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The Anti-Slavery Movement in the Presbyterian Church, 1835-1861

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The Anti-Slavery Movement in the Presbyterian Church, 1835-1861 This dissertation has been 62-778 microfilmed exactly as received HOWARD, Victor B., 1915- THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 1835-1861. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 1835-1861 DISSERTATION Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University 9r Victor B, Howard, A. B., A. M. ****** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History CONTENTS Chapter Page I The Division of 1837. .................. 1 II The Church Crystallizes Its Position On Slavery............. 89 III The Impact of the Fugitive Slave Law Upon the Church ........................... 157 IV Political Controversy and Division. .... 181 V The Presbyterian Church and the American Home Missionary Society........... 222 VI Anti-Slavery Literature and the Tract S o c i e t y ................................... 252 VII Foreign Missions and Slavery Problems . 265 VIII A Northwestern Seminary ................. 290 IX Crisis of 1 8 6 1 . ................. 309 Bibliography............................... 342 Autobiography..................................... 378 il CHAPTER I THE DIVISION OF 1837 In 1824 in central western New York, Charles G. Finney began a career in ministry that was to have far- reaching implications for the religious as well as the civil life of the people of the United States. In July of that year he was ordained by the Presbytery of St. Lawrence, and assigned as a missionary to the little towns of Evans Mills and Antwerp in Jefferson County, New York. Under the vivid preaching of this ex-lawyer a wave of revivalism began to sweep through the whole region.^ Following the revival of 1824-27, Finney carried the religious awakening into Philadelphia, New York City, and Rochester, New York. The evangelistic methods, styled "new measures" by his enemies, soon brought about organized resistance on the part of the orthodox Calvinists. It made them aware of doctrinal differences already existing in the Presbyterian Church, with its varied background and ^Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone (ed.) Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1931), VI, 394-95. p ethnical composition. Most of the supporters of the "new measures" were members of the "New School" win% of the Church, largely men with New England background and training. Added to this w^s the existence of "refined intellectual abstractions of the New Divinity" that came out of New Haven as advocated by Nathaniel Taylor of Yale University and Lyman Beecher.^ By 1835 the division between the New School — the "new measure and new divinity men" — and the Old School -- the orthodox Presbyterians — had grovrn so bitter that separation seemed to many only a matter of method and scope. At the same time, as a result of the growing anti­ slavery movement in the country, the existence of slave- holding in the membership of the Church was creating division and dissension. While attempts were being made to flood the South with.abolitionist literature, the South had become a more reluctant field for the propaganda. They 2 W.G. McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism (New York: Ronald Press, 1959), .26ff. William W. Sweet, Revivalism in America (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1944), 134-36. Frank G. Beardsley, A History of American Revivals (Boston: American Tract Society, 1904J, 144-45» Gilbert H. Barnes, The Anti-Slavery Impulse, 1830-1844 (New York: D. Appleton- Gentury, 1933), 15-ld. ^Biblical Repertory and Theological Review, New Series; VII (October, 1835) » '6 5 6 -5 7 # G.H. Bames, op. cit., 6—Y. A feared that It would Incite insurrection. This hardening of the resistance of the South was due to developments concerning human bondage that had taken place since the Presbyterian Church, with the full approval of the Southern representatives, in the General Assembly of 1818 had pronounced "voluntary" slavery "a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature" and "utterly inconsistent with the law of God" which required "all Christians who enjoy the light of the present day ... to use their honest, earnest and unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of former times, and as speedily as possible to efface this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery" .... Chief among the causes for the changing attitude in the South was the ever-present Southern dread of a servile insurrection, which had been resuscitated after a period of dormancy by the fiasco of Denmark Vesey at Charleston in 1820.^ It had been aggravated by the A Leonard W. Bacon, A History of American Christian­ ity , Vol. XIII in American Church History Series (Hew York: Christian Literature Co., 1897)» 281. ^Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyter­ ian Church in the United States of America. I8l8. p. 25. Hereafter referred to as Assembly Minutes. ^James T. Adams (ed.). Dictionary of American His­ tory (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1940), V, 364. 4 publication of "Walker’s Appeal" in 1829, and had been fanned to a white heat in I83I by the Nat Turner insurrec- 7 tion during which sixty-one whites ha,d been massacred. Another cause of the change in the l830's was the rise of the new spirit of djmamic, aggressive abolitionism which was signalized by the publication of the first issue of the Liberator in I83I. The "Essay on Slavery" pub­ lished in 1835 by William Ellery Channing, and the South Carolina Nullification struggle, along with the abolition of slavery in the British possessions in 1833, and its aftermath, which furnished convincing argument both for the opponents and exponents of abolition, were factors in the changing attitude.' On the other hand because of the expansion into the Southwest, domestic slave trade was becoming more prof­ itable. The Virginia Times, in 183d , estimated slaves numbering 40,000 were exported from Virginia that year, in addition to 80,000 that were taken out of the state ^Samuel J. IMay, Some Reflections of Our Anti- Slav erv Conflict (Boston; Fields and Osgood, I8 6 9 ) , 129. Bacon, on. cit.. 279ff* o For a detailed account of this period see::Henry H. Simms, Emotion at Hj&h Tide ; Abolition As A Controver­ sial Factor, 1830-1845 (Baltimore; Moore and Co., 19^0) , especially page 4. 5 by the ov/ners.^ Thomas Jefferson Randolph, speaking on the floor of the Virginia legislature in 1832, stated that Virginia had been converted into "one grand menagerie, where men are reared for the market like oxen for the sham­ bles. During the summer of 1835 > a series of meetings were held throughout the South for the purpose of exciting feelings against the abolitionists. Almost without excep­ tion the clergy took a prominent part. At Charleston "the clergy of all denominations attended in a body, lending their sanctions to the proceedings." A meeting at Clinton, Mississippi, resolved that the clergy should take a stand in the crisis; silence was a cause for "serious censure. Uncontrolled emotion had swept through this community following the crushing of an insurrection planned for the fourth of July. 12 A meeting of clergy at Richmond, Virginia, William H. Smith, A Political History of Slavery (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1903), I, 3* For a description of this trade see: P.L. Olmsted, A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New York: Dix & Edwards, 1856T7 I, 53* (New York: Harper & Brothers, I9 0 6 ), 123-30. ^^Daniel Goodloe, The Southern Platform (Boston:: J.P. Jewett & Co., 1 8 5 8 ), 43% ^^James G. Bimey, American Churches, the Bulwarks of American Slavery (New York::Parker Plllsbury, I8 8 5 ), 8. 12 Simms, op. cit.. 50, 74. in July, 1 8 3 5 » considered the clergy unanimous in opposing pernicious schemes of abolitionists*^^ John Witherspoon of South Carolina, who was to be the moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 1836, informed the Emancipator that the "remedy of Judge Lynch" was the South's l4 treatment "for the malady of Northern fanaticism". William Plumer, a Presbyterian minister of Virginia, felt that "if abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should receive the first warming of the fire." R. N. Anderson, another Presbyterian minister of Virginia, in a letter to the Presbytery of Hanover, ad­ vised that abolitionists should "be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and left to the public to dispose of in other respects.In I8 3 6 , Jeremiah Porter, Presbyterian missionary in Illinois, while writing about the difficult­ ies of Elijah Lovejoy with his press, made the following observation: "l think the time is near when every faithful 13 Birney, og. cit.. 9* ^^William Goode11, Slavery and Anti-Slavery (New York: W. Earned, 1852), 411. ^^Birney, op. cit. 27, 33» 35» Goodell, on. cit. 411. Presbyterian minister will be driven from the Slave States. Acts were reinforced by deeds. A. W. Kitchell, a Presbyterian minister of Georgia, was tarred and feathered, and ridden out of town on a rail merely on suspicion that he was an abolitionist.^^ In July, 1835» Amos Dresser, a student from Lane Seminary who was selling Bibles in Nash­ ville, Tennessee, was seized by a vigilance committee and tried for having abolition documents in his possession. 18 His penalty was twenty lashes. He was convicted by a com- 19 mittee which included seven Presbyterian elders. But the problem of evangelism with its "new meas­ ures" and abolitionism were really two horns of the same Jeremiah Porter, "Diary of Porter, Missionary for the Home Missionary Society, 1831-1848" (August 5, I8 3 6 ). Microfilm in Wisconsin Historical Society Library; original manuscript at the University of Chicago.
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