Parker Pillsbury

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Parker Pillsbury MACARISM: “WE CANNOT CAST OUT THE DEVIL OF SLAVERY BY THE DEVIL [OF WAR].” A friend contacted me recently to inquire what Thoreau’s attitude toward the civil war had been. When I responded that Thoreau had felt ashamed that he ever became aware of such a thing, my friend found this to be at variance with the things that other Thoreau scholars had been telling him and inquired of me if I “had any proof” for such a nonce attitude. I offered my friend a piece of background information, that in terms of the 19th Century “Doctrine of Affinities” (according to which, in order to even experience anything, there has to be some sort of resonant chord within you, that will begin to vibrate in conjunction with the external vibe, like an aeolian harp that HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY is hung in an open window that begins to hum as the breezes blow in and out) for there to be an experience, there must be something inward that is vibrating in harmony. I explained that what Thoreau had been saying in the letter to Parker Pillsbury from which I was quoting, was that in accordance with such a Doctrine of Affinities there must unfortunately be some belligerent spirit within himself, something wrong inside — or he couldn’t even have noticed all that Civil War stuff in the newspapers. This relates, I explained, to an argument I had once upon a time had with Robert Richardson, who I had accused of authoring an autobiography that he was pretending to be a biography of Thoreau. Thoreau scholar Richardson had expressed the attitude during one of the Thoreau birthday celebrations in Concord that of course, had Henry been well, he would have enlisted and picked up a rifle and gone south to fight alongside the other Concord young men — that being what Robert Richardson himself would have done. Henry Thoreau was an American patriot because he was Robert Richardson in a 20th-Century re-enactor costume. I said to my friend that no, Thoreau was acute enough to grasp that in order to solve a serious social problem, we can’t just take a national holiday from the Ten Commandments and the Golden Rule and march off and kill one another (after which that serious social problem will be discovered to have magically been improved and rectified). Our nation fighting a Civil War, I opinioned, had amounted to a failure rather than a triumph not only for the white enslavers but also for the black enslaved whose lives would be hopelessly fucked during the ensuing period of “Jim Crow” and “lynch law.” My friend wanted to know how I could take such an attitude, considering that everybody else he was tracking on the internet was arguing that Thoreau wasn’t really a pacifist, wasn’t really a nonviolenter, but was really just as violent and vicious as anyone else would have been such those circumstances. These wannabee scholars were cherry-picking Thoreau quotations taken out of context in order to demonstrate such a point ad infinitum, was what I responded. What I have since discovered, in doing my own diligent Google searches of the material available on the internet, is that the reference materials to which I had been referring, such as Thoreau’s letter to Parker Pillsbury in 1861, are nowhere to be found. Somehow all these cherry-pickers had been able to disregard the contrary cherries, so that they are nowhere to be located by the most diligent Google searching! They are pseudo- facts that don’t exist! I produce the following quotation for our attention: Carleton Mabee, pages 321-2: “Even Thoreau insisted on calling Brown ‘the bravest and humanist [sic] man in all the country.’ As the crisis over slavery deepened, Thoreau, too, the man who had stated the positive philosophy of nonviolent action as sharply as any American of his time, had abandoned what he had called ‘peaceable revolution.’ Thoreau explained that he agreed with Brown that ‘a man has a perfect right to HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY interfere by force with the slaveholders, in order to rescue the slave.’ Thoreau now believed that circumstances would occur in which he himself could kill, much as he wished to avoid doing so.” The reason I summon this particular quotation is not that this is as bad as it gets. No, the reason I summon this particular quotation is that this is about as good as it gets! Here we witness a dedicated and diligent Thoreau scholar, Carleton Mabee, going hog wild with a “Henry First-Let’s-Go-Kill-Somebody Thoreau” concept. —Par for the course, among all the belligerents who have seized upon the Internet as their venue of choice for making their tendentious case. Now, the fact of the matter is, we know quite a bit more about the life and attitudes of Henry David Thoreau, than about any other particular human being in the course of human history. And yet, and yet, what we have now on the internet amounts to little more than persistent opinioning. It literally makes me sick to my stomach. Well, here’s a biography of Parker Pillsbury for the Internet — and I hope that at least this will prove to be a discoverable venue for the 1861 letter from Thoreau to Pillsbury that most frankly and eloquently sets forth Henry’s attitude toward civil war, that telling piece of correspondence that has been nowhere to be located to date in present Internet searching. HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY 1809 September 22, Friday: Parker Pillsbury was born in Hamilton, Massachusetts, a son of Oliver Pillsbury and Anna Smith Pillsbury. The family would relocate to a farm near Henniker, New Hampshire. Initially, Parker would work as a wagoner. Friend Stephen Wanton Gould wrote in his journal: 6 day 22 of 9 Mo// This Afternoon attended the funeral of Peter Taylor. he was carried to the Meeting House, the funeral was very large & in my opinion conducted with much more decent solemnity than if the meeting was held at his dwelling — My mind was solemnized & believe the minds of many more that were present was also — ————————————————————————————————————————————————————————————— RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY 1835 Parker Pillsbury, with the encouragement of his local Congregational Church, entered Gilmanton Theological Seminary. The Genius of Universal Emancipation ceased publication. BENJAMIN LUNDY HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY 1839 The American Anti-Slavery Society put out the 13th issue of its “omnibus” entitled The Anti-Slavery Examiner, containing “On the Condition of the Free People of Color in the United States”; containing, also, “Can Abolitionists Vote or Take Office Under the United States Constitution?”; containing, also, “Address to the Friends of Constitutional Liberty, on the Violation by the United States House of Representatives of the Right of Petition at the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.” Parker Pillsbury graduated from Gilmanton Theological Seminary. HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY 1840 Parker Pillsbury studied for an additional year, at Andover Theological Seminary. There he came under the influence of John A. Collins. He would accept a church in Loudon, New Hampshire but, after making an accusation that his association of Congregational ministers was guilty of the “sin of conniving at American slavery,” his license to preach would be revoked. He would become active in the ecumenical Free Religious Association and preach to its societies in New York, Ohio, and Michigan. He would edit the Concord, New Hampshire Herald of Freedom. The platform of the National Anti-Slavery Standard would be the immediate, complete abolition of slavery. The editors would include Lydia Maria Child, Oliver Johnson, Parker Pillsbury, and Aaron Powell. This paper would exist until 1870. Abby Kelley continued to travel, at this point all over New England. She met Frederick Douglass and the radical New Hampshire abolitionist, Stephen Symonds Foster. Many of Abby’s letters and speeches were being published in The Liberator. Abby and Douglass went on a New York tour conducting conventions twice per week, each convention lasting two to three days. While living with Paulina and Francis Wright in Utica NY, Stephen came to stay there during a convention. It was at this point that they decided to marry. ABOLITIONISM January 1, Wednesday: Parker Pillsbury got married with Sarah Hall Sargent (June 14, 1814-March 8, 1898) of Concord, New Hampshire. The union would produce one child, Helen Pillsbury. Waldo Emerson lectured in Boston. This was the 4th lecture of his 10-lecture private “The Present Age” series: “Politics.” THE LIST OF LECTURES HDT WHAT? INDEX PARKER PILLSBURY PARKER PILLSBURY 1841 January 13, Wednesday: It was reported that a branch of the Nonresistance Society was formed for New Hampshire, at Concord, New Hampshire, with the following members: Parker Pillsbury, Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Stephen Symonds Foster, and Amos Wood.1 August 9, Monday: The Lake Erie steamboat Erie departed from Buffalo, New York, heading for Chicago. When it caught on fire off Silver Creek, 215 people perished. At the Liberty Hall in New Bedford, William C. Coffin heard Frederick Douglass speak briefly at the annual meeting of the Bristol County Anti-Slavery Society, and invited him to come along to the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society convention that was to take place the next day on Nantucket Island. (Others at this meeting: George Bradburn, John A. Collins, Parker Pillsbury, Edmund Quincy.) In his journal Henry Thoreau mused “If I am not I — who will be?” (He would transcribe this in 1842.) August 9: It is vain to try to write unless you feel strong in the knees.
Recommended publications
  • National Register of Historic Places Multiple Property Documentation Form
    NPSForm10-900-b OMB No. 1024-0018 (Revised March 1992) . ^ ;- j> United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Multiple Property Documentation Form This form is used for documenting multiple property groups relating to one or several historic contexts. See instructions in How to Complete the Multiple Property Documentation Form (National Register Bulletin 16B). Complete each item by entering the requested information. For additional space, use continuation sheets (Form 10-900-a). Use a typewriter, word processor, or computer, to complete all items. _X_New Submission _ Amended Submission A. Name of Multiple Property Listing__________________________________ The Underground Railroad in Massachusetts 1783-1865______________________________ B. Associated Historic Contexts (Name each associated historic context, identifying theme, geographical area, and chronological period for each.) C. Form Prepared by_________________________________________ name/title Kathrvn Grover and Neil Larson. Preservation Consultants, with Betsy Friedberg and Michael Steinitz. MHC. Paul Weinbaum and Tara Morrison. NFS organization Massachusetts Historical Commission________ date July 2005 street & number 220 Morhssey Boulevard________ telephone 617-727-8470_____________ city or town Boston____ state MA______ zip code 02125___________________________ D. Certification As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, I hereby certify that this documentation form meets the National
    [Show full text]
  • INFORMATION to USERS the Most Advanced Technology Has Been Used to Photo­ Graph and Reproduce This Manuscript from the Microfilm Master
    INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo­ graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the original text directly from the copy submitted. Thus, some dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from a computer printer. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyrighted material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re­ produced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each oversize page is available as one exposure on a standard 35 mm slide or as a 17" x 23" black and white photographic print for an additional charge. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. 35 mm slides or 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ■UMIAccessing the Worlds Information since 1938 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA Order Number 8726748 Black 'women abolitionists: A study of gender and race in the American antislavery movement, 1828-1800 Yee, Shirley Jo>ann, Ph.D. The Ohio State University, 1987 Copyright ©1987 by Yee, Shirley Jo-ann. All rights reserved. UMI 300N. ZeebRd. Ann Aibor, MI 48106 BLACK WOMEN ABOLITIONISTS: A STUDY OF GENDER AND RACE IN THE AMERICAN ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT, 1828-1860 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Shirley Jo-ann Yee, A.B., M.A * * * * * The Ohio State University 1987 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rutland, Vermont, Free Convention of 1858
    “A Convention of ‘Moral Lunatics’”: The Rutland, Vermont, Free Convention of 1858 Representatives of nearly every American Antebellum reform movement known to humankind crowded into Rutland in late June 1858 to thump the drums for their particular causes, creating a cacophony of assertions and cross-purposes. By Thomas L. Altherr s Randy Roth has shown in The Democratic Dilemma, antebel- lum Vermont was awash in a tide of religious revivals and sec- tarian surges. Even though that level of enthusiasm waned by A 1 the 1850s, Vermont was still susceptible to short sporadic upheavals. In the summer of 1858, Rutland played host to one of the most unusual gatherings of moral reformers ever to assemble on the American conti- nent. Perhaps New Hampshire abolitionist Parker Pillsbury described it best. Writing to William Lloyd Garrison on June 30, 1858, he re- marked, “I am just returned from attending one of the largest and most important Reformatory Conventions ever held in this or any other country. The most prominent topics considered were Spiritualism, the Cause of Woman, including Marriage and Maternity, Scripture and Church Authority, and Slavery. Then the subjects of Free Trade, of Edu- cation, Labor and Land Reform, Temperance, Physiology and Phrenol- ogy were introduced, and more or less considered.” Pillsbury praised New Lebanon Shaker Frederick Evans for “a calm and clear exposition of the doctrines held by his denomination”; Albany minister Amory Dwight Mayo for “a most eloquent and able address on the Bible”; a variety of feminists for speeches on behalf of Woman; and New York radical Ernestine Rose for “all her strength and noble earnestness.” Vermont History 69 (Symposium Supplement): 90–104.
    [Show full text]
  • Sojourner Truth Utopian Vioon Tmd, Search for Community, 1797-1883
    1 Sojourner Truth Utopian Vioon tmd, Search for Community, 1797-1883 WENDYE. CHMIELEWSKI SOJOUllNER. TRUTH IS WELL KNOWN as an African-American heroine, abolitionist, and lecturer for woman's rights. Her communal vision and in­ volvement with utopian communities is less familiar to modem feminists and scholars. An examination of liuth's lik and work will illustrate both her vision ofa new type oflik for women and for all African-American peo­ ple and her personal search for a community. As a woman deeply commit­ ted to social reform, she turned her attention to the burning issues of her day: problems of economic inequality, disruption of older social patterns, changing gender roles, and questions ofgender and racial equity. 1ruth com­ bined her desire for a more equitable society with her personal experience in communities that experimented with social change. In the process of her search for a congenial community, Sojourner liuth questioned patriarchal authority by resisting many of the traditional roles assigned to her race and gender. This search took liuth through various utopian communities or experiments. She tried to find answers and new ways of living for herself by rccharting &miliar paths and attempted to extend what she had learned to other women and black people by her speeches, lectures, and the exam­ ple of her lik. Always, 1ruth contributed her own ideas and conceptions about the creation of a new world. 1ruth was born a slave in Ulster County, New York, in the last years of the eighteenth century. Until early middle age she was owned by a series of masters and often separated from tunily, friends, and community.
    [Show full text]
  • Parker Pillsbury, Masculinity, and Women's Rights Activism in the Nineteenth-Century United States
    "Aunt Nancy Men": Parker Pillsbury, Masculinity, and Women's Rights Activism in the Nineteenth-Century United States Stacey M. Robertson Beginning in 1868 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Parker Pillsbury published a radical women's rights newspaper appropriately entitled, The Revolution. Frustrated because the Fifteenth Amendment proposed to enfranchise Black men, but not women—and infuriated because almost all of their abolitionist colleagues continued to support the amendment despite its neglect of women, these radicals used their newspaper to construct an alternative vision of sexual relations grounded in economic, political, legal, sexual, and social equality.1 In response to this aggressive call for women's rights, the popular press attacked the radicals' sexual identity in an effort to reinforce the traditional gender roles which the women's rights movement openly challenged. "The Revolution,'" according to one Connecticut journalist, "is edited by two old and ugly ladies men, Mr. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Mrs. Parker Pillsbury, and published by Mr. Susan B. Anthony.... Were we to select our own father from among the three it should be Stanton or Anthony in preference to Granny Pillsbury."2 While attempts to humiliate publicly women's rights activists reveal a basic fear of the threat posed by changes in gender roles for the entire social order, they underscore as well the connection between masculinity and the subordination of women. Pro-feminist men have often been represented as weak, impotent, and lacking in virility by opponents of women's rights and Parker Pillsbury was no 0026-3079/96/3702-033$ 1.50/0 33 Figure 1: Parker Pillsbury.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2007 1942
    Rhode Island History articles, January 1942 – Fall 2007 1942 (vol. 1) January "John Brown House Accepted by the Society for Its Home," by George L. Miner "The City Seal of the City of Providence," by Bradford Fuller Swan "Commodore Perry Opens Japan," by A[lice] V[an] H[oesen] [?] "A Rhode Islander Goes West to Indiana," communicated by George A. White Jr. General Washington's Correspondence concerning The Society of the Cincinnati, reviewed by S. E. Morison April "The Issues of the Dorr War," by John Bell Rae "The Revolutionary Correspondence of Nathanael Greene and John Adams," by Bernhard Knollenberg "A Rhode Islander Goes West to Indiana" (continued), communicated by George A. White Jr. "Roger Williams: Leader of Democracy," reviewed by Clarence E. Sherman July "An Italian Painter Comes to Rhode Island," by Helen Nerney "Biographical Note: Sullivan Dorr," by Howard Corning "The Revolutionary Correspondence of Nathanael Greene and John Adams" (continued), by Bernhard Knollenberg "Last Meeting Held at the Old Cabinet," by B[radford] F[uller[ S[wan] "A Rhode Islander Goes West to Indiana" (continued), communicated by George A. White Jr. "The Great Suffrage Parade," communicated by John B. Rae "A Plymouth Friend of Roger Williams," by Bradford Fuller Swan "The Brown Papers: The Record of a Rhode Island Business Family," by James B. Hedges, reviewed by W. G. Roelker October "Mrs. Vice-President Adams Dines with Mr. John Brown and Lady: Letters of Abigail Adams to Her Sister Mary Cranch," notes by Martha W. Appleton "The Gilbert Stuart House," by Caroline Hazard "Order of Exercises at the Celebration of the 200th Anniversary of the Birthday of General Nathanael Greene "The Youth of General Greene," by Theodore Francis Green "General Nathanael Greene's Contributions to the War of American Independence," by William Greene Roelker "A Rhode Islander Goes West to Indiana" (continued), communicated by George A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Slavery Movement in the Presbyterian Church, 1835-1861
    This dissertation has been 62-778 microfilmed exactly as received HOWARD, Victor B., 1915- THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 1835-1861. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT IN THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 1835-1861 DISSERTATION Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University 9r Victor B, Howard, A. B., A. M. ****** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History CONTENTS Chapter Page I The Division of 1837. .................. 1 II The Church Crystallizes Its Position On Slavery............. 89 III The Impact of the Fugitive Slave Law Upon the Church ........................... 157 IV Political Controversy and Division. .... 181 V The Presbyterian Church and the American Home Missionary Society........... 222 VI Anti-Slavery Literature and the Tract S o c i e t y ................................... 252 VII Foreign Missions and Slavery Problems . 265 VIII A Northwestern Seminary ................. 290 IX Crisis of 1 8 6 1 . ................. 309 Bibliography............................... 342 Autobiography..................................... 378 il CHAPTER I THE DIVISION OF 1837 In 1824 in central western New York, Charles G. Finney began a career in ministry that was to have far- reaching implications for the religious as well as the civil life of the people of the United States. In July of that year he was ordained by the Presbytery of St. Lawrence, and assigned as a missionary to the little towns of Evans Mills and Antwerp in Jefferson County, New York. Under the vivid preaching of this ex-lawyer a wave of revivalism began to sweep through the whole region.^ Following the revival of 1824-27, Finney carried the religious awakening into Philadelphia, New York City, and Rochester, New York.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 “`And There Shall Be No More Sea.' William Lloyd Garrison and The
    “`And There Shall Be No More Sea.’ William Lloyd Garrison and the Transatlantic Abolitionist Movement.” Richard J. Blackett When in early 1865 the Stars and Stripes were once again raised over Fort Sumter William Lloyd Garrison and George Thompson were there to witness the symbolic reuniting of the country at the end of a brutal civil war. It seemed a fitting culmination to the work of the two men who together had struggled for over thirty years to keep the transatlantic abolitionist movement together and who were considered by their peers to be the two pivotal figures in the struggle to win freedom for slaves in the United States. Between them they had crisscrossed the Atlantic half a dozen times in a quest to rally public opinion in favor of abolition inspired in part by Garrison’s bold internationalist declaration: “Our Country is the World—Our Countrymen Are Mankind.” Their efforts did not always pay immediate dividends, but standing at the site where the first shots in the war were fired, both men could take some comfort in the fact that their persistence and commitment to the cause of emancipation had finally borne fruit. The movement had wobbled at times and on occasion had even cracked, but the frequent exchange of visits that they and others made had managed to maintain a semblance of unity in an otherwise fractious alliance. The exchange of letters, books and pamphlets were crucial means of contact, but the glue that held the movement together was the exchange of visits during which friendships were forged and renewed, money raised and attempts made to influence public opinion in favor of emancipation.
    [Show full text]
  • JOHN BROWN in OHIO an Interview with Charles S. S. Griffing Edited by Louis FILLER Assistant Professor of American Civilization, Antioch College
    http://publications.ohiohistory.org/ohstemplate.cfm? action=detail&Page=0058213.html&StartPage=213&EndPage=218&volume=58&newtitle=Volume %2058%20Page%20213 OHIO ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Volume 58, pages 213-218. JOHN BROWN IN OHIO An Interview with Charles S. S. Griffing edited by Louis FILLER Assistant Professor of American Civilization, Antioch College John Brown's Ohio years merit continued study. In view of the fact that a serious shadow has been cast over his intentions and activities in Kansas by a formidable historian,1 it is evident that the Ohio period may be crucial in any ultimate evaluation of Brown's role and personality. Mary Land's article, "John Brown's Ohio Environment," in the January 1948 issue of this Quarterly constitutes a supplement to Charles B. Galbreath's work in the field, which, however, she does not appear to have used.2 Unfortunately, John Brown's precise relationship to the undoubtedly strong antislavery forces in Ohio, and his reputation, if any, with his antislavery neighbors independent of his exploits in Kansas and at Harper's Ferry, still remain largely circumstantial and have yet to be firmly established. There is need for a clearer understanding than some students seem to manifest of the seriousness of the charges against Brown. It is often granted that Brown was guilty of "cold-blooded murder" at Potawatomie; but the edge of this accusation is as often blunted by emphasis upon Brown as a "fanatic"-that is, as one overwhelmed by the urgency of his crusade. The sense of both the Warren and Malin analyses is to impugn Brown's sincerity and thereby the integrity of his actions.3 The opinions of respectable personages in relation to Brown must be carefully weighed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Abolitionists of the Liberator Circle, 1860-1863
    Certainty, Crisis, Compromise: The Abolitionists of the Liberator Circle, 1860-1863 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury By Luis Paterson University of Canterbury 2017 1 Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... 3 Abstract ...................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction ................................................................................................................ 5 Frontispiece: The Liberator Circle ............................................................................ 12 Historiography .......................................................................................................... 14 Chapter One: Certainty ............................................................................................ 35 Chapter Two: Crisis .................................................................................................. 65 Chapter Three: Compromise .................................................................................. 110 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 157 Bibliography ........................................................................................................... 160 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Peter Field for his
    [Show full text]
  • The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) in 1860, the Radical
    Chapter Thirteen “A David Greater than the Democratic Goliath”: The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858) In 1860, the radical abolitionist Parker Pillsbury, who called Lincoln “the Kentucky clodhopper,” scoffed at his antislavery record, saying there was “no essential difference” between him and Stephen A. Douglas.1 In fact, the two Illinois rivals disagreed fundamentally about slavery, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the role of the U.S. Supreme Court, racial equality, and American history.2 Their battle served as a dress rehearsal for the presidential race two years later, when once again they clashed, with a different outcome. Herndon predicted that “the Race in Ills for 1858 & 9 -- for the Senatorial seat . will be hot – energetic – deadly; it will be broader – wider, and deeper in principle than the race in 1856.”3 But it would also be marred by Douglas’s brazen appeals to racial 1 Pillsbury to Wendell Phillips, New York, 17 March 1864, Phillips Papers, Harvard University; Pillsbury, speech at Framingham, Massachusetts, 4 July 1860, The Liberator (Boston), 20 July 1860. Some historians have echoed Pillsbury. James G. Randall, Lincoln the President: From Springfield to Gettysburg (2 vols.; New York: Dodd, Mead, 1945), 1:104-28; Morton J. Frisch, “The Lincoln-Douglas Debates and History,” Lincoln Herald 57 (1956): 17-19. 2 The best studies of the debates are Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008); Harry V. Jaffa, Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959); David Zarefsky, Lincoln, Douglas and Slavery: In the Crucible of Debate (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Don E.
    [Show full text]
  • Lisa Connelly Cook
    Original Masters Thesis by LISA CONNELLY COOK “Now let us see what all this balderdash, clap-trap, moonshine, rant, cant, fanaticism, and blasphemy, means:” The radical egalitarian agenda of the first National Woman’s Rights Convention of 1850. Why was the first National Woman’s Rights Convention swept under the rug? NOT YET PUBLISHED ADVANCE COPY FOR WWHP WOMEN 2000 PARTICIPANTS October 20-22, 2000 Copyright © 1998 by Lisa Connelly Cook, All Rights Reserved “Now let us see what all this balderdash, clap-trap, moonshine, rant, cant, fanaticism, and blasphemy, means:” The radical egalitarian agenda of the first National Woman’s Rights Convention of 1850. LISA CONNELLY COOK February 16, 1998 History Department Clark University Worcester, Massachusetts “ . and that every party which claims to represent the humanity, civilization, and progress of the age, is bound to inscribe on its banners, Equality before the law, without distinction of sex or color.” --from the Resolutions of the first National Woman’s Rights Convention, Worcester, Massachusetts, October 23-24, 1850 “Now let us see what all this balderdash, clap-trap, moonshine, rant, cant, fanaticism, and blasphemy, means . .. Their platform of principles comprises in behalf of women of color: The right to vote--the right to hold office--the right to be doctors, lawyers, professors, et cetera--the right to visit oyster houses and all other places--the right to fight when necessary--the right to do as they please.” --James Gordon Bennett editorial, New York Herald, October 28, 1850 “The convention was not called to discuss the rights of color; and we think it was altogether irrelevant and unwise to introduce the question.” --Jane Swisshelm, editorial, Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, November 2, 1850 “Color was not discussed there--it need not have been.
    [Show full text]