The Antislavery Alliance of Gerrit Smith and Beriah Green
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RELIGIOSITY and REFORM in OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 Matthew Inh Tz Clemson University, [email protected]
Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 5-2012 PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 Matthew inH tz Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Hintz, Matthew, "PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859" (2012). All Theses. 1338. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/1338 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PARADISE FOUND: RELIGIOSITY AND REFORM IN OBERLIN, OHIO, 1833-1859 A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of the Arts History by Matthew David Hintz May 2012 Accepted by: H. Roger Grant, Committee Chair C. Alan Grubb Orville V. Burton ABSTRACT Founded as a quasi-utopian society by New England evangelists, Oberlin became the central hub of extreme social reform in Ohio’s Western Reserve. Scholars have looked at Oberlin from political and cultural perspectives, but have placed little emphasis on religion. That is to say, although religion is a major highlight of secondary scholarship, few have placed the community appropriately in the dynamic of the East and West social reform movement. Historians have often ignored, or glossed over this important element and how it represented the divergence between traditional orthodoxy in New England and Middle-Atlantic states, and the new religious hybrids found in the West. -
MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }Udtn-1 M
MILITANT ABOLITIONIST GERRIT SMITH }UDtn-1 M. GORDON·OMELKA Great wealth never precluded men from committing themselves to redressing what they considered moral wrongs within American society. Great wealth allowed men the time and money to devote themselves absolutely to their passionate causes. During America's antebellum period, various social and political concerns attracted wealthy men's attentions; for example, temperance advocates, a popular cause during this era, considered alcohol a sin to be abolished. One outrageous evil, southern slavery, tightly concentrated many men's political attentions, both for and against slavery. and produced some intriguing, radical rhetoric and actions; foremost among these reform movements stood abolitionism, possibly one of the greatest reform movements of this era. Among abolitionists, slavery prompted various modes of action, from moderate, to radical, to militant methods. The moderate approach tended to favor gradualism, which assumed the inevitability of society's progress toward the abolition of slavery. Radical abolitionists regarded slavery as an unmitigated evil to be ended unconditionally, immediately, and without any compensation to slaveholders. Preferring direct, political action to publicize slavery's iniquities, radical abolitionists demanded a personal commitment to the movement as a way to effect abolition of slavery. Some militant abolitionists, however, pushed their personal commitment to the extreme. Perceiving politics as a hopelessly ineffective method to end slavery, this fringe group of abolitionists endorsed violence as the only way to eradicate slavery. 1 One abolitionist, Gerrit Smith, a wealthy landowner, lived in Peterboro, New York. As a young man, he inherited from his father hundreds of thousands of acres, and in the 1830s, Smith reportedly earned between $50,000 and $80,000 annually on speculative leasing investments. -
Hyde Park Historical Record (Vol
' ' HYDE PARK ' ' HISTORICAL RECORD ^ ^ VOLUME IV : 1904 ^ ^ ISe HYDE PARK HISTORICAL SOCIETY j< * HYDE PARK, MASSACHUSETTS * * HYDE PARK HISTORICAL RECORD Volume IV— 1904 PUBLISHED BY THE HYDE PARK HISTORICAL SOCIETY HYDE PARK, MASS. PRESS OF . THE HYDE PARK GAZETTE . 1904 . OFFICERS FOR J904 President Charles G. Chick Recording Secretary Fred L. Johnson Corresponding Secretary and Librarian Henry B. Carrington, 19 Summer Street, Hyde Park, Mass. Treasurer Henry B. Humphrey Editor William A. Mowry, 17 Riverside Square, Hyde Park, Mass. Curators Amos H. Brainard Frank B. Rich George L. Richardson J. Roland Corthell. George L. Stocking Alfred F. Bridgman Charles F. Jenney Henry B, Carrington {ex ofido) CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV. THEODORE DWIGHT WELD 5-32 IVi'lliam Lloyd Garrison, "J-r., Charles G. Chick, Henry B. Carrington, Mrs. Albert B. Bradley, Mrs. Cordelia A. Pay- son, Wilbur H. Po'vers, Francis W. Darling; Edtvard S. Hathazvay. JOHN ELIOT AND THE INDIAN VILLAGE AT NATICK . 33-48 Erastus Worthington. GOING WEST IN 1820. George L. Richardson .... 49-67 EDITORIAL. William A. Mowry 68 JACK FROST (Poem). William A. Mo-vry 69 A HYDE PARK MEMORIAL, 18SS (with Ode) .... 70-75 Henry B- Carrington. HENRY A. RICH 76, 77 William y. Stuart, Robert Bleakie, Henry S. Bunton. DEDICATION OF CAMP MEIGS (1903) 78-91 Henry B. Carrington, Augustus S. Lovett, BetiJ McKendry. PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY SINCE 1892 . 92-100 Fred L. 'Johnso7i. John B. Bachelder. Henry B- Carrington, Geo. M. Harding, yohn y. E7ineking ..... 94, 95 Gov. F. T. Greenhalge. C. Fred Allen, John H. ONeil . 96 Annual Meeting, 1897. Charles G. -
John Brown, Abolitionist: the Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S
John Brown, Abolitionist: The Man Who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights by David S. Reynolds Homegrown Terrorist A Review by Sean Wilentz New Republic Online, 10/27/05 John Brown was a violent charismatic anti-slavery terrorist and traitor, capable of cruelty to his family as well as to his foes. Every one of his murderous ventures failed to achieve its larger goals. His most famous exploit, the attack on Harpers Ferry in October 1859, actually backfired. That backfiring, and not Brown's assault or his later apotheosis by certain abolitionists and Transcendentalists, contributed something, ironically, to the hastening of southern secession and the Civil War. In a topsy-turvy way, Brown may have advanced the anti-slavery cause. Otherwise, he actually damaged the mainstream campaign against slavery, which by the late 1850s was a serious mass political movement contending for national power, and not, as Brown and some of his radical friends saw it, a fraud even more dangerous to the cause of liberty than the slaveholders. This accounting runs against the grain of the usual historical assessments, and also against the grain of David S. Reynolds's "cultural biography" of Brown. The interpretations fall, roughly, into two camps. They agree only about the man's unique importance. Writers hostile to Brown describe him as not merely fanatical but insane, the craziest of all the crazy abolitionists whose agitation drove the country mad and caused the catastrophic, fratricidal, and unnecessary war. Brown's admirers describe his hatred of slavery as a singular sign of sanity in a nation awash in the mental pathologies of racism and bondage. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/22k374td Author Frank, Linda Christine Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Linda Christine Frank 2012 © Copyright by Linda Christine Frank 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION A Family Affair: The Marriage of Elizabeth Cady and Henry Brewster Stanton and the Development of Reform Politics by Linda Christine Frank Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor Ellen C. DuBois, Chair Although devoted to insuring universal freedom and human rights for more than 60 years, Henry B. Stanton’s historical legacy and his many contributions to antebellum reform have been obscured and even vilified in the shadows of his famous wife, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and his oftentimes tactical opponent within abolition circles, William Lloyd Garrison. Frequently portrayed as the antagonist in his wife’s struggle for women’s rights, as a husband and a father Henry Stanton has become synonymous in the historical discourse with the very oppression his wife devoted her life to ending. Because of this, Elizabeth’s reformism is frequently depicted as having emerged from an imagined unhappy domestic life, rather than from an awareness of social and political inequalities. -
Handout 3 - Café Conversation Activity
Handout 3 - Café Conversation Activity Instructions: 1. Spread out the following eight pages on a desk, face down, and have every member of the group choose one page at random (it’s ok if there are pages remaining). 2. Each group member has 8-10 minutes to read about the person on the page they chose. Try to memorize the person’s name, their biography, and their major accomplishments. 3. After everyone is done reading, hold a conversation, as if you were meeting each person in the group for the first time at a party. Role play as the historical figure featured on the page chosen. Introduce yourself to the others in the group, and try to hold a conversation while considering how the historical figure you are representing might talk and respond. 4. Be prepared to share what you learned about one person you talked to during the café conversa- tion with the rest of the class. Name: Lyman Beecher Profession: Presbyterian Minister Dates: 1775-1863 Bio: Lyman Beecher was born in New Haven, Connecticut. He was raised by his uncle, who worked as a blacksmith and farmer. Beecher was an intellec- tually curious adolescent, and entered Yale University in 1793. After grad- uating, he studied at Yale Divinity School, and soon became an ordained minister. From there, Beecher worked in churches throughout New England before settling in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1832. While Beecher did not participate in the camp meetings characteristic of the Second Great Awakening, he was involved in many of the social causes related to the revivals. -
Chapter 16: the South and the Slave Controversy
AP U.S. History – Unit 6 – Westward Expansion: The Economic and Social Issues (1790-1860) Chapter 16: The South and the Slave Controversy Enduring Understanding: Social, political, religious, international, technological, and economic issues contributed to the growth of the United States in the early 1800s. While there was conflict abroad, political partisanship, economic growth, and social and religious movements at home developed the American character. Concepts: Partisanship, Judicial Review, Internationalism, Isolationism, the Second Great Awakening, Abolitionism, Feminism, Industrialization, Expansionism, Nationalism, Nativism, Universal Male Suffrage, Women’s Suffrage Topic/Take-Away: The explosion of cotton production fastened the slave system deeply upon the South, creating a complex, hierarchical racial and social order that deeply affected whites as well as blacks. Topic/Take-Away: The economic benefits of an increasing production of cotton due to the cotton gin and slavery was shared between the South, the North, and Britain. The economics of cotton and slavery also led to bigger and bigger plantations, since they could afford the heavy investment of human capital. Topic/Take-Away: The emergence of a small but energetic radical abolitionist movement caused a fierce proslavery backlash in the South and a slow but steady growth of moderate antislavery sentiment in the North. Academic Language to Know • Eli Whitney • “Cotton Kingdom” • Planter aristocracy • Sir Walter Scott • “Poor white trash”/“hillbillies”/“crackers” • Free blacks • Sold “down the river” • Harriet Beecher Stowe • Denmark Vesey (1822) • Nat Turner (1831) • Abolitionism • American Colonization Society (1817) • Liberia (1822) • British emancipation (1833) • Theodore Dwight Weld • Lyman Beecher • William Lloyd Garrison/The Liberator (1831) • American Anti-Slavery Society (1833) • Wendell Phillips • David Walker • Sojourner Truth • Martin Delaney • Frederick Douglass • Rev. -
Draft—Do Not Cite Without Permission of the Author
Draft—Do not cite without permission of the author Chapter I: The Contradictions of American Democracy in the Antebellum Years: The Inadequacy of the Constitution; The Rise of the Anti-Slavery and Woman’s Rights Movements Between 1815 and 1860, the new nation consolidated its identity and expanded its boundaries.1 This was a time of economic growth and internal improvements.2 The antebellum era witnessed a “transformation” of the private law of torts, contracts, property, and commercial law that has been said to have unleashed “emergent entrepreneurial and commercial groups to win a disproportionate share of wealth and power in American society,” all in the name of promoting economic growth.3 These years also witnessed significant democratization of the American polity. Even though the new nation’s charter incorporated the revolutionary principle of “popular sovereignty” or the consent of the governed, its political structures and practices had been designed to be far from democratic in the beginning.4 After 1815, however, the spreading trend in the states toward universal white adult male suffrage accelerated significantly, culminating with the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828.5 The people and party operatives who put this man of humble origins into the White House poured into Washington D.C. for his inauguration. “Never before had an American ceremony of state turned into such a democratic and charismatic spectacle.”6 From the perspective of divisions between the social classes, Jacksonianism represented important gains for egalitarian thinking in politics.7 The subsequent decades before the Civil War saw a flowering of reform ferment in the United States. -
“Blessings of Liberty” for All: Lysander Spooner's Originalism
SECURING THE “BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY” FOR ALL: LYSANDER SPOONER’S ORIGINALISM Helen J. Knowles* ABSTRACT On January 1, 1808, legislation made it illegal to import slaves into the United States.1 Eighteen days later, in Athol, Massachusetts, Ly- sander Spooner was born. In terms of their influence on the abolition of * Assistant Professor of Political Science, State University of New York at Oswego; B.A., Liverpool Hope University College; Ph.D., Boston University. This article draws on material from papers presented at the annual meetings of the Northeastern Political Science Association and the New England Historical Association, and builds on ideas originally discussed at the Institute for Constitutional Studies (ICS) Summer Seminar on Slavery and the Constitution and an Institute for Humane Studies An- nual Research Colloquium. For their input on my arguments about Lysander Spooner’s constitutional theory, I am grateful to Nigel Ashford, David Mayers, Jim Schmidt, and Mark Silverstein. Special thanks go to Randy Barnett who, several years ago, introduced me to Spooner, the “crusty old character” (as someone once described him to me) with whom I have since embarked on a fascinating historical journey into constitutional theory. I am also indebted to the ICS seminar participants (particularly Paul Finkelman, Maeva Marcus, and Mark Tushnet) for their comments and suggestions and to the participants in the Liberty Fund workshop on Lysander Spooner’s theories (particularly Michael Kent Curtis and Larry Solum) for prompting me to think about Spooner’s work in a variety of different ways. Finally, I would like to thank the staff of the American Antiquarian Society, the Rare Books Department of the Boston Public Library, and the Houghton Library and University Archives at Harvard University for their excellent research assistance. -
The Early Antislavery Agency System in Pennsylvania, 1833-1837
THE EARLY ANTISLAVERY AGENCY SYSTEM IN PENNSYLVANIA, 1833-1837 By JOHIN L. MYERS* I N THE years before 1830 a strikingly large number of the antislavery leaders of the United States, including Anthony Benezet, Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Rush, James Wilson, George Bourne, John Woolman, and Benjamin Lundy, lived in or near Philadelphia. Pennsylvania's influential Quakers were the first religious sect to repudiate the practice of purchasing and sell- ing slaves, while the nation's first abolition society was organized in the state in 1775.1 The first national organization to espouse the cause of the Negro, the American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery and Improving the Condition of the African Race, was founded and thereafter convened every one to three years until 1832 in Philadelphia, sustained in large measure by Pennsylvanians. The legislature in 1780 abolished slavery on a gradual plan and with later laws attempted to safeguard the movement of the Negro to a free status. Since all this was true, why was Pennsylvania one of the last of the free states to estab- lish a militart antislavery auxiliary affiliated with the American Anti-Slavery Society, and why did it contribute so little to the organized antislavery movement of the early 1830's? The contributions of Pennsylvanians to the abolition crusade of the nineteenth century were initially modest. Historians still disagree whether the national leadership of the militant anti- slavery movement of the 1830's emanated from the Garrisonians in Boston, the New York merchants, or Westerners, but few Pennsylvanians occupied vital positions. This secondary role is further demonstrated by the existence in the state of only six of the 221 auxiliaries of the national society in May, 1835. -
John Brown: Villain Or Hero? by Steven Mintz
John Brown: Villain or Hero? by Steven Mintz John Brown, ca. June 1859, four months before his raid on Harpers Ferry, Virginia. (Gilder Lehrman Collection) In 1856, three years before his celebrated raid on Harpers Ferry, John Brown, with four of his sons and three others, dragged five unarmed men and boys from their homes along Kansas’s Pottawatomie Creek and hacked and dismembered their bodies as if they were cattle being butchered in a stockyard. Two years later, Brown led a raid into Missouri, where he and his followers killed a planter and freed eleven slaves. Brown’s party also absconded with wagons, mules, harnesses, and horses—a pattern of plunder that Brown followed in other forays. During his 1859 raid on Harpers Ferry, seventeen people died. The first was a black railroad baggage handler; others shot and killed by Brown’s men included the town’s popular mayor and two townsfolk. In the wake of Timothy McVeigh’s attack on the federal office building in Oklahoma City in 1995 and al Qaeda’s strikes on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in 2001, Americans might ask how they should remember John Brown. Was he a bloodthirsty zealot, a vigilante, a terrorist, or a madman? Or was he one of the great heroes of American history, a freedom fighter and martyr to the cause of human liberty? Was his resort to violence any different from, for example, those by Paul Hill and John Salvi, who, in the mid-1990s, murdered abortion-clinic workers in God’s name? Nearly a century and a half after his execution, John Brown remains one of the most fiercely debated and enigmatic figures in American history. -
Education on the Underground Railroad: a Case Study of Three Communities in New York State (1820-1870)
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE 12-2013 Education on the Underground Railroad: A Case Study of Three Communities in New York State (1820-1870) Lenora April Harris Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Education Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Harris, Lenora April, "Education on the Underground Railroad: A Case Study of Three Communities in New York State (1820-1870)" (2013). Dissertations - ALL. 30. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/30 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT In the mid-nineteenth century a compulsory education system was emerging that allowed all children to attend public schools in northern states. This dissertation investigates school attendance rates among African American children in New York State from 1850–1870 by examining household patterns and educational access for African American school-age children in three communities: Sandy Ground, Syracuse, and Watertown. These communities were selected because of their involvement in the Underground Railroad. I employed a combination of educational and social history methods, qualitative and quantitative. An analysis of federal census reports, state superintendent reports, city directories, area maps, and property records for the years 1820–1870 yielded comparative data on households, African American and European American, in which African American school-age children resided. The nature of schooling and the manner in which the household and community advocated for school attendance during this period are also described and compared.