Antisemitism in Right-Wing Extremism Antisemitism in Right-Wing Extremism Table of Contents
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The Knives Are out the Reception of Erich Ludendorff’S Memoirs in the Context of the Dolchstoß Myth, 1919–1925
Portal Militärgeschichte, 2021 Fahrenwaldt ––– 1 Aufsatz Matthias A. Fahrenwaldt The Knives Are Out The Reception of Erich Ludendorff’s Memoirs in the Context of the Dolchstoß Myth, 1919–1925 DOI: 10.15500/akm.18.01.2021 Zusammenfassung: Erich Ludendorff was the dominant figure of the German war effort in the second half of the Great War. After the military collapse he was one of the main proponents of the Dolchstoßlegende, the main liability of the Weimar Republic. This article investigates what role his 1919 memoirs Meine Kriegserinnerungen played in advancing this myth. Erich Ludendorff was one of the main advocates of the Dolchstoß myth. Introduction1 The narrative about the German defeat in the Great War proved to be the Weimar Republic’s biggest burden. The nationalist right championed the version that while the army was undefeated in the field, it was ‘stabbed in the back’ by the revolutionary home 1 This article is a significantly shortened version of my MSt dissertation as submitted to Oxford University. The thesis was supervised by Myfanwy Lloyd whose feedback on a previous version of this article is also much appreciated. Portal Militärgeschichte, 2021 Fahrenwaldt ––– 2 front. This so-called Dolchstoß myth was promoted by the German supreme command when defeat was inevitable, and the myth – with slightly evolving meaning – endured throughout the Weimar Republic and beyond. The aim of this article is to understand the role that Erich Ludendorff’s published memoirs Meine Kriegserinnerungen played in the origin and evolution of the stab-in-the-back myth until 1925, the year of the Dolchstoßprozess. -
Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Code of Conduct (Verhaltenscodex)
1 Code of conduct (Verhaltenscodex) Unser Unternehmen zeichnet sich durch eine aktive Haltung gegen Diskriminierung aus. Als Teil unseres Unternehmens fordern wir alle Mitarbeiter*innen dazu auf, einen Beitrag zum Abbau von Vorurteilen und Vorbehalten gegenüber ethnischen, nationalen oder religiösen Minderheiten zu leisten. Im Sinne des Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes (AGG) sind alle unsere Mitarbeiter*innen zu einem wertschätzenden und respektvollen Umgang miteinander angehalten. Ein weltoffenes Klima ohne Ausländerfeindlichkeit ist Teil unserer Firmenpolitik. Als Mitarbeiter*in sind Sie deswegen dazu aufgefordert, entsprechend des Grundsatzes der Nichtdiskriminierung und der Gleichbehandlung alle unmittelbaren und mittelbaren Diskriminierungen aufgrund der ethnischen Herkunft, Abstammung, Religion, Nationalität oder der sexuellen Orientierung sowie Belästigungen, Mobbing und fremdenfeindliche Handlungen zu verhindern bzw. zu unterlassen. Als Mitarbeiter*in des Unternehmens 1. verpflichte ich mich dazu, die freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung anzuerkennen und die darin vertretenden Werte in Gesellschaft und Betriebsleben zu verkörpern. 2. verpflichte ich mich dazu, alle Betroffenen, mit denen ich zusammenarbeite (eingeschlossen Menschen aus Krisengebieten und Schutzsuchenden), fair und mit Respekt, höflich, würdig und übereinstimmend mit den Gesetzen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, internationalem Recht und ortsüblichen Regeln zu behandeln. 3. verpflichte ich mich, insbesondere Straftaten, die mit einer rechtsextremistischen Haltung -
Germany 2018 International Religious Freedom Report
GERMANY 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution prohibits religious discrimination and provides for freedom of faith and conscience and the practice of one’s religion. The country’s 16 states exercise considerable autonomy on registration of religious groups and other matters. Unrecognized religious groups are ineligible for tax benefits. The federal and some state offices of the domestic intelligence service continued to monitor the activities of certain Muslim groups. Authorities also monitored the Church of Scientology (COS), which reported continued government discrimination against its members. Certain states continued to ban or restrict the use of religious clothing or symbols, including headscarves, for some state employees, particularly teachers and courtroom officials. While senior government leaders continued to condemn anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment, some members of the federal parliament and state assemblies from the Alternative for Germany (AfD) Party again made anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim statements. The federal and seven state governments appointed anti-Semitism commissioners for the first time, following a recommendation in a parliament-commissioned 2017 experts’ report to create a federal anti-Semitism commissioner in response to growing anti-Semitism. The federal anti-Semitism commissioner serves as a contact for Jewish groups and coordinates initiatives to combat anti-Semitism in the federal ministries. In July the government announced it would increase social welfare funding for Holocaust survivors by 75 million euros ($86 million) in 2019. In March Federal Interior Minister Horst Seehofer said he did not consider Islam to be a part of the country’s culture, and that the country was characterized by Christianity. -
Intentions of Right-Wing Extremists in Germany
IOWA STATE UNIVERSITY Intentions of Right-wing Extremists in Germany Weiss, Alex 5/7/2011 Since the fall of the Nazi regime, Germany has undergone extreme changes socially, economically, and politically. Almost immediately after the Second World War, it became illegal, or at least socially unacceptable, for Germans to promote the Nazi party or any of its ideologies. A strong international presence from the allies effectively suppressed the patriotic and nationalistic views formerly present in Germany after the allied occupation. The suppression of such beliefs has not eradicated them from contemporary Germany, and increasing numbers of primarily young males now identify themselves as neo-Nazis (1). This group of neo-Nazis hold many of the same beliefs as the Nazi party from the 1930’s and 40’s, which some may argue is a cause for concern. This essay will identify the intentions of right-wing extremists in contemporary Germany, and address how they might fit into Germany’s future. In order to fully analyze the intentions of right-wing extremists today, it is critical to know where and how these beliefs came about. Many of the practices and ideologies of the former Nazi party are held today amongst contemporary extreme-right groups, often referred to as Neo-Nazis. A few of the behaviors of the Neo-Nazis that have been preserved from the former Nazi party are anti-Semitism, xenophobia and violence towards “non-Germans”, and ultra- conservatism (1). The spectrum of the right varies greatly from primarily young, uneducated, violent extremists who ruthlessly attack members of minority groups in Germany to intellectuals and journalists that are members of the New Right with influence in conservative politics. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
The Monita Secreta Or, As It Was Also Known As, The
James Bernauer, S.J. Boston College From European Anti-Jesuitism to German Anti-Jewishness: A Tale of Two Texts “Jews and Jesuits will move heaven and hell against you.” --Kurt Lüdecke, in conversation with Adolf Hitleri A Presentation at the Conference “Honoring Stanislaw Musial” Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland (March 5, 2009) The current intense debate about the significance of “political religion” as a mode of analyzing fascism leads us to the core of the crisis in understanding the Holocaust.ii Saul Friedländer has written of an “historian‟s paralysis” that “arises from the simultaneity and the interaction of entirely heterogeneous phenomena: messianic fanaticism and bureaucratic structures, pathological impulses and administrative decrees, archaic attitudes within an advanced industrial society.”iii Despite the conflicting voices in the discussion of political religion, the debate does acknowledge two relevant facts: the obvious intermingling in Nazism of religious and secular phenomena; secondly, the underestimated role exercised by Munich Catholicism in the early life of the Nazi party.iv My essay is an effort to illumine one thread in this complex territory of political religion and Nazism and my title conveys its hypotheses. First, that the centuries long polemic against the Roman Catholic religious order the Jesuits, namely, its fabrication of the Jesuit image as cynical corrupter of Christianity and European culture, provided an important template for the Nazi imagining of Jewry after its emancipation.v This claim will be exhibited in a consideration of two historically influential texts: the Monita 1 secreta which demonized the Jesuits and the Protocols of the Sages of Zion which diabolized the Jews.vi In the light of this examination, I shall claim that an intermingled rhetoric of Jesuit and Jewish wills to power operated in the imagination of some within the Nazi leadership, the most important of whom was Adolf Hitler himself. -
Das Internet Und Die Leugnung Des Holocaust
Bei dieser Arbeit handelt es sich um eine Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeit, die an der Universität Kassel angefertigt wurde. Die hier veröffentlichte Version kann von der als Prüfungsleistung eingereichten Version geringfügig abweichen. Weitere Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeiten finden Sie hier: https://kobra.bibliothek.uni-kassel.de/handle/urn:nbn:de:hebis:34-2011040837235 Diese Arbeit wurde mit organisatorischer Unterstützung des Zentrums für Lehrerbildung der Universität Kassel veröffentlicht. Informationen zum ZLB finden Sie unter folgendem Link: www.uni-kassel.de/zlb Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeit im Rahmen der Ersten Staatsprüfung für das Lehramt an Gymnasien im Fach Geschichte Eingereicht dem Amt für Lehrerbildung Prüfungsstelle Kassel Thema: „Das Internet und die Leugnung des Holocaust. Neue Perspektiven in deutschsprachigen Veröffentlichungen“ Vorgelegt von: Dennis Beismann 2011 Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Friedhelm Boll Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung............................................................................................................1 1.1 Stand der Forschung.....................................................................................3 1.1.1 Publikationen aus den Jahren 1970 bis 1993........................................3 1.1.2 Holocaustleugnende Publikationen im Internet....................................4 1.2 Anlage der Studie.........................................................................................7 1.2.1 Fragestellung.........................................................................................7 -
Conceptions of Terror(Ism) and the “Other” During The
CONCEPTIONS OF TERROR(ISM) AND THE “OTHER” DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF THE RED ARMY FACTION by ALICE KATHERINE GATES B.A. University of Montana, 2007 B.S. University of Montana, 2007 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures 2012 This thesis entitled: Conceptions of Terror(ism) and the “Other” During the Early Years of the Red Army Faction written by Alice Katherine Gates has been approved for the Department of Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures _____________________________________ Dr. Helmut Müller-Sievers _____________________________________ Dr. Patrick Greaney _____________________________________ Dr. Beverly Weber Date__________________ The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. iii Gates, Alice Katherine (M.A., Germanic and Slavic Languages and Literatures) Conceptions of Terror(ism) and the “Other” During the Early Years of the Red Army Faction Thesis directed by Professor Helmut Müller-Sievers Although terrorism has existed for centuries, it continues to be extremely difficult to establish a comprehensive, cohesive definition – it is a monumental task that scholars, governments, and international organizations have yet to achieve. Integral to this concept is the variable and highly subjective distinction made by various parties between “good” and “evil,” “right” and “wrong,” “us” and “them.” This thesis examines these concepts as they relate to the actions and manifestos of the Red Army Faction (die Rote Armee Fraktion) in 1970s Germany, and seeks to understand how its members became regarded as terrorists. -
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds an End to Antisemitism!
Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds An End to Antisemitism! Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman Volume 5 Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds Edited by Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, and Lawrence H. Schiffman ISBN 978-3-11-058243-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-067196-4 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-067203-9 DOI https://10.1515/9783110671964 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. For details go to https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Library of Congress Control Number: 2021931477 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2021 Armin Lange, Kerstin Mayerhofer, Dina Porat, Lawrence H. Schiffman, published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston The book is published with open access at www.degruyter.com Cover image: Illustration by Tayler Culligan (https://dribbble.com/taylerculligan). With friendly permission of Chicago Booth Review. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com TableofContents Preface and Acknowledgements IX LisaJacobs, Armin Lange, and Kerstin Mayerhofer Confronting Antisemitism in Modern Media, the Legal and Political Worlds: Introduction 1 Confronting Antisemitism through Critical Reflection/Approaches -
Steigmann-Gall on Poewe, 'New Religions and the Nazis'
H-German Steigmann-Gall on Poewe, 'New Religions and the Nazis' Review published on Tuesday, May 1, 2007 Karla Poewe. New Religions and the Nazis. New York: Routledge, 2006. xii + 218 pp. ISBN 978-0-415-29025-8; ISBN 978-0-415-29024-1. Reviewed by Richard Steigmann-Gall (Department of History, Kent State University) Published on H-German (May, 2007) Many a Slip Twixt Cup and Lip This volume seeks to explore the "contribution of new religions to the emergence of Nazi ideology in the 1920s and 1930s" (p. i). Its author, Karla Poewe, has set for herself a prodigious goal: to demonstrate that "leading cultural figures such as Jakob Wilhelm Hauer, Mathilde Ludendorff" and other fringe religious figures in the Weimar Republic "wanted to shape the cultural milieu of politics, religion, theology, Indo-Aryan metaphysics, literature and Darwinian science into a new genuinely German faith-based political community. Instead what emerged was a totalitarian political regime known as National Socialism, with an anti-Semitic worldview" (p. i). In other words, she seeks not only to explore the milieu of pagan-Germanic "Faithlers" within the Third Reich, a small group about whom a great deal is already known, but to demonstrate that they invented Nazism as an ideology. Elsewhere Poewe puts this ambition more plainly: "Although the book concentrates on [Jakob Wilhelm] Hauer, it shows more broadly how young intellectuals and founders of new religions shaped the ideology and organizations of an emergent National Socialist state" (p. 10). Any lingering ambiguity as to her scholarly goal is put to rest when she contends that Hauer and others of his ilk "not only intended to destroy 'womanish' Christianity so that a new knowledge might emerge but they were instrumental in creating that new knowledge.