DOCSLIB.ORG

Wahram Iii., König Der Könige Von Eran Und Aneran

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Wahram Iii., König Der Könige Von Eran Und Aneran Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLV, 2010 doi: 10.2143/IA.45.0.2047126 WAHRAM III., KÖNIG DER KÖNIGE VON ERAN UND ANERAN BY Ursula WEBER (Paderborn) Abstract: >Wahram III, King of kings of Eran and Aneran<. After Wahram II (276-293) had been in power for 17 years, a period of office which had been shaped by problems both in domestic and foreign affairs and in which the Sasa- nian Empire had gone through a heavy crisis, Wahram III entered the throne in 293 AD as Iran’s sixth sahan sah. He was the successor of his father and grand- father of the same name and, like them, a member of the Sasanian clan. However, his grandfather had originally not been considered a possible heir to the throne by Sabuhr I for reasons we do not know. Wahram III was only able to maintain his position as King of kings for about four months. In reaction to his succession to the throne a civil war broke out which caused the aristocracy to fall out and weakened the Empire even more. In the course of this war, Narseh, Wahram III’s great-uncle and Sabuhr I’s youngest son, was able to persuade parts of his opponent’s army to break away from its leader. Thus, he succeeded in overcoming Wahram. With this victory Narseh was able to regain the rule for the actual family of Sasan after twenty years of quarrel for the throne. Our main source for those events are Narseh’s own res gestae from Paikuli in ¨Iraqi Kurdistan. Keywords: Iran, Sasanians, Wahram III, King Narseh of Armenia, Paikuli inscrip- tion. Nach siebzehnjähriger Regierungszeit Wahrams II. (276-293 n. Chr.), die geprägt war von außen- und innenpolitischen Schwierigkeiten und das Sasanidenreich an den Rand einer schweren Krise führte, gelangte Wahram III. im Jahre 293 n. Chr. als sechster sahan sah an die Macht. Er entstammte in direkter Nachfolge seines Vaters und Großvaters gleichen Namens der sasanidischen Königsfamilie; allerdings war sein Großvater aus unbekann- ten Gründen nicht für die Thronfolge vorgesehen. Wahram III. konnte sich nur etwa 4 Monate1 als König der Könige des Sasanidenreiches behaupten. 1 Zu dem Text der Paikuli-Inschrift und zu den Texten der hier zitierten Autoren s. U. Weber, Prosopographie des Sasanidenreiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (2002ff.), s. v. 22497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd 335353 115-04-20105-04-2010 110:00:420:00:42 354 U.WEBER Als Reaktion auf seine Thronbesteigung kam es zu einem Bürgerkrieg, der die Adelspartei entzweite und das Reich noch mehr schwächte. Narseh [SKZ I 4], ein Großonkel Wahrams III. und jüngster Sohn Sabuhrs I., gelang es im Laufe dieses Krieges, Teile der gegnerischen Truppen zum Abfall zu bringen und Wahram III. zu besiegen. Auf diesem Wege erreichte es Nar- seh, die Herrschaft des Sasanidenreiches nach einem etwa 20-jährigen Thronfolgestreit2 für den ursprünglichen Zweig der Familie des Sasan zurückzugewinnen. Name Wahram ist der dritte sahan sah des Sasanidenreiches, der ebenso wie sein Großvater und Vater nach einem der höchsten Götter des Zarathu- strismus benannt ist. Hinter der Wahl dieses Thronnamens für Sohn und Enkel Wahrams I. dürfte eine Absicht oder sogar ein politisches Programm stehen. Das Programm gründete sich auf dem Bestreben, nach außen erkennbar zu machen, daß mit der Familie Wahrams I. ein anderer Zweig der sasanidischen Königsfamilie3 den Thron bestiegen hatte4. Bekräftigt Wahram III. (B: Quellen, S. 1-10) unter der Internetadresse: http://www.uni-kiel.de/klas- salt/projekte/sasaniden/index.html Zunächst ist festzuhalten, daß die Paikuli-Inschrift, einzige Primärquelle für die Regie- rungszeit Wahrams III., keine Angaben zur Länge seiner Regierungszeit überliefert. Nach den Quellen der sekundären und tertiären Tradition dauerte Wahrams Herrschaft mit abweichenden Zeitangaben entweder vier Monate oder vier Jahre: Agathias, Historiarum Libri Quinque (1967) IV,24,6-8 (4 Monate). – Elias von Nisibis, Opus Chronologicum I (1910) 96,17-20 (4 Monate). – Ibn Qutayba, Kitâb al-ma¨ârif (1960) 655,8-10 (4 Monate). – al-Ja¨qubi, Historiae 1 (1883) 182,12-14 (4 Jahre). – Euty- chius von Alexandria, Annales (1906) 113,20 (4 Monate). – el-Maqdisî, Le Livre de la création et de l’histoire III (1903) 159 (4 Monate). – at-Tabari, Annales I (1881) 835,4-9 (4 Jahre). – Th. Nöldeke, Tabari (1879) 49-50. – Repr. 1973. – C.E. Bosworth, al-™abari (1999) 47. – Mas¨udi, Les Prairies d’or 1 (1966) 295,1-2 = § 600 (4 Jahre und 4 Monate). – al-Masûdî, Kitâb at-tanbîh wa ˆl-ischrâf (21967) 100,17-18 (4 Jahre und 4 Monate). – Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi ˆl-Taˆrikh 1 (1965) 391,1-3 (4 Jahre). – al-Tha¨âlibî, Histoire des Rois des Perses (1900) 507-508 (4 Monate). – Histoire Nestorienne inédite (Chronique de Séert) I (1908) 254 (4 Monate). – Repr. 1971. – Firdousi, Le Livre des Rois V (1866) 415: XXVI (4 Monate). — Bel¨ami, Chronique de … Tabari 2 (1958) 90,10-15. 2 s. U. Weber, Wahram II., König der Könige von Eran und Aneran, in: IrAnt 44 (2009) 559-643; hier 561-569. – U. Weber/J. Wiesehöfer, Der Aufstand des Ormies und die Thronfolge im frühen Sasanidenreich (2008) 217-225. 3 P. O. Harper/P. Meyers, Silver Vessels of the Sasanian period 1 (1981) 17. 4 Der nächste Herrscher, der denselben Thronnamen führte, war Wahram IV. (388-399 n. Chr.) am Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. — vgl. auch die Namensgebung bei Narsehs 22497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd 335454 115-04-20105-04-2010 110:00:430:00:43 WAHRAM III. 355 wird dieser Eindruck durch einen Münztyp Wahrams II., der auf der Vor- derseite den Großkönig zusammen mit der Königin der Königinnen und dem Kronprinzen zeigt. Mit diesem Münzbild wird der neue Herrschafts- anspruch der Wahram-Familie dokumentiert5 (Fig. 1). Die Religionspolitik Wahrams I. und auch die seines Sohnes zeigen, welche Bedeutung sie diesem Gott beimaßen. Wie stark die Verbindung Wahrams II. zu diesem Gott war, bezeugt ferner das kennzeichnende Em blem seiner Krone: die Flügel des varagna- Vogels, Symbol des Gottes Fig. 1. Münze Wahrams II. aus dem Kunsthistorischen Museum in Wien6 Thronfolger Hormezd II. (302-309 n. Chr.): Daß Narseh bewußt diesen Namen für seinen Nachfolger ausgesucht hatte, darf als sicher gelten. Er sollte an den letzten rechtmäßigen Herrscher des Sasanidenreiches Hormezd I. vor der Regierungszeit Wahrams I. und seiner beiden gleichnamigen Nachfolger erinnern. Bestätigt wird diese Annahme durch Narsehs „damnatio memoriae“ am Relief Wahrams I., den er als Usurpator ansah. Dabei ersetzte Narseh den Namen Wahrams I. durch seinen eigenen, beanspruchte dadurch das Investi- turrelief für sich und brachte damit zum Ausdruck, rechtmäßiger Thronfolger zu sein. – s. dazu M. Sprengling, Shahpuhr I, the Great on the Kaabah of Zoroaster (KZ) (1940) 384. 5 R. Göbl, Sasanidische Münzstudien. II. Römische und sasanidische Büstengruppen, in: Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft VII (XXIII a. F.) (1952) Nr. 10, 133ff. – id., Sasanidische Numismatik (1968) Taf. 4: 58-59; 64; 66-70; Taf. 5: 71. — 44: „Es ist der dynastische Gedanke, der hier in breiter Form vorgetragen wird“. – s. auch M. Morony, Sasanids, in: EI2 IX (1997) 72f.: „The legitimacy of this branch of the royal family was emphasised by showing Bahram II with his wife and son, Bahram, on the coins, some of which showed the king and queen attending the fire altar on the reverse”. 6 Die Abbildung dieser Münze wird R. Gyselen verdankt. 22497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd497-09_Iran_Antiq_45_11.indd 335555 115-04-20105-04-2010 110:00:430:00:43 356 U.WEBER Wahram. Unterstützung in der Verehrung dieses Gottes erfuhren Wahram I. und auch sein Sohn durch den tatkräftigen mowbed Kerdir, der sich in seinen Inschriften der Förderung des Wahram-Kultes, vor allem aber der Verbreitung der Wahram-Feuer rühmte. Der Wahram-Kult war in Iran und den angrenzenden, iranisch beeinflussten Ländern weit verbreitet. Verehrt als Kriegsgott und Gott des Sieges war Wahram Schutzherr seines kriegs- führenden Volkes und hoch geachtet von der kriegsbereiten Aristokratie des Reiches. Sein Name läßt sich von altiran. *v®‡ragna- ableiten, ent- wickelte sich weiter zu mp. wlhlˆn7 und später zu np. Bahram. In den zahl- reichen Quellen ist der Name des Großkönigs entsprechend der jeweiligen Sprache auf unterschiedliche Weise überliefert8. Genealogie (Pl. 1) Die mittelpersisch-parthische Bilingue des König Narseh von Armenien am Monument von Paikuli9 in ¨Iraqi-Kurdistan (Fig. 2) ist die einzige Primärquelle für die viermonatige Regierungszeit Wahrams III. Während die Paikuli-Inschrift genaue Angaben zum Verlauf des Bürgerkrieges, zu 7 Zum Namen Wahrams: u. a. M. Back, SSI (1978) 270, Nr. 359a. – Ph. Gignoux, Noms propres sassanides en moyen-perse épigraphique (1986) 171, Nr. 926. — G. Gnoli, Bahram. I. In Old and Middle Iranian Texts, in: EncIr III (1989) 510-513; hier 512f. — Ph. Huyse, SKZ 2 (1999) 103 mit ausführlicher Diskussion und zahlreichen Literaturan- gaben. – R. Schmitt, Byzantinoiranica: Zum Beispiel Prokop (2004) 673. 8 Belegstellen für die Überlieferung des Namens Wahram: KSM § 7, KNRm § 7, KKZ 5-7, KNRb 27-31. – gr.: Während Agathias (Historiarum Quinque Libri IV 24,5-6) eine einzige gräzisierte Namensform Oûararánjv für Wahram I-III angibt, finden sich bei Synkellos (Ecloga Chronographica 678,13-15 = 441,7-9) zwei unterschiedliche Namens- formen: Oûraránjv, Oûrarákjv, Oûraránjv. — Zonaras (Annales XII 31,9-10) nennt sie dagegen Oûararánjv, Oûararákjv, Oûararánjv. — Theophanes (Chronogra- phia II 6,6) zitiert Wahram II. dagegen als Oûarráxjv. – syr. WRHRN: Elias von Nisi- bis I (1910) 95,13-15. – WRTRN: S. Brock, A Martyr at the Sasanid court under Vahran II: Candida, in: AnalBolland 96 (1978) 173-177 [syr. Text passim]. — kopt. Ouarharan: G. Wurst, Die Bema-Psalmen (1996) 106f. = p. 43,5-9. — Barharan: S. Giversen, The Manichaean Papyri in the Chester Beatty Library. Vol. 1: Kephalaia (1986) 312,3; 309,24 = W.-P.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pahlavica Iii)(1)
    SOME REMARKS ON KARDER'S INSCRIPTION OF THE KA'BE-YE ZARDOST (PAHLAVICA III)(1) GIKYO ITO Prof. Emer. of Kyoto University Since its finding in 1939, Karder's Inscription of the Ka`be-ye Zardost (KKZ)(2) has invited various discussions linguistic or religio-historical and much ingenuity has been spent in trying to solve the difficulties. Thus some of them have been solved,(3) but some are not and sometimes strange miscal- culations still prevail in their treatments. KKZ begins with the wording: W; NH kltyr ZY mgwpt yzd'n W shpwhry MLK;n KLK; hwplst'y W hwk'mky HWYTNn. ;P-m PWN ZK sp'sy ZY-m PWN yzd'n W shpwhry MLK;n MLK; klty-HWYTNt-ZK-m;BYDWN shpwhry MLK;n MLK; PWN kltk'n ZY yzd'n PWN BB; W stly ;L stly gyw'k ;L gyw'k h'mstly PWN mgwstn k'mk'ly W p'ths'y (line 1)=ud 'az Karder 'i mowbed yazdan ud sabuhr 'sahan 'sah huparista ud hukamag HWYTNn ('niwehan). u-m 'pad 'an spas 'i-m 'pad yazdan ud sabuhr 'sahan 'sah 'kard-HWYTNt ('niwehed)-ZK-m ('a-m) 'kard Sabuhr 'sahan 'sah 'pad kardagan 'i yazddn 'pad 'dar ud sahr 'o sahr gydg 'o gyag hamsahr 'pad mowestankamgar ud padixsa (line 1). In this prologue, there are two problematic words: one is HWYTN-and the other ZK-m. (1) In regard to HWYTN-: Two forms provided with respective pho- netic complement -n and -t are here employed in distinction to KNRm where (lines 1 and 2) the only form HWYTN occurs for them both.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq
    OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES General Editors Gillian Clark Andrew Louth THE OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES series includes scholarly volumes on the thought and history of the early Christian centuries. Covering a wide range of Greek, Latin, and Oriental sources, the books are of interest to theologians, ancient historians, and specialists in the classical and Jewish worlds. Titles in the series include: Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and the Transformation of Divine Simplicity Andrew Radde-Gallwitz (2009) The Asceticism of Isaac of Nineveh Patrik Hagman (2010) Palladius of Helenopolis The Origenist Advocate Demetrios S. Katos (2011) Origen and Scripture The Contours of the Exegetical Life Peter Martens (2012) Activity and Participation in Late Antique and Early Christian Thought Torstein Theodor Tollefsen (2012) Irenaeus of Lyons and the Theology of the Holy Spirit Anthony Briggman (2012) Apophasis and Pseudonymity in Dionysius the Areopagite “No Longer I” Charles M. Stang (2012) Memory in Augustine’s Theological Anthropology Paige E. Hochschild (2012) Orosius and the Rhetoric of History Peter Van Nuffelen (2012) Drama of the Divine Economy Creator and Creation in Early Christian Theology and Piety Paul M. Blowers (2012) Embodiment and Virtue in Gregory of Nyssa Hans Boersma (2013) The Chronicle of Seert Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq PHILIP WOOD 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries # Philip Wood 2013 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2013 Impression: 1 All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Hormezd I., König Der Könige Von Eran Und Aneran
    Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLII, 2007 doi: 10.2143/IA.42.0.2017882 HORMEZD I., KÖNIG DER KÖNIGE VON ERAN UND ANERAN BY Ursula WEBER (Universität Kiel) Abstract: »Hormezd I, King of kings of Eran and Aneran«. In 270/2-73 A.D., after the death of Sabuhr I, Ohrmezd-Ardasir ascended the Sasanian throne as Ohrmezd I. Sabuhr’s res gestae mention his position as crown-prince; however, in the inscriptions of Kerdir and in the coin legends he bears, as Great King of the Sasanian Empire, the throne-name Ohrmezd, which points to the most prominent god of Zoroastrianism. Ohrmezd-Ardasir’s outstanding position within the royal family can clearly be seen from two passages of Sabuhr’s inscription: He not only has the leading posi- tion among the four known sons of Sabuhr I in the latter’s order of precedence from the point of view of protocol, but he also bears the title of ‘Great King of the Armenians’ and is honoured by a fire endowment like his sister Adur-Anahid and his two brothers Sabuhr of Mesan and Narseh of Sagestan. Excluded from this endowment is only Ohrmezd-Ardasir’s brother Wahram, the king of Gelan. Sur- prisingly, however, Wahram heads the ranks of brothers in the second list of descendants of Sabuhr’s res gestae. Here, Sabuhr’s sons appear not according to their position of protocol, but to their age: Wahram, Sabuhr, Ohrmezd-Ardasir and Narseh. In other words, Ohrmezd-Ardasir was not made heir to the throne as Sabuhr’s eldest, but as his third eldest son.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-01408-4 - The New Muslims of Post-Conquest Iran: Tradition, Memory, and Conversion Sarah Bowen Savant Excerpt More information Introduction Worries were at my stopping place, so I turned my sturdy she-camel toward the White Palace of al-Mada¯ʾin. Consoling myself with good fortune, and sorrowing at the traces of the camp of the clan of Sas¯ an.¯ Successive afflictions reminded me of them; incidents make one remember, make one forget. 1 al-Buh. turı¯ (d. 284/897) Amid the alluvial flatlands east of the Tigris River in Iraq stands a great hulk of a ruin known as the Arch of Khusraw, or to Iranians today as the Taq-i¯ Kisra.¯ When Robert Mignan, in the service of the East India Com- pany, came upon the “Tauk Kesra” in 1827, he described “a magnificent monument of antiquity, surprising the spectator with the perfect state of its preservation, after having braved the warring elements for so many ages; without an emblem to throw any light upon its history; without proof, or character to be traced on any brick or wall.” Mignan noted that “the natives of this country assert” that “the ruins are of the age of Nimrod,” a conclusion that he seems to have found credible.2 In the 1 This qas.ıda¯ is widely repeated in Arabic sources. The lines featured here follow the recen- sion provided by A. J. Arberry in his Arabic Poetry: A Primer for Students (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 72–81 (no. 11); they are translated by Richard A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Idea of Iran
    The Idea of Iran: Nationalism, Identity and National Consciousness among Diaspora Iranians A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at George Mason University by Darius Salimi Bachelor of Arts George Mason University, 2011 Director: Cortney Hughes-Rinker, Professor Department of Sociology & Anthropology Fall Semester 2013 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Copyright: 2013 Darius Salimi All Rights Reserved ii Dedication To my Aunt Lori. You were and are my inspiration to make the most of myself. iii Acknowledgements I received a tremendous amount of invaluable guidance in the form of many tiresome hours editing this document, input and feedback on content, and help in focusing my arguments and making my voice come through from three seemingly tireless people: Dr. Cortney Hughes-Rinker, Dr. Christopher P. Thornton and Dr. David W. Haines. I thank Cortney for her patience with me as my director and calm and thoughtful responses to my many questions and concerns; Chris for his expertise on Iran, ancient and modern as well as his good humor; and Dr. Haines, one of my very first professors at GMU, for his insights into the structure and voice of this thesis as well as for his superb advice and teaching over the years. I would also like to thank my family for being supportive of my interests and passions as they have always been, especially my sister Arista. iv Table of Contents Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................... viii List of Figures ................................................................................................................. viiii Abstract .............................................................................................................................. ix Chapter 1: Importance of the Iranian Case ........................ Error! Bookmark not defined.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Sasanian Iconoclasm
    Rethinking Sasanian Iconoclasm MICHAEL SHENKAR HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERusALEM This article presents a detailed reconsideration of the well-established and canon- ized theory of “Sasanian iconoclasm” postulated by Mary Boyce in 1975. The Sasanians did not develop any prohibition against anthropomorphic representa- tions of the gods, and in the surviving Zoroastrian literature and inscriptions there is no evidence of either theological disputes over idols or of a deliberate eradi- cation of them by the Persian kings. Sasanian cult was aniconic, but the historical and archaeological evidence clearly demonstrates that Sasanian visual culture was anything but iconoclastic. It seems that the Persian iconoclastic identity was constructed in the early Sasanian period as a response to the challenges posed by Christianity. By joining the common monotheistic discourse against idolatry, the Zoroastrian clergy adopted the conventions of the world in which they lived. Attacks against “idols” and “idolatry” should be understood in the context of inter- nal and external polemical discourse against beliefs deemed to be erroneous by the Zoroastrian priesthood. INTRODUCTION “Iconoclasm” (literally “the destruction of icons”) was originally a distinctly Christian term commonly applied to a number of religious and political movements, both ancient and mod- ern, that actively and aggressively rejected visual representations of the divine. In a recent study, iconoclasm was more broadly defined as “a motivated phenomenon of annihilation of any presence or power realized by an icon through the annihilation of that icon.” 1 In the pre-modern world, “iconoclasm” was perhaps most famously associated with the complex debates waged over icons that took place in the Byzantine Empire in the eighth-ninth cen- turies c.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded License
    Indo-European Linguistics (2021) 1–43 brill.com/ieul Contributions to a relative chronology of Persian The non-change of postconsonantal y and w in Middle Persian in context Agnes Korn | orcid: 0000-0003-0302-6751 cnrs; umr 8401 Centre de Recherche sur le Monde Iranien (CeRMI), Ivry / Seine, France [email protected] Abstract Old Persian shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. However, if one applies (pre-)Middle Persian sound changes to the Old Persian forms, the result is at variance with certain Middle Persian forms. If one were to assume a syncope revers- ing the Old Persian change of y, w to iy, uw, this would also affect old cases of iy, uw and likewise yield incorrect results for Middle Persian. The Old Persian change can thus not have operated in the prehistory of Middle Persian, and there is a dialectal differ- ence between attested Old Persian and the later stages of the language, which is to be added to those already noted. The paper also discusses some sound changes that are connected to the Old Persian change in one way or the other. Cases in point are the processes called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship, which this article sug- gests to interpret as occurring in different contexts and in different periods. The former is limited to Vry, which yields Vir and feeds into a monophthongisation that, as shown by some late Old Persian word forms, occurred within Achaemenid times, giving ēr and īr from ary and əry. Epenthesis did not occur in the prehistory of Parthian, whereas the monophthongisation did.The Appendix presents a tentative sequence of the processes discussed in this article, which is intended as a contribution to the relative chronology of Persian historical phonology.
    [Show full text]
  • Zoroaster : the Prophet of Ancient Iran
    BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF 1891 AJUUh : :::^.l.ipq.'f.. "Jniversity Library DL131 1o5b.J13Hcirir'^PItl®" ^°'°nnmliA ,SI'.?.P!}SL°LmmX Jran / 3 1924 022 982 502 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924022982502 ZOROASTER THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT IRAN •The; •S- ZOROASTER THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT HIAN BY A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON PROFESSOK OF INDO-IBANIAN LANGUAGES IN COLUMBIA UNIVKRSITT KTefa gorft PUBLISHED FOE THE COLUMBIA UNIVEESITT PRESS BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 1899 All rights reserved Copyright, 1898, bt the macmillan company. J. S. Gushing k Co. — Berwick & Smith Norwood Mass. U.S.A. DR. E. W. WEST AS A MARK OF REGARD PREFACE This work deals with the life and legend of Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, the representative and type of the laws of the Medes and Persians, the Master whose teaching the Parsis to-day still faithfully follow. It is a biographical study based on tradition ; tradition is a phase of history, and it is the purpose of the volume to present the picture of Zoroaster as far as possible in its historic light. The suggestion which first inspired me to deal with this special theme came from my friend and teacher. Professor Geldner of Berlin, at the time when I was a student under him, ten years ago, at the University of Halle in Germany, and when he was lecturing for the term upon the life and teachings of Zoroaster.
    [Show full text]
  • Ernst Herzfeld Resource Bibliography
    Ernst Herzfeld papers A bibliography of sources consulted in the cataloging of the Herzfeld materials. This list is by no means exhaustive; if your institution holds related materials, please contact the Freer|Sackler Archives at [email protected] or 202-633-0533. Books and Articles Gunter, Ann C., and Stefan R. Hauser. Ernst Herzfeld and the Development of Near Eastern Studies, 1900-1950. Boston: Brill, 2005. Herzfeld, Ernst. Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Band I, Der Wandschmuck der Bauten von Samarra und Seine Ornamentik. Berlin: Verlag Dietrich Reimer, 1923. Herzfeld, Ernst. Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Band III, Die Malereien von Samarra. Berlin: Verlag Dietrich Reimer, 1927. Herzfeld, Ernst. Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Band V, Die Vorgeschichtlichen Töpfereien von Samarra. Berlin: Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, 1930. Herzfeld, Ernst. Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, Band VI, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra. Hamburg: Verlag von Eckardt & Messtorff, 1948. Herzfeld, Ernst. Erster Vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Samarra. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer (Ernst Vohsen), 1912. Herzfeld, Ernst. Samarra, Aufnahmen und Untersuchungen zur Islamischen Archaeologie. Berlin: Behrend & Co, 1907. Lamm, Carl Johan. Ausgrabungen von Samarra IV, Das Glas von Samarra. Berlin: Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, 1928. Leisten, Thomas. Excavation of Samarra, Volume 1, Architecture: final report of the first campaign 1910-1912. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2003. Northedge, Alastair. "An Interpretation of the Palace of the Caliph at Samarra (Dar Al-Khilafa or
    [Show full text]
  • The Middle Persian and Parthian Inscriptions on the Paikuli Tower
    Iranica Antiqua, vol. XLIX, 2014 doi: 10.2143/IA.49.0.3009246 THE MIDDLE PERSIAN AND PARTHIAN INSCRIPTIONS ON THE PAIKULI TOWER. NEW BLOCKS AND PRELIMINARY STUDIES1 BY Carlo G. CERETI & Gianfilippo TERRIBILI (“Sapienza” University of Rome) Abstract: The Paikuli inscription celebrates the victory of the Sasanian Emperor Narseh (293 – 302\3 AD) over his nephew, Wahram III, in the dynastic war which followed the death of Wahram II. It was built on the spot where Narseh met the nobles and notables of the Sasanian Empire, who had come to the border of Asorestan to pay him allegiance. The text is almost identical in its two versions and can be divided in two main parts, the first describing the events of the dynas- tic war, the second containing a long list of nobles and notables who sided with Narseh. The remains of the tower rise in a beautiful Zagros valley on top of a small hill overlooking the modern village of Barkal at the foot of the Paikuli pass, not far from the town of Darband-i Khan. Narseh’s inscription is one of the most important surviving primary sources for the history of the Sasanian dynasty, though its value as an historical document is considerably decreased because of 1 Many persons of good will have helped us to establish the presence of the Italian Archaeological Mission to Kurdistan and previously to develop our cooperation projects. The authors wish to thank Malaawat Abubaker Othman Zendin, Director General for Antiquities of Iraqi Kurdistan, Kamal Rashid Rahem (Director of Antiquities of Sulaimaniya) and Hashem Hama Abdullah (Director of the Museum of Sulaimaniya) for their constant support to our project.
    [Show full text]
  • Exile from Exile: the Representation of Cultural Memory in Literary Texts by Exiled Iranian Jewish Women
    Langer, Jennifer (2013) Exile from exile: the representation of cultural memory in literary texts by exiled Iranian Jewish women. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/17841 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. EXILE FROM EXILE: THE REPRESENTATION OF CULTURAL MEMORY IN LITERARY TEXTS BY EXILED IRANIAN JEWISH WOMEN JENNIFER LANGER Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2013 Shahin’s Ardashir-nameh, Iran, 17th century; Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary Centre for Gender Studies School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Declaration for PhD thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part, by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination.
    [Show full text]
  • Yorkshire Sculpture Park SHIRIN NESHAT Resource File
    Yorkshire Sculpture Park SHIRIN NESHAT Resource file Shirin Neshat Biography Born in Qazvin, Iran, Shirin Neshat (1957) is an Iranian artist who left Iran to study in the United States when she was seventeen years old. She moved to Los Angeles to study art before the Iranian Revolution in 1979. When the Islamic Revolution overtook her homeland, Neshat was exiled and was not allowed to return until eleven years later. She attended the University of California, Berkeley, earning her B.A., M.A., and M.F.A in 1983. Neshat became fascinated with the situation of women in her native country after visiting Iran in 1990, for the first time since the rise of the Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979. Neshat discovered that the culture she had grown up with had changed, inspiring her first major work. In 1993, then working in the medium of still photography, Neshat began a series of images entitled Unveiling (1993). She first gained international recognition for the Women of Allah series (1993-1997), a body of photographic work exploring women and martyrdom in Islamic culture. Since 1996 her work has progressed from photographs to video installations and short films, covering difficult topics such as Eastern and Western boundaries, men and women, the sacred and the profane, exile and belonging. She uses the specifics of her personal background, experiences in exile and Islamic culture to create works that communicate universal ideas about loss, meaning and memory, which often address social, political and psychological issues. 1957 Born Qazvin, Iran 1974
    [Show full text]