US Foreign Aid to Israel: a Reassessment Policy Paper
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CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project
CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY WORKING PAPER NO. 9 STUDIES JUNE 2003 Searching for Solutions THE NEW WALLS AND FENCES: CONSEQUENCES FOR ISRAEL AND PALESTINE GERSHON BASKIN WITH SHARON ROSENBERG This Working Paper is published by the CEPS Middle East and Euro-Med Project. The project addresses issues of policy and strategy of the European Union in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the wider issues of EU relations with the countries of the Barcelona Process and the Arab world. Participants in the project include independent experts from the region and the European Union, as well as a core team at CEPS in Brussels led by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci. Support for the project is gratefully acknowledged from: • Compagnia di San Paolo, Torino • Department for International Development (DFID), London. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. ISBN 92-9079-436-4 Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.be) CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project Copyright 2003, CEPS Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1 • B-1000 Brussels • Tel: (32.2) 229.39.11 • Fax: (32.2) 219.41.41 e-mail: [email protected] • website: http://www.ceps.be THE NEW WALLS AND FENCES – CONSEQUENCES FOR ISRAEL AND PALESTINE WORKING PAPER NO. 9 OF THE CEPS MIDDLE EAST & EURO-MED PROJECT * GERSHON BASKIN WITH ** SHARON ROSENBERG ABSTRACT ood fences make good neighbours’ wrote the poet Robert Frost. Israel and Palestine are certainly not good neighbours and the question that arises is will a ‘G fence between Israel and Palestine turn them into ‘good neighbours’. -
Doktori (Phd) Értekezés
NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Doktori (PhD) értekezés Kis J. Ervin Budapest, 2017. NEMZETI KÖZSZOLGÁLATI EGYETEM Hadtudományi Doktori Iskola Kis J. Ervin A LÉGVÉDELMI ÉS LÉGIERŐK EVOLÚCIÓJA, HELYE, SZEREPE, AZ ARAB-IZRAELI 1967-ES, 1973-AS és 1982- ES HÁBORÚK SORÁN, VALAMINT AZ IZRAELI LÉGIERŐ HAMÁSZ ÉS A HEZBOLLAH ELLENI HÁBORÚS ALKALMAZÁSÁNAK TAPASZTALATAI Doktori (PhD) értekezés Témavezető: Dr. habil. Jobbágy Zoltán ezredes, (Ph.D.) egyetemi docens Budapest, 2017 2 TARTALOMJEGYZÉK I. BEVEZETÉS ....................................................................................................................... 5 I.1. A kutatási témaválasztás indoklás ..................................................................................... 9 I.2 A kutatási téma feldolgozásának és aktualitásának indoklása ........................................ 9 I.3 A tudományos probléma megfogalmazása ................................................................... 12 I.4 Hipotézisek ..... .................................................................................................................... 14 I.5 Kutatási célok...................................................................................................................... 14 I.6 Alkalmazott kutatási módszerek ...................................................................................... 20 I.7. A témával foglalkozó szakirodalom áttekintése.................................................. .............21 I.8 Az értekezés felépítése ....................................................................................................... -
The Israeli Experience in Lebanon, 1982-1985
THE ISRAELI EXPERIENCE IN LEBANON, 1982-1985 Major George C. Solley Marine Corps Command and Staff College Marine Corps Development and Education Command Quantico, Virginia 10 May 1987 ABSTRACT Author: Solley, George C., Major, USMC Title: Israel's Lebanon War, 1982-1985 Date: 16 February 1987 On 6 June 1982, the armed forces of Israel invaded Lebanon in a campaign which, although initially perceived as limited in purpose, scope, and duration, would become the longest and most controversial military action in Israel's history. Operation Peace for Galilee was launched to meet five national strategy goals: (1) eliminate the PLO threat to Israel's northern border; (2) destroy the PLO infrastructure in Lebanon; (3) remove Syrian military presence in the Bekaa Valley and reduce its influence in Lebanon; (4) create a stable Lebanese government; and (5) therefore strengthen Israel's position in the West Bank. This study examines Israel's experience in Lebanon from the growth of a significant PLO threat during the 1970's to the present, concentrating on the events from the initial Israeli invasion in June 1982 to the completion of the withdrawal in June 1985. In doing so, the study pays particular attention to three aspects of the war: military operations, strategic goals, and overall results. The examination of the Lebanon War lends itself to division into three parts. Part One recounts the background necessary for an understanding of the war's context -- the growth of PLO power in Lebanon, the internal power struggle in Lebanon during the long and continuing civil war, and Israeli involvement in Lebanon prior to 1982. -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
The Security Fence Around Jerusalem: Implications for the City and Its Residents
The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Founded by the Charles H. Revson Foundation The Security Fence Around Jerusalem: Implications for the City and its Residents Editor: Israel Kimhi כל הזכויות שמורות למכון ירושלים לחקר ישראל The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies Established by the Charles H. Revson Foundation The Security Fence Around Jerusalem: Implications for the City and Its Residents Editor: Israel Kimhi 2006 כל הזכויות שמורות למכון ירושלים לחקר ישראל The JUS Studies Series, No. Ill The Security Fence Around Jerusalem: Implications for the City and Its Residents Editor: Israel Kimhi Maps: Yair Assaf-Shapira Layout and design: Esti Boehm Production and printing: Hamutal Appel We wish to thank Al Levitt of San Francisco, the Yaakov and Hilda Blaustein Foundation, the Frankel Foundation, the Charles H. Revson Foundation, the New Israel Fund, the Jerusalem Fund and the National Security Council for making this project possible. The views expressed in this book are solely the responsibility of the authors © 2006, The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies The Hay Elyachar House 20 Radak St., 92186 Jerusalem http://www.jiis.org.il E-mail: [email protected] כל הזכויות שמורות למכון ירושלים לחקר ישראל About the authors Israel Kimhi — Urban planner, senior researcher and Jerusalem Studies Coordinator at the Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies. Headed the Jerusalem Municipality's Policy Planning Division. Lecturer in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem's Geography Department and at the Institute of Urban and Regional Studies. -
Israel's Struggle Against Hamas
Università degli Studi “Roma Tre” Scuola Dottorale in Scienze Politiche XXV Ciclo Israel’s Struggle Against Hamas Supervisore Dottorando Prof. Leopoldo Nuti Niccolò Petrelli Coordinatore della Sezione Prof. Leopoldo Nuti Introduction The PhD research, ‘Israel’s Struggle against Hamas: Strategic Culture, Adaptation and War’, studies the impact of cultural factors on the Israeli counter-insurgency vis-à-vis Hamas in the period comprised between 1987 and 2005, analyzing to what extent the peculiar traits of the Israeli approach to security and military affairs account for the shaping of a distinct ‘way of war’ and for the successes and failures of the Jewish state in countering the Islamic Resistance Movement’s insurgency. The concept of ‘counter-insurgency’ is logically contingent on that of ‘insurgency’, to which it applies. Being insurgency a protracted struggle to control a contested political space conducted by one or more popularly based non-state challengers1, ‘counter-insurgency’ could be defined as all those measures through which elements of national power are applied for the purpose of suppressing an insurgency. From this definition it appears clear how the concept constitutes an analytical paradigm through which scholars and practitioners approach asymmetric warfare (or war against ‘irregulars’, ‘partisans’ or ‘guerrillas’), that is struggles between non-state and state actors.2 Although old as human civilization, asymmetric warfare rose to prominence after 1945, coming to represent the norm, rather than the exception, of war.3 The end of the Cold War and the last two decades seemed to confirm the ascendancy of this specific kind of warfare over ‘conventional’ or ‘symmetric warfare’ and the setting of a pattern that will probably continue for some time.4 Counter-insurgency represents therefore a topic worth to study not only by virtue of its prominence in the history of warfare, but also in light of the nature of the conflicts confronting the international community, either currently and possibly also in the near future. -
Air Strike at Osirak
Air Strike at Osirak Rumors have been circulating for years that Israel was getting ready to n the fall of 1980, Israeli military launch a pre-emptive attack on Iran’s emerging nuclear weapons capability. intelligence reported that the Osirak The speculation intensified as Iran prepared to move its uranium enrichment nuclear reactor, 12 miles southeast plant into a hardened mountain bunker. Iran continued to resist diplomatic of Baghdad, would become opera- and economic pressures to cease its quest for an atomic bomb. tional between July and November In February, Israel warned that the window of opportunity for a successful Iof 1981. Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein military operation was closing, and an attack could not be delayed much had no need for a reactor for electric longer if it was to be done at all. News reports said the Pentagon believed power production or other peaceful Israel might attack as early as April. purposes; Iraqi oil reserves were ranked There were inevitable comparisons to a situation with marked similarities sixth in the world. 30 years ago, when the Israeli Air Force wiped out a nuclear reactor in Iraq What Saddam really wanted from the just before it was to be activated. This is the story of the air strike at Osirak. reactor was the spent atomic fuel, from which plutonium could be extracted to manufacture the core of an implosion- 58 AIR FORCE Magazine / April 2012 relations with the Arab world. In the Iraq’s nuclear reactor was about to go hot. wake of severe gasoline shortages in If the Israelis were going to take action, the United States and Western Europe following the Arab oil embargo of it had to be soon. -
Herzliya Conference
HERZLIYA CONFERENCE The Institute for Policy and Strategy Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya TTHEHE IINSTITUTENSTITUTE fforor PPOLICYOLICY aandnd SSTRATEGYTRATEGY TheThe PremierPremier ConvenerConvener ofof IsraeliIsraeli LeadershipLeadership inin NationalNational SecuritySecurity PolicyPolicy T aking Charge of Our Destiny Twenty-first century decision making in national security matters is exceedingly complex. Israel’s dilemmas are particularly acute and often involve many conflicting and contrary considerations. Accordingly, the country’s national leadership must be exposed to ongoing debate of the challenges ahead and the policy options available, in an integrative, interdisciplinary and bipartisan fashion. The Institute for Policy and Strategy (IPS) was founded to serve as a premier convener of Israeli leadership for such debate, focusing on strategic issues that require long-term planning, over- the-horizon thinking and a multi-disciplinary perspective. In pursuit of this end, IPS capitalizes on its smooth, unparalleled access to Israel’s upper echelons to commission task forces, convene conferences, and host executive roundtables involving senior policy makers and seasoned specialists in Israeli and international business, economics and industry, politics and government, academia, military, intelligence, law enforcement, and other vital and relevant sectors. The cutting-edge research and state-of-the- “The Institute for Policy and Strategy art thinking provided by IPS to Israel’s leaders has had concrete impact. and its annual conference on national security have proved Foremost among IPS activities is the Edmond Benjamin de Rothschild Herzliya Conference themselves to be central players in Series on the Balance of Israel’s National Security. This annual gathering, attended by Israel’s the development of Israeli policy policy-making elite and international guests, has become a key event on the national calendar, across a range of fields, from defense monitored closely by Israel’s friends and foes alike. -
Israel, Middle East
Review of the Year OTHER COUNTRIES Israel and the Middle East Israel X HE VIOLENCE THAT BEGAN in late 2000 and continued all through 2001—featuring Palestinian suicide bombings aimed at pro- ducing a maximum of Israeli casualties, and Israeli reprisals—did not abate in 2002; in fact, it intensified. Tough new measures by the Likud- led coalition, including stepped-up "targeted killings'1 of terror kingpins and large-scale incursions into Palestinian areas—such as Operation De- fensive Shield in the spring—brought only temporary halts to the attacks on Israelis and sharp criticism from around the world. An exception to the unsympathetic attitude toward Israel in world cap- itals was that of the American government. Although President George W. Bush became the first president explicitly to call for a Palestinian state, he delivered a speech on June 24 announcing that the Palestinian National Authority would have to undergo democratization, renounce terror, and select new leadership (that is, not Yasir Arafat) first. Toward the end of the year, with a U.S. strike on Iraq looming, the U.S., the UN, the European Union (EU), and the chief European powers promoted a "road map," charting steps that Israel and the Palestinians might take to reach an ultimate settlement. The security crisis loomed large over Israeli life. The economy, already hard-hit by more than a year of violence, suffered further blows. And while the Labor Party left the coalition and brought down the government on October 30 ostensibly over a budgetary matter, what was really at stake was whether Labor could devise a strategy for stopping the bloodshed that would be both different from Likud's and convincing to the voters. -
Human Rights Developments Positive Developments in Some Countries In
Human Rights Developments Positive developments in some countries in the region were overshadowed by a continuing pattern of human rights abuses, political violence, and a faltering Arab-Israeli peace process. At this writing clashes unprecedented in their lethality had erupted between Palestinian demonstrators and Israeli security forces in Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and inside Israel itself. Serious abuses including arbitrary arrest, torture, and unfair trials' were pervasive, as emergency rule or laws suspending constitutional protections were applied in many countries and the death penalty remained in force in all except Oman, Qatar, and Tunisia. Against this sobering backdrop, local activists and human rights organizations challenged these policies, though they often paid a high price for their courage. The rulers of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain made statements and authorized initiatives that suggested they might be ready to take human rights issues more seriously than in the past. The year also saw a potentially significant transition as Bashar al-Asad took power in Syria, joining the new generation of rulers in Morocco, Jordan, and Bahrain. The status and rights of women were a key issue in many countries. In Morocco the issue of remedying the discriminatory provisions of the personal status law and a Anational action plan@ to give women more rights gave rise to large demonstrations for and against in March. Jordanian women and men joined together in a campaign to eliminate laws condoning Ahonor killings@ of women, and women in Kuwait campaigned vigorously for the right to vote and stand for public office. Saudi Arabia in September ratified the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). -
Activity Report Year 2014-Yedidut Zahala
Dear all, In the following pamphlet, I am pleased to present the activities conducted under the auspices of the "Yedidut Zahala" project, serving 1,300 at-risk Israeli youths in approximately 100 groups, spread from Eilat in the south to Akko in the north. For three consecutive years, our volunteers meet on a weekly basis with the youth groups they accompany and guide. Together, they take part in diverse activities, including discussions about values, such as tolerance, friendship and leadership, learn about Israeli history, deliberate about current events, and participate in community service. Furthermore, the groups enjoy team-bonding and entertainment events, as well as visit IDF bases, heritage sites, museums and attend plays. Every year, all the groups come together for a special Activity Day, marking the apex of our annual program. Additionally, every year, a delegation of Yedidut Zahala members travels to Poland to grasp the extermination camps first-hand, in a journey that strengthens both their Israeli and moral identities. In this report, you will find pictures and impressions from the activities of Yedidut Zahala groups over the past few years. The programs are quite extensive – we had no choice to display it all "in a nutshell"… Thank you to the partners and contributors who help us achieve our dreams. In appreciation and in friendship, Ran Ronen (Pekker), Founder and Chairperson, Yedidut Zahala 1 Recipients Minister of Education CEO, Ministry of Social Affairs and Social Services President, International Fellowship of Christians -
Israel's Attack on Osiraq
NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS ISRAEL’S ATTACK ON OSIRAQ: A MODEL FOR FUTURE PREVENTIVE STRIKES? by Peter Scott Ford September 2004 Thesis Advisor: Peter R. Lavoy Second Reader: James J. Wirtz Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2004 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: Israel’s Attack on Osiraq: A Model for Future 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Preventive Strikes? 6. AUTHOR Peter S. Ford 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S.