, and strengthens federal laws. Mountain History, Life and Lore.’’ Mr. Evers Nagaland, and the other countries seeking I am proud to say that Congress has recog- authored more than fifty children’s books, their freedom from Indian. This will provide the nized that women and children victims of do- which were illustrated by his wife, Helen. opportunity for every one in the subcontinent mestic violence deserve enhanced protection. These books helped bring his deep interest in to live in freedom, dignity, peace, and pros- But we must also take additional steps—we ecology and nature to young people. Alf also perity. That is the best way to promote stability must continue to raise awareness. Socially, served as associate editor of the New York in South Asia. we must emphasize that women have choices. Folklore Quarterly and wrote articles for the I would like to place an article from Burning Traditional ideology has forced women to re- New York Conservationist. Punjab on the complaint into the RECORD at main in dangerous and even fatal situations. Over the years, Alf Evers’ imagination and this time.