Intentions of Right-Wing Extremists in Germany
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Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Code of Conduct (Verhaltenscodex)
1 Code of conduct (Verhaltenscodex) Unser Unternehmen zeichnet sich durch eine aktive Haltung gegen Diskriminierung aus. Als Teil unseres Unternehmens fordern wir alle Mitarbeiter*innen dazu auf, einen Beitrag zum Abbau von Vorurteilen und Vorbehalten gegenüber ethnischen, nationalen oder religiösen Minderheiten zu leisten. Im Sinne des Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes (AGG) sind alle unsere Mitarbeiter*innen zu einem wertschätzenden und respektvollen Umgang miteinander angehalten. Ein weltoffenes Klima ohne Ausländerfeindlichkeit ist Teil unserer Firmenpolitik. Als Mitarbeiter*in sind Sie deswegen dazu aufgefordert, entsprechend des Grundsatzes der Nichtdiskriminierung und der Gleichbehandlung alle unmittelbaren und mittelbaren Diskriminierungen aufgrund der ethnischen Herkunft, Abstammung, Religion, Nationalität oder der sexuellen Orientierung sowie Belästigungen, Mobbing und fremdenfeindliche Handlungen zu verhindern bzw. zu unterlassen. Als Mitarbeiter*in des Unternehmens 1. verpflichte ich mich dazu, die freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung anzuerkennen und die darin vertretenden Werte in Gesellschaft und Betriebsleben zu verkörpern. 2. verpflichte ich mich dazu, alle Betroffenen, mit denen ich zusammenarbeite (eingeschlossen Menschen aus Krisengebieten und Schutzsuchenden), fair und mit Respekt, höflich, würdig und übereinstimmend mit den Gesetzen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, internationalem Recht und ortsüblichen Regeln zu behandeln. 3. verpflichte ich mich, insbesondere Straftaten, die mit einer rechtsextremistischen Haltung -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: the Evolution of a Doctrine
www.doew.at Brigitte Bailer-Galanda “Revisionism”1 in Germany and Austria: The Evolution of a Doctrine Published in: Hermann Kurthen/Rainer Erb/Werner Bergmann (ed.), Anti-Sem- itism and Xenophobia in Germany after Unification, New York–Oxford 1997 Development of “revisionism” since 1945 Most people understand so called „revisionism“ as just another word for the movement of holocaust denial (Benz 1994; Lipstadt 1993; Shapiro 1990). Therefore it was suggested lately to use the word „negationism“ instead. How- ever in the author‘s point of view „revisionism“ covers some more topics than just the denying of the National Socialist mass murders. Especially in Germany and Austria there are some more points of National Socialist politics some people have tried to minimize or apologize since 1945, e. g. the responsibility for World War II, the attack on the Soviet Union in 1941 (quite a modern topic), (the discussion) about the number of the victims of the holocaust a. s. o.. In the seventies the late historian Martin Broszat already called that movement „run- ning amok against reality“ (Broszat 1976). These pseudo-historical writers, many of them just right wing extremist publishers or people who quite rapidly turned to right wing extremists, really try to prove that history has not taken place, just as if they were able to make events undone by denying them. A conception of “negationism” (Auerbach 1993a; Fromm and Kernbach 1994, p. 9; Landesamt für Verfassungsschutz 1994) or “holocaust denial” (Lipstadt 1993, p. 20) would neglect the additional components of “revision- ism”, which are logically connected with the denying of the holocaust, this being the extreme variant. -
Persistence and Activation of Right-Wing Political Ideology
Persistence and Activation of Right-Wing Political Ideology Davide Cantoni Felix Hagemeister Mark Westcott* May 2020 Abstract We argue that persistence of right-wing ideology can explain the recent rise of populism. Shifts in the supply of party platforms interact with an existing demand, giving rise to hitherto in- visible patterns of persistence. The emergence of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) offered German voters a populist right-wing option with little social stigma attached. We show that municipalities that expressed strong support for the Nazi party in 1933 are more likely to vote for the AfD. These dynamics are not generated by a concurrent rightward shift in political attitudes, nor by other factors or shocks commonly associated with right-wing populism. Keywords: Persistence, Culture, Right-wing ideology, Germany JEL Classification: D72, N44, P16 *Cantoni: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat¨ Munich, CEPR, and CESifo. Email: [email protected]. Hagemeister: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat¨ Munich. Email: [email protected]. Westcott: Vivid Economics, Lon- don. Email: [email protected]. We would like to thank Leonardo Bursztyn, Vicky Fouka, Mathias Buhler,¨ Joan Monras, Nathan Nunn, Andreas Steinmayr, Joachim Voth, Fabian Waldinger, Noam Yuchtman, Ekaterina Zhuravskaya and seminar participants in Berkeley (Haas), CERGE-EI, CEU, Copenhagen, Dusseldorf,¨ EUI, Geneva, Hebrew, IDC Herzliya, Lund, Munich (LMU), Nuremberg, Paris (PSE and Sciences Po), Passau, Pompeu Fabra, Stock- holm (SU), Trinity College Dublin, and Uppsala for helpful comments. We thank Florian Caro, Louis-Jonas Hei- zlsperger, Moritz Leitner, Lenny Rosen and Ann-Christin Schwegmann for excellent research assistance. Edyta Bogucka provided outstanding GIS assistance. Financial support from the Munich Graduate School of Economics and by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft through CRC-TRR 190 is gratefully acknowledged. -
Government Commits to Seeking a Ban of the Extreme Right-Wing National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD)
Government Commits to Seeking a Ban of the Extreme Right-Wing National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). Suggested Citation: Government Commits to Seeking a Ban of the Extreme Right-Wing National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD)., 1 German Law Journal (2000), available at http://www.germanlawjournal.com/index.php?pageID=11&artID=6 [1] Through the Federal Minister of the Interior, Otto Schily, and Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder (both Social Democratic Party - “SPD”), the Federal Government has clearly expressed its intent to move ahead with a motion before the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) seeking a ban of the extreme right-wing National Democratic Party of Germany (“NPD”). The Government’s insistence comes in spite of mere acquiescence on the issue from its coalition partner the Bündnis 90/GRÜNEN (Alliance 90/The Greens). It seemed as if Interior Minister Schily would be able to summon the support of a majority of the State Interior Ministers making it possible for a coalition of entities to bring the motion (including both Parliamentary Chambers, the executive branch of Government as well as a majority of the individual states) and thus thinly spreading the political risks associated with the move. The CDU (Christian Democratic Union) fraction in the Bundestag has recently announced, however, that it will oppose any efforts to submit a motion seeking a ban on the NPD and several States have announced their intention not to participate in the motion, leaving Interior Minister Schily in an awkward alliance with Bavarian (State) Interior Minister Günther Beckstein while prominent Social Democrats at the state level and Greens at the federal level continue to express reservations about the necessity for, the likely success of, and the ultimate effectiveness of a motion seeking a ban. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
Political Parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 the Imperial Constitution
HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Political parties in the Empire 1871 – 1918 The Imperial Constitution made no reference to political parties, whose activities were governed by the law on associations. Indeed, prior to 1908 political parties were subject to the legislation of the individual federal states regulating the activities of associations, but in that year the statutory provisions governing associations were standardised throughout the Empire, and this codification was accompanied by a liberalisation of the right of association and the right of assembly, which lifted existing restrictions whereby women could not normally become members of associations, and public political gatherings in enclosed spaces required authorisation by the police. The dominant type of political party in the Empire was an elite-based party, in which all of the crucial party-political functions were performed by small groups of personalities whose role as leading representatives of their respective sections of society gave them an exalted position. Party organisations were still in their infancy and only existed at the constituency level. After 1871 the way in which parties were led and organised began to change, and during the Empire the Centre and the Social Democratic Party became the first mass-membership parties of the modern type. The five-party landscape may be said to have prevailed throughout the duration of the Empire, as the various splinter parties never came to exert any real influence. Each of the five large political camps was largely linked with a particular milieu. The model of the people’s party, drawing support from various milieux, was still in its infancy. -
Robert O. Paxton-The Anatomy of Fascism -Knopf
Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page b also by robert o. paxton French Peasant Fascism Europe in the Twentieth Century Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944 Parades and Politics at Vichy Vichy France and the Jews (with Michael R. Marrus) Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page i THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page ii Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page iii THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM ROBERT O. PAXTON Alfred A. Knopf New York 2004 Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page iv this is a borzoi book published by alfred a. knopf Copyright © 2004 by Robert O. Paxton All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States by Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc., New York, and simultaneously in Canada by Random House of Canada Limited, Toronto. Distributed by Random House, Inc., New York. www.aaknopf.com Knopf, Borzoi Books, and the colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc. isbn: 1-4000-4094-9 lc: 2004100489 Manufactured in the United States of America First Edition Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page v To Sarah Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page vi Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page vii contents Preface xi chapter 1 Introduction 3 The Invention of Fascism 3 Images of Fascism 9 Strategies 15 Where Do We Go from Here? 20 chapter 2 Creating Fascist Movements 24 The Immediate Background 28 Intellectual, Cultural, and Emotional -
England and Wales High Court (Queen's Bench Division) Decisions >> Irving V
[Home ] [ Databases ] [ World Law ] [Multidatabase Search ] [ Help ] [ Feedback ] England and Wales High Court (Queen's Bench Division) Decisions You are here: BAILII >> Databases >> England and Wales High Court (Queen's Bench Division) Decisions >> Irving v. Penguin Books Limited, Deborah E. Lipstat [2000] EWHC QB 115 (11th April, 2000) URL: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/QB/2000/115.html Cite as: [2000] EWHC QB 115 [New search ] [ Help ] Irving v. Penguin Books Limited, Deborah E. Lipstat [2000] EWHC QB 115 (11th April, 2000) 1996 -I- 1113 IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION Before: The Hon. Mr. Justice Gray B E T W E E N: DAVID JOHN CADWELL IRVING Claimant -and- PENGUIN BOOKS LIMITED 1st Defendant DEBORAH E. LIPSTADT 2nd Defendant MR. DAVID IRVING (appered in person). MR. RICHARD RAMPTON QC (instructed by Messrs Davenport Lyons and Mishcon de Reya) appeared on behalf of the first and second Defendants. MISS HEATHER ROGERS (instructed by Messrs Davenport Lyons) appeared on behalf of the first Defendant, Penguin Books Limited. MR ANTHONY JULIUS (instructed by Messrs Mishcon de Reya) appeared on behalf of the second Defendant, Deborah Lipstadt. I direct pursuant to CPR Part 39 P.D. 6.1. that no official shorthand note shall be taken of this judgment and that copies of this version as handed down may be treated as authentic. Mr. Justice Gray 11 April 2000 Index Paragraph I. INTRODUCTION 1.1 A summary of the main issues 1.4 The parties II. THE WORDS COMPLAINED OF AND THEIR MEANING 2.1 The passages complained of 2.6 The issue of identification 2.9 The issue of interpretation or meaning III. -
Persistence and Activation of Right-Wing Political Ideology
Persistence and Activation of Right-Wing Political Ideology Davide Cantoni Felix Hagemeister Mark Westcott* 25 February 2019 Abstract We argue that a long-run cultural persistence of right-wing ideology can explain the recent rise of right-wing populism. Shifts in the supply of party platforms can interact with this existing demand, and give rise to patterns of historical persistence. We study the context of Germany in the 2017 federal election, when the emergence of the AfD offered voters a populist right-wing option, with little social stigma attached. We show that municipalities that expressed strong support for the Nazi party in 1933 are more likely to vote for the AfD now, but not in 2013, when the AfD was a more moderate, fiscally conservative party. Using opinion surveys, we show that these dynamics are not generated by a concurrent demand shift: political attitudes do not shift sharply to the right in the municipalities with a history of Nazi support. Keywords: Persistence, Culture, Right-wing ideology, Germany JEL Classification: D72, N44, P16 *Cantoni: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat¨ Munich, CEPR, and CESifo. Email: [email protected]. Hagemeister: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat¨ Munich. Email: [email protected]. Westcott: Vivid Economics, Lon- don. Email: [email protected]. We would like to thank Leonardo Bursztyn, Vicky Fouka, Math- ias Iwanowsky, Joan Monras, Nathan Nunn, Andreas Steinmayr, Joachim Voth, Fabian Waldinger, Noam Yuchtman, Ekaterina Zhuravskaya and seminar participants in Berkeley (Haas), Budapest (CEU), Copenhagen, Dublin (TCD), Dusseldorf,¨ Lund, Munich (LMU), Nuremberg, Paris (PSE and Sciences Po), Passau, Prague (CERGE-EI), Stockholm (SU), and Uppsala for helpful comments. -
LANDTAG RHEINLAND-PFALZ Antwort
LANDTAG RHEINLAND-PFALZ Drucksache 12/4 7 2 7 12. Wahlperiode zu Drucksache 12/4436 27. 04. 1994 Antwort des Ministeriums des Innern und für Sport auf die Große Anfrage der Fraktion BÜNDNIS 90/DIE GRÜNEN -Drucksache 12/4436- Rechtsextremismus in Rheinland-Pfalz - nationales und internatio nales faschistisches Netzwerk Die Große Anfrage vom 18. Februar 1994 hat folgenden Wortlaut: Die Zahl ausländerfeindlicher und antisemitischer Straftaten nimmt entgegen den offiziellen Annahmen von 1993 in der Bundesrepublik weiter zu. Selbst der Verfassungsschutz des Landes Rheinland-Pfalz, der noch 1990 von einem ,.beachtlichen Rückgang"' des Rechtsextre mismus spricht, erkennt heute die Realität dieser "besonderen Herausforderung.. an. Einige wenige repressive Maßnahmen, wie Verbote rechtsextremistischer Gruppierungen und Parteien nach vorheriger Ankündigung, belegen die strukturelle Hilflosigkeit der politisch Verantwortlichen. Diese sind nicht bereit, eine umfassende Aufarbeitung von Rechtsextre~ mismus und Ausländerfeindlichkeit zur Basis ihres politischen Handeins zu machen. Allein die wirtschafdichen und gesellschaftlichen Folgen der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands 1989 reichen als Erklärung für die explosive Entwicklung nicht aus. Der politische und gesellschaftliche Aufstieg rechtsextremer Parteien und Organisationen im Nachkriegsdeutschland hat eine Geschichte, die so alt ist, wie die Bundesländer selbst. Unter anderem haben es deren Entscheidungsträger seit jeher verstanden, gegen den realen gesell schaftlichen Wandel bewährte Mechanismen