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Home , 101 Names of God, Aban, Ameretat, Aneran, Asman, Atash Behram

LIVING

URBAN SPEAK ABOUT THEIR LIVING ZOROASTRIANISM

URBAN PARSIS SPEAK ABOUT THEIR RELIGION

Philip G. Kreyenbroek

in collaborationwith ShehnazNeville Munshi

I~ ~~~:~~n~~;up LONDON AND NEW YORK First Publishedin 2001 by Routledge 2 ParkSquare, Milton Park, Abingdon,Oxon, OX14 4RN http://www.routledge.com Transferredto Digital Printing 2006 © 2001 Philip G. Kreyenbroek Typesetin Palatinoby LaserScriptLtd, Mitcham, Surrey All rights reserved.No part of this book may be reprintedor reproducedor utilised in any form or by any electronic,mechanical, or othermeans, now known or hereafterinvented, including photocopyingand recording,or in any information storageor retrieval system,without permissionin writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A cataloguerecord of this book is availablefrom the British Library Library of CongressCataloguing in Publication Data A cataloguerecord for this book hasbeen requested ISBN 0-7007-1328-X Publisher'sNote The publisherhas gone to greatlengths to ensurethe quality of this reprint but pointsout that someimperfections in the original may be apparent Contents

Preface vii The Informants xv Abbreviations xvi

PART 1: THE BACKGROUND

1 CLASSICAL ZOROASTRIANISM 3 2 COMMON PARSI OBSERVANCES 16 basedon an accountby ShehnazN. Munshi 3 THE PARSIS IN 44

PART 2: THE INTERVIEWS 4 TRADITIONALISTS 61 Mrs 0 61 Mr Burjor H. Antia 75 Mr Homi P. Ranina 84 Mrs A 90 DrF 97 MrS 103 MrsN 107 MrK H2 MrT 115 5 NEO-TRADITIONALISTS 126 Mr Khojeste Mistree 126 Dr JeannieBharucha 145 Ms KhursheedKhurody 153 Mr Noshir Dadrawala 165 6 MODERNIST VIEWS 172 Mrs H 172 DrY 178 Mr Dinshaw K. Tamboly 184 Mrs E 190 Mrs V 196

v Contents 7 ECLECTICISM IN RELIGIOUS VIEWS 205 Mrs X 205 Mrs U 212 Mrs L 218 MrsQ 223 8 ESOTERIC BELIEFS 231 Dr Meher Master-Moos 231 Mr Adi F. Doctor 239 Mr BehramD. Pithavala 246 Mrs Nergish Nusservanjee 253 Ervad Yazdi N. Aibara 258 9 RELIGION AS CULTURAL HERITAGE 276 MrB 276 MrN 281 MrsM 286

PART 3: CONCLUSIONS 10 PARSI RELIGION IN THE LIGHT OF THE INTERVIEWS 293

APPENDICES 1 Divisions of Time in Zoroastrianism:, Days, Watches 319 2 Word List 321

Bibliography 329 Index 331

vi Preface

The Parsisare a small groupof Iraniandescent who havepreserved their communal, cultural and religious identity in India for the last ten centuriesat least. This book is primarily concernedwith the religion of this community,a branchof the ancientfaith known as Zoroastrianism.It aims to elucidatethe contemporaryrealities of Parsi religious life on the basisof narrativeinterviews, a methodthat is increasinglyused in other fields of researchand whosevalue for the studyof religion is gradually being discovered.Like all other methods, qualitative researchhas its inherent limitations. It seems particularly appropriate in this case, however,because it helps to fill someof the more glaring lacunasin our knowledgeof modemParsi religion by throwing light on its subjective and devotionalsides. Few adequatedescriptions seem to exist of the way in which Parsisunderstand and practisetheir religion, and although a considerableamount is known about the classicalZoroastrian tradition as it developedin the Iranianhomeland until the 9th or 10th centuryeE, it cannotbe taken for grantedthat the connectionbetween this ancient tradition and modemIndian realities is simple and straightforward. An important reasonfor the scarcity of our information on modem Indian Zoroastrianismis that the interestof mostWestern academics and some modem Parsis has so far been focused predominantly on the ancient scriptural tradition. This classical tradition, in which doctrine and religious teachingplaya major role, is in fact often held to represent the norm for all forms of the religion. That implies that contemporary beliefs, attitudesand practicesfor which no obvious foundation can be found in the scriptural tradition tend to be dismissedas mistaken or corrupt. A strongpreoccupation with classicaltheology, in other words, has led to an academicunderstanding of Zoroastrianismwhich tendsto be usedas a prescriptivedefinition of that religion -a stateof affairs that has not encouragedthe study of the religious lives of modemParsis as valid expressionsof Zoroastrianism. It is of coursetrue that in somereligions the contemporarytradition is stronglyinfluenced by an 'official' form of the , which is basedon an authoritativeinterpretation of a canonof sacredtexts and is often upheld by a learned priesthood.In such cases,change generally results from interaction between the views of theologians representing official religion, and the needs and perceptionsof ordinary believers. Where

vii Preface the daily realitiesof the latter makea traditional view seemoutdated, the former usually adapttheir teachings.On the otherhand, official religion can act as a brakewhen developmentsthreaten to happentoo fast or be too radical, thus preventing a situation where modem beliefs are obviously at variancewith earlier teachings.Where this is the case,the role of official r~ligion in the developmentof contemporaryreligious traditions is obvious and important. Zoroastrianism,on the other hand, differs from most other great in that its academictheology virtually stoppedevolving some centuriesafter the Islamic conquestof (7th century CE). As consolidatedits hegemonyin the centuriesthat followed, Zoroastrian communitiesgradually becametoo marginal and poor to support the substantial group of scholar who until then had kept the intellectual and theological traditions of the faith alive. The remaining priestly scholars,it seems,began to devotetheir energiesto writing down as much as they could of the ancientlearned tradition, which until then had largely beentransmitted orally. Later generationsof priests,both in Iran and India, continuedto study someof the knowledgecontained in these writings, but few further attempts were apparently made to formulate an a~thoritative Zoroastriansystem of doctrinesin the light of the conditionsof the times. For a long time, it seems,the religious life of Zoroastriancommunities was such that this causedfew problems. For the Parsis this changedin the early 19th century, when confrontations with Christianity and challengesposed by Western religious concepts and attitudes had the effect of calling into question the validity of traditionalreligion generally,and priestly learningin particular.The 19th centuryfurther sawmany Parsis receiving a Western-typeeducation and witnessedthe rise of a powerful Parsi merchantclass. All this led some Parsisto seekto define their ,and contributedto the emergence of a series of religious movements springing from a sense of disenchantmentwith traditional Parsireligion. Thesemovements, some of which still playarole in the life of the communitytoday, generallyaim to rediscoveror redefine the teachingsof Zoroastrianism,and in some cases the deeper meaning of ritual, with a view to establishing a reconstructed,authentic form of the religion. One of the reasonswhy thesedevelopments have not so far led to the emergenceof a unified 'reformed'Zoroastrianism is clearly to be sought in the profound dissimilaritiesbetween the teachingsof the movements themselves.A further reasonmay be that a very different understanding of the nature and function of religion - emphasisingorthopraxy, faith, and a devotionallife that is not stronglybased on intellectualbeliefs - is deeply ingrained in the community, and most of its members have presumablybeen reluctant to rethink their religious lives deeplyenough to accepta form of religion basedon unfamiliar assumptions.However,

viii Preface the activities of the religious movements did have the effect of introducingto the communitya theoreticalconception of Zoroastrianism as a religion largely basedon the authority of the classical tradition, intelligible teachings,and personalbelief. The relationshipbetween the classicaland modemtraditions among Indian Zoroastriansis thereforea complex one. The Parsi tradition is of course ultimatelybased on classicalZoroastrianism; in the courseof time it seemsto havedeveloped along its own lines in manyrespects, and it is now again influencedby the ideal of an authoritative,'true' form of the religion which is closely associatedwith ancientteaching. However, as we saw, thereis no consensusas to the precisecharacter of this ideal form of Zoroastrianismand its impact on the religious lives of many Parsisis demonstrablyminimal. Clearly, these factors contribute to the difficulty of studying modem Parsi Zoroastrianism.As was noted earlier, few Westernscholars have so far paid much attention to this form of the religion. The Parsis' own writings on religious questions are heterogeneous;apart from some esotericworks, their publicationsare usually influencedto someextent by Western-inspireddefinitions of religious concepts.If the views advanced in these works had achieved the status of a new orthodoxy, or even contributedto the emergenceof a consensuson Zoroastrianteaching, they could presumablyhave servedas a legitimatebasis for researchon Parsi religion. Since this is plainly not the case,however, it would seemthat modem Parsi religion cannotbe adequatelyunderstood on the basis of written sources alone, whether classical or modem. The traditional, deductive or prescriptive method of research, which accepts an authoritative form of a religion as a norm in the light of which other forms or aspects of the faith can be understood, therefore seems problematic in this case. As an alternative an inductive, descriptive approachis employedhere, studying the evidenceof personaltestimonies with a view to arriving at a more generalunderstanding. Although they cannotyield statisticallysignificant data,in-depth interviews illustrate the way in which individuals understandand practise their religion. Thus they offer information which has so far beenlacking, and further enable one to analysethe similarities and differences,the essentialcoherence or fundamentalheterogeneity of the various practices,views and attitudes they describeor reflect. The evidenceof a collectionof narrativeinterviews may thereforecontribute towards a tentativedescription of the realitiesof modemParsi religious life.

Becauseof all this, a project was organisedby the presentwriter in 1994 to collect and study a series of narrative interviews with Indian-based Parsis. These were to be conductedby a member of the community,

ix Preface Mrs ShehnazNeville Munshi, who is both interestedin and knowledge- able about the traditions of her faith and her community. Mrs Munshi was given a brief but intensivetraining in interviewing techniques,with emphasison the need to be non-judgmental,to regard all pertinent answersas valid, and to avoid askingleading questions. A list of queries was drawn up in collaborationwith Mrs Munshi and other Parsis.The list contained questions about the informant's personal history, and current views and practicesin the sphereof religion; further questions concernedfestivals and religious occasions,visits to fire temples and , the Zoroastrianlaws of purity, illnessesand cures, death and the , and beliefs and observancesof non-Zoroastrianorigin. It was emphasised,however, that thesequestions were no more than a guidelineto keep an interview going if necessary,that therewas no need to work throughthe entirelist, and that informantsshould in any casebe free to respondto the questionsas briefly or elaboratelythey wished.The main aim of the interviews was not to obtain answers to specific questions,but ratherto allow peopleto discussthose aspects of religion that were closest to their heart and to expresstheir personal under- standingof their faith. In practicethis approachproved very satisfactory. During most interviews the speaker'spersonal preoccupationsand interestsquickly cameto light and determinedthe further courseof the discussion;not infrequently, moreover, issuescame up that could not havebeen anticipated and were not coveredby questionson the list. An additionaladvantage of this methodof interviewing is that it avoids the dangerof forcing informantsinto the straight-jacketof the interviewer's preconceivedideas, as can happenwith more structuredinterviews. It may be relevantto mention in this context that Mrs Munshi is an active member of 'ZoroastrianStudies', a Bombay-basedorganisation which generouslyput its resourcesat the writer's disposalthroughout the period of research.'Zoroastrian Studies' is not uncontroversi~l in the community,being known for its outspokenNeo-traditionalist teachings. It should be stressed,however, that all parties concernedwere clearly awareof the needfor objectivity in carryingout researchof this type, and considerablecare was taken to ensure that Neo-traditionalist views shouldneither influence the choiceof informantsnor obtrudeduring the interviews themselves.In a few caseswhere Mrs Munshi'sremarks did reflect her personalviews, attentionis drawn to this in the text. It becameclear at an early stage that the religious culture of Parsi laymenin big cities differed significantly from that of rural communities, and the evidence further suggestedthat working priests have a distinctive sub-culture,or at leastmany characteristictraditions of their own. It wastherefore decided to studythese groups in a later publication focusing on more traditional aspectsof Parsi life. The present work contains thirty interviews with Parsis from an urban background. x Preface Only oneinterviewee is a working priestand one othera 'swife; in both casesthe interviews were included becausethey seemedparticu- larly relevantin the context of this book. The selection of interviewees was guided by two more or less contradictoryconsiderations. On the onehand a book of this type should ideally leavethe readerwith a mentalimage of Parsireligious life which would accord with that of ordinary community members;on the other hand it should throw light on views, tendenciesand movementswhich influence the majority but are too radical or extremeto be sharedby it. All possibleefforts have beenmade to publish a rangeof interviews reflecting the main groups,trends and movementswhich playa role in Parsireligious life today. However,some points shouldbe noted.First of all, the impossibility of holding an in-depth interview on religion with someonewho is wholly uninterestedin the subjectcaused an important sectionof the communityto be left unrepresentedhere. On the opposite side of the scale, beliefs and practices of non-Zoroastrianorigin (e.g. those associatedwith devotion to a Baba or Guru), which in moderate form can be incorporated into a religious life that is essentially Zoroastrian, may in some casesbecome so predominantthat neither Parsi public opinion nor common sense would accept them as expressionsof Zoroastrianism.Finally, the interest of the book would hardly be enhancedby including a large number of testimonies remarkable only for being ordinary. The selection of interviews published here therefore does not reflect the whole range of Parsis' views about religion, nor can the frequencyof opinions expressedthere be taken to representthe currencyof suchviews in the communityas a whole. Chapters3 and 10 aim to provide a context in which the data of the interviews can be betterunderstood. The book is divided into three main parts: (1) The Background,(2) Interviews, and (3) Conclusions.Chapter 1 offers a brief descriptionof classicalZoroastrianism and its history, concentratingon aspectswhich are relevantto the main subjectof the book. The secondChapter is based on a series of interviews the presentwriter had with Mrs Munshi and was written in collaborationwith her. It containsa survey of what are called, for want of a more adequateterm, 'commonParsi observances'; while the few existingsources on Parsiobservance tend to concentrateon high priestly rituals, Mrs Munshi describeda wide range of ordinary family or community ceremonieswhich mayor may not require the servicesof a priest but are clearly felt to have religious connotations. Chapter3 deals with aspectsof the social and public life of the Parsi community- its institutions,religious factions,and public debates- with particular referenceto Bombay. The interviews themselveshave been grouped under six headings indicating views or attitudesthat seemmore or less characteristicof the

xi Preface speakers:Traditionalists; Neo-traditionalists;Modernist Views; Eclecti- cism in Religious Lives; Esoteric Beliefs; and Religion as Cultural Heritage. This division is in many ways an arbitrary one, aimed at making the material more accessibleby imposing some sort of order. Hardly any of the categoriesconcerned are clear-cut,nor can personal realities usually be brought under one headingonly. For an analysisof various types of Parsi religiosity the readeris referred to Ch. 10, which seeksto interpret the evidenceof the interviews. When the interviewswere held contributorswere askedwhether they wished to be identified in the publishedwork, and a majority replied in the affirmative. Given a researcher'sobligation to protect hisinformants' interests,however, and the fact that statementswhich seemharmless at one time may involve individuals in unforeseen controversies or disputeslater, it was decidedto be guidedby caution.Those who chose to be identified are thereforenamed in the list on p. xv but not, generally, in the interviews themselves.Exceptions are madefor someinformants who are well known in the community for reasonsconnected with religion (e.g. as religious teachers or becausethey are prominently associatedwith religious charities), since their opinions are in any case widely knownA and it seemedthat the public has a legitimateinterest in their views. On the other hand, informants who are chiefly known for other reasons (such as members of socially prominent families) are generallynot identified in the interviewseven if they play an active role in community affairs. The interviews were held either in English or Gujarati; recordingsof the English interviews were transcribedfully or in part by the present writer, thosein Gujarati were translatedby Mrs Munshi. It soonbecame clearthat it wasimpossible to publisha full transcriptof mostinterviews; on averagethese lasted 90 minutes, and were thus too long for such treatment. Moreover, descriptionsof occasionssuch as weddiI).gs and Navjotestended to becomerepetitive. The publishedaccounts therefore give a summaryof passageswhich gain little from a full transcription, whilst the speakers'own words are reproduced where this seems important. The summaries inevitably reflect the present writer's interpretationof what was said. Where the informant'sown words are given it was soughtto stay as close to the spoken text as possible. Evident slips of the tongue, repetitions,or obviousmistakes in English were omitted or corrected.In somecases long and detaileddescriptions which werenot relevantto the speaker'smain argumentwere summarised ('my cousin,the daughterof my maternal aunt, who always dressed in red,' might become 'a relative'). Parsi English was treatedas a legitimateform of the language andtranscribed as spoken. A few typical speechhabits (such as the useof 'only' to emphasisethe precedingword or phrase),seemed likely to

xii Preface confuseor distract the non-Indianreader and were not retainedin the transcript. The transcription of Gujarati and Iranian terms presentedsome difficulties. Academicsystems for transcribingthese languages exist, but in a book of this type they havethe disadvantageof being unnecessarily complicatedand giving the text a pedanticlook. Most Parsis,moreover, are unfamiliar with thesesystems. For somenon-English words they use standard spellings (which do not always meet rigourous criteria of consistency),while in other casesa rangeof different spellingsis found. Wherestandard Parsi spellings exist theseare generally adopted here; for otherwords a methodof transcriptionis usedthat is intendedto facilitate an adequatepronunciation without marking distinctions that have no meaning unless one is familiar with the languagesconcerned. No diacritical signs are used; 'a' representseither the first or the second vowel soundof apart in SouthernEnglish; 'u' is usedfor the vowels of book or lose; 'e' for those of Frenchete, mere, or de; 'i' for those of tin or bean; '0' for those of French beau or English on. In the few caseswhere longer phrases or sentencesin Gujarati are reproduced, such a transcriptionwould be insufficient and diacritics are used,notably t, 4, 'tJ, sfor retroflex consonants,macrons (a, u) to indicatelong vowels,and a tilde (ii, il) for nasalisedvowels. Another minor problem was posed by the case endings of some Gujarati words. Nouns ending in -0 or -u, for example, change their endingto -a in somecircumstances. When speakingEnglish someParsis call an oil-lamp a diva (the casusrectus), while otherssay diva (the oblique case);for the plural, divas is generallyused in English. The plural in -as is therefore used here, while in caseswhere usagevaries singulars are given in the rectus form. Words of Indian origin that are spelled as English words (e.g. Agiary), are given correspondingplurals (Agiaries). While the work on this book was in progress,the official nameof the metropolis changedfrom Bombay to Mumbai. As the city is generally referred to in the interviews as Bombay and is still known to most Westernersby that name,the changehas not beenadopted here.

My thanks are due first and foremost to ShehnazMunshi, who has probably done a greater share of the work than I have, and without whose constant advice, interviewing skills and knowledge of the community the project would have beenunlikely to succeed.I am very grateful also to KhojesteMistree and Firoza PunthakeyMistree for their friendship, their constantsupport, expert advice, and lavish hospitality. SarahStewart, of the School of Oriental and African Studies,London, helped to shapeand organisethe project and remainedinvolved later. The indefatigableoffice staff of 'ZoroastrianStudies', notably Shernaz

xiii Preface Panthaky,Jeannie Bharucha and Katy Neemuchwalla,helped in various ways, as did StefanieBrinkmann, Oliver Henze,Albert de Jong,Susanne Fee Karalus, Mieke Kreyenbroek,Farhad Munshi and Alan V. Williams. Dastur Dr Firoze M. Kotwal enlightenedme about various points of ritual. The projectwhose results are publishedhere was fundedby generous grantsfrom the British Academyand the SpaldingTrust. I am grateful to the School of Oriental and African Studies,University of London, for offering me a sabbaticalyear, which enabledme to complete the first phaseof the researchbefore taking up a new post in Gottingen. The warmth and helpfulnessof the contributors made this a most enjoyableexperience, and I am grateful to all of them. May the book be worthy of all the effort, knowledgeand sincerity they gave to it.

Philip G. Kreyenbroek

xiv The Informants

The nameslisted here are those of informants who indicated that they wished to be identified; the wishes of those who preferred not to be namedhave of coursebeen respected.

Aibara, Ervad Yazdi N. Amroliwala, Mr Phiroze Antia, Mr Burjor H. Bana,Mr SaroshH. Bharucha,Dr JeannieB. Chothia, Mr RustomC. Cooper-Vosburgh,Mrs Dinaz Coyaji, Dr Kurus Coyaji, Dr JerooK. Dadrawala,Mr Noshir H. Dalal, Mr Bahadurshah Dalal-Paghdiwala,Mrs Freny F. Doctor, Mr Adi F. Godrej, Mrs PherozaJ. Khan, Mrs Shirin J. Khurody, Ms Khursheed Master-Moos,Dr Meher Mehta, Mrs Pervin R. Mistree, Mr Khojeste P. Mobedji, Mrs Jaloo R. Moolla, Mrs Dolet D. Mulla, Mr Noshir D. Nusservanjee,Mrs NergishJ. Pithavala,Mr BehramD. Ranina,Mr Homi Tamboly, Mr Dinshaw K.

xv Ab breviations

Ar. Arabic Av. A.V Ashern Vohu BCE Before CommonEra CE CommonEra d. died Eng. English Guj. Gujarati id. idem Ind. Indian Ir. Iranian lit. liter~lly n. note OInd. Old Indian aIr Old Iranian Pers. Persian Phi. Pahlavi PK Philip G. Kreyenbroek q.v. quo vide Rs. Rupees Skt. Sanskrit SM ShehnazN. Munshi s.o. someone SS SarahR.A. Stewart s.v. sub voce Vend. y. Y.A.V Yatha Ahu Vairyo Yt. ZS 'ZoroastrianStudies'

xvi Part One The Background ChapterOne Classical Zoroastrianism

As with other religions, many people's thoughts on the subject of Zoroastrianismare inspiredor influencedby a mentalimage of that faith which is largely basedon interpretationsof the ancient religious texts. Although, as statedin the Preface,relations between this 'classical'form of Zoroastrianism and modern Parsi religion are complex, some knowledgeof the former is indispensablefor an adequateunderstanding of the latter. Apart from questionsof doctrine (on which seeCh. 3, 10), the ancienttradition continuesto determineor affect Parsi religious life in many ways. Priestly rituals and various other observancesare continuationsof ancient practice; many of the community's symbols, conceptsand imagesderive from classicalZoroastrianism, even if some of theseare now interpretedin novel ways; furthermore,an awarenessof the glories of ancientZoroastrian empires and civilisations contributesto many Parsis'sense of pride in their religious and communalidentity. It seems appropriate, therefore, briefly to discuss aspects of the teachings,observances and history of classicalZoroastrianism. In doing so, however,some reservations must be made.Specialists in the fierd of disagree on many points, and the sources representa priestly tradition which tells us little aboutthe religious lives of ordinarybelievers. The accountgiven hereis basedon interpretations of the sourceswhich seemplausible to the presentwriter. To what extent the scriptural tradition reflects the realities of early Zoroastrian communitiesremains a matter for debateand conjecture.

Zarathustraand his reform The term 'Zoroastrianism'derives from , the Greek version of the Iranian name Zarathushtra, which in the West is usually spelled 'Zarathustra'.Zoroastrians regard Zarathustraas the founder of their religion and as a prophet who was in direct contact with . Since

3 The Background Zarathustralived in the pre-historicperiod, i.e. before his peoplebegan to use writing, we can only speculateas to his date and place. Many scholarsbelieve that Zarathustralived at a time whenthe Iranianpeoples were engagedin the great migration which eventually brought them from the Central Asian steppes to their later homelands in Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Northern Iraq and parts of Eastern Anatolia. The most likely date seemsto be around1000 BCE. It canbe inferred from the Zoroastriantradition that the early Iranian tribes alreadyhad a well-developedreligious tradition, most aspectsof which they sharedwith their sister-tribes,the ancestorsof the northern Indians. The appearanceof Zarathustra, however, seems to have coincidedwith a partial departurefrom the establishedtradition, which warrantsthe assumptionthat Zarathustra'sactivities did indeedtrigger developmentsleading to the rise of a new cult which usedhis nameto identify itself. Thereis evidenceto suggestthat Zarathustrawas a priest who was well versedin the religious traditions of his people. It seems that his novel understandingof religious truth, based perhapsupon visionary experiencesoccurring in the course of his priestly duties, causedhis followers to regardthemselves as distinct from the adherents of the older faith. Although this new religion retained many of the traditionalbeliefs and practicesof its precursor,it was basedon a wholly original view of the rationale and purposeof existence.Furthermore, it rejected the of the , a group of divine beings who may haverepresented the 'might-is-right' ethospopular among a conquering migrant people, in contradistinctionto the strictly 'moral' characterof anothergroup of ,the , whoseworship Zarathustraendorsed. The word , which until then meant'gods', came to mean'devils' in the languageof the Zoroastrians.

Good and evil supernaturalbeings The rejectionof the daevasis a centralelement of Zarathustra'steaching. In fact, one of the most prominentnew elementsof Zarathustra'smessage was his representationof evil as an autonomouspower: not a mere negation of, or departure from, right, but its active and intentional opponent.The forcesof evil areheaded by Angra Mainyu ('Evil Intention', later ), the personified, diabolical opponent of 'Beneficent Intention' (Av. Spenta Mainyu) and indeed of God, the good Creator whosename is Mazda(' Wisdom',later Ohrmazd,Hormazd). In later ZoroastrianismSpenta Mainyu was identified with Ahura Mazdahimself, 1 but earlierhe was seenas a separateBeing, who formed part of the group of 's immediate helpers, the seven Amesha Spentas ('Beneficent Immortals'). The Amesha Spentas are powerful divine beingsbut, as is shownin the following diagram,each

4 Classical Zoroastrianism also representsa mental quality or conceptwhich man can cultivate or prepare for in his own life; furthermore each has a special connection with one of the seven 'creations', the essential elementsof the good material world.

AvestanName Parsi Name 'Creation' English meaning of the name Ahura Mazda Hormazd3 Man Lord Wisdom (SpentaMainyu)2 (SpentaMainyu) (Beneficent Intention) Vahishta Ardibehesht Fire Best Righteousness Cattle Good Thought KhshathraVairya Shehrevar Metal, Sky The Power that must be chosen SpentaArmaiti Aspandad, Earth Beneficent Aspandarmad Devotion Khordad Water Wholeness Amardad Plants Immortality

Besides Ahura Mazda and the Amesha Spentas, the Zoroastrian tradition recognisesa number of other divine beings (Av. , Phi. Yazad). Each good divinity is held to have an evil opponent.

The Cosmic Battle and the role of Man ClassicalZoroastrianism sees the world as an arena,limited in time and place, in which the forces of good and evil can do battle until evil will havebeen defeated for ever. All parts of creationbelong either to Ahura Mazda or to Angra Mainyu, which meansthat most 'creations'cannot help being either good or bad. The exceptionis Man, a good 'creation' who is neverthelessuniquely capableof moral choice. Man, therefore, must choosebetween good and evil, and his choice will determinethe cosmicbattle. 4 Humansare thereforeexpected to strengthenthe forces of good by joining them, and by leading a life of Good Thoughts,Good Words and Good Deeds. At some later stage fatalist ideas enteredthe tradition, which in a sensecut acrossZarathustra's 'moral' world-view basedon individual choice,Sand some attemptswere made to achievea synthesisbetween the two. It seemsprobable, however, that beliefs and attitudesbased on a dualist world-view continuedto play an important role in pre-modern Zoroastrianism.

5 The Background

The fate of the soul after deathand the End of Time The right or wrong choice,and in fact everygood or wicked thought,word or act, will haveconsequences after death.Zarathustra may havebeen the first prophetto teach that recompensewill come after this life, with the righteousrejoicing in heavenwhile the wicked repentin . The fate of the soul is determinedon the fourth morning after death,when it must cross the 'Chinvad Bridge' to the hereafter.At the Bridge a judgement takesplace: someaccounts speak of a trial by three divine beings,while otherssay that the soul will be metby its alter ego, a beautifulyoung girl if the personhas been good, and an unpleasanthag if it hasnot. Depending on the outcomeof the Judgement,the soul goes to heavenor hell, or to purgatoryin caseof an evenbalance between good and bad. Another conceptwhich may have originatedwith Zarathustrais that of the End of Time. Limited, dynamictime is saidto havebeen created by Ahura Mazda so that evil could be defeated,which would have been impossiblehad the universeremained in a static, timelesscondition. It follows that, once this hasbeen achieved, time as we know it no longer servesa purposeand will come to an end. The processwill be set in motion by the appearanceof a Saviour (), who will be miraculously born of a virgin mother who bathes in a lake where Zarathustra'ssemen is preserved.There will be a physicalresurrection of the dead, whose last unexpiatedsins will be cleansedby a streamof molten metal. This will be followed by a final battle between the opposingforces, and the defeatof Evil. After this, time will end and all humanswill exist forever in blissful harmony.

The sacredand religious texts of Zoroastrianism The corpusof the ancientsacred texts of the Zoroastriansis known as the . The Zoroastrian tradition claims that the entire Avesta was revealedto Zarathustraby Ahura Mazda. Westernscholarship, on the otherhand, that the varioustexts making up the Avesta are not all of the sameorigin, but togetherconstitute what is left of a broadrange of sacredtexts of various kinds which were handeddown orally from generationto generationuntil they were committed to writing at some time during the Sasanianperiod (seefurther below). Only the are widely thought to be the words of Zarathustra.6 The languageof the Avesta, known as Avestan,is an ancienttongue once spokenin Eastern Iran, which continuedto be usedas the sacredlanguage of Zoroastrian- ism evenwhen the centreof Zoroastriancivilisation shifted to Persiain the west of the Iranian territories (see below). It is known that a great manyAvestan texts havebeen lost, the presentcorpus representing about a third of the original. Importantparts of the Avesta are the following:

6 Classical Zoroastrianism The Yasna, a group of texts which constitutethe liturgy of the central ritual of Zoroastrianism,which is known by the samename (see below). At the heart of this liturgy - surroundedas it were by the protective power of other texts - are the Gathas, the holy 'Songs'of Zarathustra. They representa very ancient type of sacral poetry which Zarathustra evidently masteredas part of his priestly training, and are extremely difficult to understand. The Yashtsare hymns to individual divine beings.Although the texts continuedto evolve in oral transmissionat least until the Achaemenian period (see below), the core of some appearsto be very old, probably pre-Zoroastrianin origin. The Vendidad consists of texts discussing various topics, which originally appear to have belonged to a scholarly priestly tradition rather than a liturgical one. In the course of time, however, texts belongingto the Yasnaand Vendidadwere combined to form the liturgy of a new night ritual, which cameto be known as the 'Vendidad'. The nameKhordeh Avesta('little Avesta')is usedfor a collectionof texts which are widely usedas (on thesesee further below). The PahlaviTexts representa later stagein the history of Zoroastrian- ism; the term Pahlaviis usedfor ,the official languageof the SasanianEmpire and the immediateancestor of modemPersian. As Avestan becameless and less easy to understandfor later generations, the ancient texts were translatedinto local vernaculars,and exegetical commentswere added.Such translations-cum-commentaries are known as Zand (whencethe expression'-Avesta'). The Zand forms the core of an extensivereligious literature in Pahlavi. Most Pahlavi texts were written down in their final form during the 9th or 10th century CE. The word Pazand is usedfor a late form of Middle Persianwhich is written in the Avestan,as opposedto the Pahlavi,alphabet. Some ritual formulae and prayersare preservedin Pazand. Some Zoroastrian religious texts, mostly of a didactic or practical nature, exist in modem Persian. The considerablecorpus of early Gujarati literature which may have a bearingon Zoroastrianismhas so far hardly beenexplored.

Prayer,sudreh and kusti The traditional Zoroastrianconcept of may seemcomplex to a outsider.The ancientIranians believed that the Avestahad been directly revealedto Zarathustraby Ahura Mazda. The words of the Avesta were therefore regarded as having a power of their own, which became effective when the texts were correctly recited. Prayer was held to strengthenthe divine beings,benefit the world generally,and bring merit to the personwho prayedor instructeda priestto pray on his behalf. One

7 The Background of the chief functions of prayer,therefore, was to strengthenthe forces of Good, but praying for personalbenefit was also known. Even for such purposes,however, the ancient Iranians probably addresseddivine beingsprimarily by reciting establishedAvestan texts andprayers, rather than by asking for boonsin their own words. Some Avestan texts have probably always been used specifically as prayers; these include the great prayers Yatha Ahu Vairyo and Ashern Vohu; the Niyayesh(prayers) to Meher (), the Sun, the , the Watersand Fire; the prayersfor eachwatch 7 of the day; the Sarosh Baj (a prayer invoking the Yazad Sarosh),and severalothers. However, many other Avestantexts could also be recited as prayers,and a great many prayers exist which consist of combinationsof sacredtexts. To give a completelist of suchprayers would lie beyondthe scopeof this book.s Sudreh and kusti. At the ceremonyin which a young Zoroastrianis initiated as a full memberof the community,9he or she is investedwith the sudrehand kusti. The sudreh ('sacredshirt') is a muslin uppergarment worn underone's other clothes; the kusti or 'sacredcord' is tied around the waist. Sudrehand kusti are regardedas emblemsof one'sZoroastrian identity and should always be worn. On various occasions(e.g. before praying, before meals, and after answeringcalls of nature), one must washthe face andexposed parts of the body anduntie andretie the kusti, while reciting a few shortprayers (this procedureis known as the padyab- kusti).

Laws of Purity, Towers of Silence The conceptof purity is most important in Zoroastrianism.Man must keep himself pure both in the moral and the physical sense,and great emphasisis laid on the need to keep the good 'creations' unsullied. Substancesissuing from the body wereheld to be particularly polluting. Greatcare had to be takenin disposingof hair and nails after they have beencut. Menstruatingwomen generally observed a period of seclusion when they avoided contact with other membersof the householdand with householdobjects. The deadbody of a Zoroastrianwas regardedas extremelyimpure, and should not defile any of the sacred 'elements',such as Earth or Fire. ClassicalZoroastrianism therefore rejected burial or cremation. As rock and hard stone were thought to be impenetrableand not susceptibleto seriouspollution, Zoroastriansdisposed of their deadby laying them on a stony or rocky surfacein the open air, where the boneswould soon be strippedclean by animalsand birds. At somestage special structures were introducedfor this purpose:round roofless 'amphitheatres'inside which therewere rows for male, female and children'sbodies. These are known in Persianas dakhme(Guj. dokhme),and in English as 'Towers of Silence'.

8 Classical Zoroastrianism

Fire templesand priests The early Iraniansworshipped in the open,preferably on mountaintops; a temple cult probably developedin the Achaemenianperiod. Temple complexesnormally containedan area devoted to the performanceof rituals, but the templewas essentiallythought of as the houseof a sacred fire. Zoroastrianplaces of worship are thereforeknown in English as 'fire temples'.10To a Zoroastrian,fire representsthe purity of the divine and Zoroastriansnormally face a fire (or another source of light) when praying, both in the and at home. In the course of time several categoriesof sacred fires came to be distinguished.The purification rites for a fire of the highestorder, an ,ll are very elaborate indeed, and a fire of this rank is most expensiveto maintain. Ordinary fire temples normally house an Atash Adaran, a fire of the secondgrade, which requiressimpler purification rites and whosemaintenance is less costly. From a ritual point of view fires of the third category,Atash-e Dadgah, are essentiallyhearth fires; unlike the other fires they can be kept in a private house, and tendedby laymen provided theseare in a state of purity.12 When they are housedin a fire temple, a short consecrationceremony is normally performed.13 All fires mustbe fed at the commencementof eachof the five watchesof the day; the ceremonyof offering fuel to a sacredfire (boy dadan) is a solemnrituaP4 From time immemorial the Iranians distinguishedbetween priestly and lay families. Only a man15 of priestly family could act as a priest. Little is known aboutthe organisationof the priesthoodin the early days of the faith or even under the Achaemenians,but the SasanianEmpire knew an elaborateand highly diversified professionalpriesthood which played an important role in the administration of the state, and in academicas well as purely religious affairs. After the fall of the ,the priesthoodlost its statebacking and in the courseof time the Zoroastriancommunity could no longermaintain such a complexsystem of priestly ranks and functions (see further Ch. 3).

Rituals It is perhapsin the sphereof priestly rituals - i.e. ceremonieswhich require the servicesof one or more priests - that the greatestdegree of continuity can be found in the Zoroastriantradition. A numberof such ceremonies(the 'inner rituals') take place in the fire temple area,or in a placeespecially consecrated for this purpose(Dar-e Meher); the personon whosebehalf the ritual is performedmayor may not be present.Others (the 'outer rituals') can be performedby priestsoutside the fire temple, e.g. in private homes. The list of rituals given below is far from exhaustive, referringmainly to ceremonieswhich are mentionedin the

9 The Background interviews.16 The descriptions given here represent modern Indian practice,which may differ from the earlier tradition on points of detail. The Yasna (Guj. Ijashne) ceremonyis the centralpriestly act of worship. It is a long and complex rite, which must be performedin a consecrated areaespecially designated for ritual purposes,usually within a fire temple. In modern practice the Yasna is celebratedby two priests in the early- morningwatch of the day. It is precededby elaboratepreparatory rites and comprisesvarious ritual acts, suchas the blessingand tastingof a special kind of bread(dron, darun), the consecrationof a liquid (, hom), and actsof homageto Fire andWater. Theseacts are accompaniedby recitation of the Yasna liturgy (on which seeabove),17 The Vendidad, which is thought to be of relatively late origin, is unusualin that it is performedat night. Its liturgy consistsof alternate recitationsof texts from the Yasna and Vendidad,18 The word baj hasvarious meanings in Zoroastrianpriestly parlance. 19 The ceremonyof that nameis a relatively short one, in which drons, fruit, and animal productssuch as an egg and clarified butter, are consecratedwhile liturgical textsare recited. The officiating priesteats a little of the consecrated dron, andthe blessedfood canlater be distributedto friends, or given to the priest. Baj ceremoniesare usually celebratedin a Dar-e but may be performedelsewhere, provided the place hasbeen scrupulously cleaned. The Nirangdin is a very elaborateand complex ritual, requiring a retreat of nine nights on the part of the two priests intending to participate, followed by another eight days of preparatoryrituals. 20 These rites are intended to ensure that the priests have the highest possibleritual power. The purposeof the serviceis to consecratebulls' urine,21 thus transforming it into nirang, one of the most potent purificatory substancesknown to Zoroastrianism. After elaborate cleansing of all the implements used, the actual ceremonybegins at midnight and takesabout eight hours to complete. The Afrinagan can be performed in private houses. It is normally celebratedby two or more priests,who recite prayersover a tray of food in the presenceof a fire which is fed during the recitation.These services canbe performedon many occasions;it is customaryto haveAfrinagans performed,together with otherceremonies, on the first threedays after a death, but also to celebrate happy occasions.22 The term jashan (celebration)is generallyused as a synonymof Afrinagan.23 The Fareshta consistsof Afrinagan and Baj servicesrecited for 33 divine Beings individually. Normally several priests are employed for this lengthyritual, which is usuallyperformed in thanksgivingwhen a goal is achievedor a wish hasbeen granted. 24 The term Saturn refers to a prayer which is recited over a tray containing food that is offered to, or preparedin honour of the (an eternalaspect or part of the soul) of one or more deadloved ones.25 10 Classical Zoroastrianism The Farokhshi is also a servicefor thefravashis of the dead.It is recited by a priestover flowers, fruit, milk andsometimes other items, in front of a fire. The liturgy is that of the Satum, combinedwith partsof the Hymn to the (Farvardin Yasht).26 Funerary ceremonies fall into two categories: those relating to the preparationof the body and its removal to the Towers of Silence, and prayersand rituals for the soul of the deceased.27 Purification ceremonies have always been of great importance in Zoroastrianism.On suchoccasions as the initiation ceremony(), weddings, the end of the forty-day period after childbirth, and traditionally during the last ten days of the year,28 peopleunderwent a form of purification known as nahn, which is describedin Ch. 2.29

The Calendarand the watchesof the day At somestage, perhaps under the Achaemenianking ArtaxerxesII (404- 358 BCE),30 a common was introduced, which enabled priests of various Zoroastrian communities throughout the Empire to worship certain divinities on the same day, and thus contributed to the unification of the Zoroastrian 'Church'. This was doneby devotingeach day of the ,and everymonth of the year, to a particular divinity. To the 360 days thus named,five more (the 'Gatha days',see Ch. 2) werelater added.31 For purposesof prayerand ritual the day is divided into five watches (Phi. gah, Guj. geh). Traditionally, Zoroastrianspray at eachchange of gah, and many rituals may only be performedin one particularwatch. 32

Feasts The sevenholiest feasts of classicalZoroastrianism were the New Year (which Parsiscall Navroz), and six festivals known as Gahambar,33which took place at fixed points in the religious year. It was a duty to celebrate theseseven feasts, each of which was dedicatedto one of the Amesha Spentas.34 (The modem Parsi community no longer celebratesthese festivals, and the term Gahambar is now used for festive communal meals.) In many cases,the 'name day' of a Yazata, when the day and the monthwere both dedicatedto that divinity, wascelebrated as a festivaps

History As we sawearlier Zoroastrianismprobably originated somewhere on the Central Asian steppeor to the East of modemIran around1000 BCE. It seemslikely that the faith developedamong Eastern Iranian peoplesfor

11 The Background severalcenturies, and then spreadslowly to more westernparts of the Iranian realm. The Achaemenians(559-331 BCE). Thereare strongindications that the first great Emperorsof Iran, the Western Iranian Achaemenians,were alreadyZoroastrians. The Emperors'adherence to the faith probablydid much to promote its further expansionthroughout the Iranian realm. From a relatively obscureEast-Iranian cult Zoroastrianismthus became the dominantreligion of a world Empire. This new prominenceof the Zoroastrianreligion in Iran must have hada profoundinfluence on its further development.The ideology of the AchaemenianEmpire was based,it seems,on the view that the state prosperedbecause the Emperor enjoyed divine approval. Church and Statemust havebeen closely connected,and it canbe assumedthat the priesthooddeveloped from a casteof locally based'parish-priests' to an ecclesiasticstructure capable of playing a leading role in the adminis- tration of an Empire. Furthermore the Iranians, who had hitherto worshippedGod in the open, seemto havebeen sufficiently impressed by the greattemples of the surroundingcultures to adopta templecult as part of Zoroastrianism(see above). Alexander the Great and the Seleucids.The non-IranianAlexander the Great (known in the Zoroastriantradition as 'Alexanderthe Accursed') defeatedthe great PersianEmpire in 331 BCE, and a new international culture developed as a result of his conquests.Under Alexander's successors,the Seleucids,Hellenism became the dominantculture in the Middle Eastand a form of religion basedon the Greektradition cameto play an important role there. Zoroastrianismmust thereforehave lost someof its previousprestige and status,but the structureof religious life in Iran was such that the new cultural and religious impulsesprobably affected Zoroastrian communities only superficially; some Iranians adopted Hellenist culture and perhapsenriched it with elements of their own heritage, but most people continued to practise their traditional religion and to rely on their priests for guidancein many areas. The Parthians or Arsacids(mid-3rd century BCE-226CE). In the courseof time the Iranian religious tradition beganto reassertitself as a dominant cultural force. The Parthians,who ruled large parts of the Iranian realm as successorsto the Seleucids, were Zoroastrians and presumably strengthenedthe image of Zoroastrianismas the 'natural' religion of the Iranians. The Sasanians(226-651 CE). This renaissanceof Zoroastrianismas a symbol of Iranian culture and nationhoodreached its zenith under the Sasaniankings. Like the Achaemenians,the Sasanianswere Persians (i.e. from the south-westernpart of Iran), and they clearly regarded themselvesas the true and rightful heirs of that earlier dynasty. Early 12 Classical Zoroastrianism Sasanianpropaganda represents righteousness in the religious sphereas the chief legitimation of the new dynasty, and Church and State once more cameto be very closely linked. In the processof setting the country to rights the new establishment laid greatemphasis on the needfor its subjectsto be 'good'Zoroastrians, which implied adherenceto the religious authority of the state-backed priesthood.The distinctionbetween' good' and 'bad'Zoroastrians seems to haveplayed a more prominentrole in Sasanianreligious thoughtthan was the casebefore, which presumablyled to a greaterinterest in the conceptof 'orthodoxy'.Contacts with early ByzantineChristianity, which was much preoccupiedwith similar questions,may have furthered this process. Other developmentswhich characterisedthe history of Zoroastrianismin Sasaniantimes include the rise of the priesthoodto enormousinfluence and status,vigorous intellectual activity in various spheresconnected with religion, and the developmentof an alphabet adequateto renderthe soundsof Avestan.When this hadbeen achieved the ancientsacred texts werewritten down, presumablyfor the first time, and a written Zoroastrian'canon' came into existence.Although writing thus began to play a role in Zoroastrianismin the Sasanianera, the tradition continuedto be primarily an oral one: it was not until well into the post-Sasanianera that the priesthoodsystematically began to write down partsof an intellectualtradition that in manyways representsthe achievementsof the Sasanianera. The Islamic Conquest(mid-7th centuryCE). As with the Achaemenians,an erawhen state ideology andreligious teachingreinforced one anotherand Zoroastrianismreceived full backing from the Court, cameto an abrupt end when Iran was overrunby alien conquerors.In the 630s and 640s CE, the newly IslamisedArabs mounted a successionof campaignsagainst the SasanianEmpire, which they subjectedwithout much difficulty. The last Sasanianking, YazdegirdIII, fled the country and is thoughtto havedied in exile in 651. Although the introductionof the new faith did not lead to instant mass conversions- in fact it took several centuriesuntil Islam could be saidfully to havesupplanted Zoroastrianism - the culturewhich the conquerorsbrought with them rapidly developedinto a highly fertile civilisation which became dominant in the entire Middle East, and Zoroastrianismwas slowly relegatedto a marginal position.36 This newly marginalstatus naturally affected the economicposition of the Zoroastrians, which in tum led to the impoverishmentof their intellectual and religious traditions. Whilst the communitycontinued to needthe servicesof ritual priests,it could no longersupport the group of scholar-priestswho until then had memorised,studied and developed the learnedtradition, most of which had existed in oral form only. As thesescholars realised that changewas inevitable, they wrote down what they could of their ancientheritage. Most of the extantPahlavi texts are

13 The Background the result of this ambitious endeavour.Although some of the ancient knowledge had thus been salvaged, standardsof priestly learning inevitably declinedin the centuriesthat followed. The migration to India. At somestage, perhaps in the eighth or in the mid-tenthcentury,37 a groupof Zoroastriansfrom the north-easternpart of Iran decidedto preservetheir religion by fleeing from Muslim dominion. They found their way to India, where they becamethe ancestorsof the communitywhose lives and ideasare discussedin this book.

Notes 1 See latterly Kreyenbroek1993. 2 Since there was apparentlya firm tradition that there were seven Amesha Spentas,when SpentaMainyu came to be identified with Ahura Mazda the latter was generallycounted as a memberof the group. 3 Or 'Hormajd'. Iranian z is realisedby many Cujarati speakersas 1d31 (as in Eng. just). The transcriptionz is generallypreferred here. 4 Zoroastrianteaching is confident that Evil will eventuallybe overcome,but supportfrom men will presumablyhasten the process. 5 Such ideas are often associatedwith a form of Zoroastrianismknown as ,which taughtthat both Hormazdand Ahriman were the children of Zurvan, the Cod of Time. The status of Zurvanite ideas in pre-Islamic Zoroastriantheology is currently debatedby scholars. 6 Some scholarswould make the sameclaim for anothergroup of texts, the Yasna Haptanglmiti, whereasothers think it unlikely that Zarathustrawas the authorof the Catlms. 7 Phl. gah, Cuj. geh, seefurther p. 11; for a list of thesewatches see Appendix. 8 For referencesto prayerswhich are mentionedin the interviews, seeIndex. 9 In India this ceremonyis known as the Navjote (on which seebelow, p. 27f.). 10 In ParsiEnglish the Cuj. word'Agiary' is often usedfor ordinaryfire temples. 11 For an elaborateaccount of the purification ceremoniesneeded for fires of the first two categoriessee Modi 1922: 199-229. 12 See Boyce 1979: 110. 13 See Modi 1922: 229-30. 14 For a description of the ceremonyof boy dadan in fire temples of different gradessee Modi 1922: 219-23. 15 There are indications that women could, theoretically at least, fulfil certain priestly functions (seeKotwal andKreyenbroek 1992: 39-47; 1995: 121-5).The textssuggest that the malepriestly establishmentwas uncomfortable with this as early asthe Sasanianperiod, and very little is known aboutthe role women may actually have played in suchmatters. 16 For referencessee Index; for full descriptionsof priestly rituals seeModi 1922. 17 For an elaboratedescription of the rite seeKotwal and Boyd 1991. 18 SeeModi 1922: 330-2. 19 For a surveyof the various meaningsof the word seeModi 1922: 333, Boyce and Kotwa11971. 20 Information lowe to Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal; seealso Modi 1922: 241-5. 21 Including, in India, that of the varasyo, a purely white bull which has itself beenconsecrated and is usually kept in the precinctof a fire temple for this purpose.

14 Classical Zoroastrianism 22 SeeModi 1922: 354-84. 23 It can also be usedin India to refer to a combinationof Yasna, Afrinagan, Baj, Farokhshi and Saturn services,which may be performedon the anniversaryof a death,to celebratethe anniversaryof the foundationof a fire temple,and on specialdays in the religious year. See Modi 1922: 428-37. 24 For referencessee Index. SomeParsis have the Fareshta performedas part of the ceremoniesof the first year after a death. 25 For a fuller descriptionsee Modi 1922: 402-3. Describingthe Indian practice of his time, Modi drawsattention to the fact that the Saturn can be recited on occasions which are not obviously connected with death. On solemn occasionsthe Saturn is normally performed by priests, but some modem Parsi laymen also do it as part of their regular devotions. 26 See Modi 1922: 384. On the fravashi seealso below, p. 41 n. 16. 27 For a survey of all ceremoniesrelating to deathsee Modi 1922: 48ff. On the part of the laity in Parsi funerals seebelow, p. 37f. 28 On all theseoccasions see further Ch. 2, below. 29 See also Modi 1922: 87-96. Two more elaborate purification rituals, the Bareshnurnand the Rirnan are now seldomperformed for the Parsi laity. On theseceremonies see Modi 1922: 97-157. 30 SeeBoyce 1982: 243-50. ProfessorBoyce herselfis now inclined to doubt the accuracy of this account (private communication1994), but it still seems plausibleto the presentwriter. 31 This may havehappened under the early Sasanians,see Boyce 1979: 104. 32 A survey of the Zoroastrian months, days, and watches is given in the Appendix. 33 On the traditional observancesfor a Gaharnbar seeModi 1922: 419-28. 34 One Gaharnabar,which may originally havebeen dedicated to SpentaMainyu, was later observedin honour of Ahura Mazda, d. above,n. 2. 35 For current Parsi practice see below, p. 22f.; on such feasts in the modem Iranian Zoroastriantradition seeBoyce 1977: 84-5. 36 On the interaction between Zoroastriansand Muslims in this period see Choksy 1997. 37 See also below, p. 44f.

15 ChapterTwo Common Parsi Observances

BASED ON AN ACCOUNT BY SHEHNAZ N. MUNSHI

In the interviews informants regularly refer to ordinary family or communalobservances with religious connotations,many of which may be unfamiliar to readers.In a seriesof interviewsconducted in Bombay in December1994, Mrs ShehnazN. Munshi describeda range of such ceremoniesand practices.The presentchapter is basedon this account and on later additions by Mrs Munshi. It aims to offer a survey of traditional 'common' observances1 which are known to, though not necessarilyobserved by, manymodem urban Parsis. In practicereligious traditions vary from family to family, some householdsmay observe manyof the customsdescribed here while othersmay barelybe awareof some of them. The interviews themselveswill give some idea of these variations.

EVERYDAY OBSERVANCES

Daily observances As soonas one getsout of bed the traditional customis to pray an Ashern Vohu followed by threerecitations of the formula shekasteshekaste Shay tan (defeated,defeated is Satan),while rubbing ash or taro (unconsecrated bull's urine) on one's hands. This is no longer widely observed, however; most religious Parsis start the day by doing their kusti (the untying andretying of the sacredcord while reciting certainprayers) in a way which differs slightly from the normalprocedure. 2 This is known as the vasidi kusti (kusti of pollution), probablybecause the body is felt to be impure after sleep. Immediately after that some Parsis face the rising sun, bow to it in respectand rub their handsover their face wherethe sunlight falls on it. Then most peoplehave a bath, after which they perform the full padyab kusti, a ritual ablution of the handsand face3 followed by the kusti ritual 16 CommonParsi Observances proper.4 Those who have the opportunity may also say their daily Jaraziyat (obligatory prayers)5 in the morning.6 Parsis who keep a separatehearth fire for religious purposes usually face this when praying; othersmay face an oil-lamp (divo), which is either kept burning perpetuallyor lit after the morning bath. The loban (incense) ceremony is a characteristic.feature of Parsi devotional life. A small incenseburner containing some ash from the hearth-fireor the fire temple and someburning incenseor sandalwood, is taken around the house. As many Ashern Vohu prayers as possible should be recited while this is done. In traditional families the loban is done after the househas beenswept and the traditional chalk designs (rangoli) havebeen made on the threshold. In most householdsthere are no special observancesduring the afternoonwatch, as peopleare generallyat work. In families of working prieststhe Jaraziyat prayersare said, and someother Parsisalso do this. Immediatelyafter sunsetthe loban is doneagain in manyhouses, and the eveningJaraziyat arerecited. 7 In somehouseholds the thresholdis wetted before the eveningloban.

Customsto do with meals Traditionally Parsiswere enjoined to keep silence while eating, reciting the first half of a prayer(the jamvani baj or 'protectiveformula for eating') before beginningtheir meal and not speakingagain until the meal was finished, when they recited the secondhalf of the prayer. This practice, known as 'eating in baj' is now obsolete,although it was observedby somefamilies within living memory. It is customaryto keep a little food on one's plate to give to a dog (one'sown, a neighbour'Sor even a stray); this is known as the 'dog's morsel'.8 Before drinking liquor traditional Parsis sprinkle some of it on the ground,apparently as an offering to the AmeshaSpenta Aspandarmad, the guardianof the earth.

Visiting the fire temple Immediately before a visit to an Agiary one normally has a bath, althoughthis is not alwayspossible as working peoplemay go in their lunch break or after work. The head must be covered and before enteringone washes the exposedparts of the body and doesthe kusti in the outer precincts of the fire temple. Some people first pay their respectsto the well in the compoundof the fire temple. One may then light an oil lamp; this is optional,however, and many peopleonly do it on specialdays.

17 The Background Apart from prayer, an offering of sandalwoodto the fire is essential. The wood, which comesin various sizesand prices, is placedon a tray on the threshold of the fire chamber;it will form part of the boy, the solemn offering of wood to the fire which is made in each of the five watchesof the day. In many fire templesthere are woodenboxes with separatecompartments for eachgeh, so that thosewho wish their offering to be given in a particular watch can put it in the appropriate compartment.On the sandalwoodtray there is usually a smaller tray with the holy ash of the fire, and one puts some of this on one's forehead.9 When offering sandalwoodit is customary to leave some money in the tray for the priest. On specialoccasions a machi ('throne') may be offered, a constructionbuilt with six (in Udwadanine) piecesof sandalwood; after the machi has been offered to the fire with an accompanyingBaj ceremony,the priest recitesprayers for the welfare of the family. Garlands(toran), usually madeof flowers but sometimesof solid silver, may also be offered and hung in the fire temple. It is customaryto greetthe picturesof Zarathustraand other venerable men in the fire temple before going to greet the fire. Prayersare said facing the sacredfire. Thosewho visit the fire temple regularly may just offer sandalwood,recite a shortprayer and leave,while othersmay pray longer.

OBSERVANCESON FESTIVE OCCASIONS Whenever a special event like a birthday, Navjote, or wedding is celebrated,the festive tray' (saganni ses) plays a role in the proceedings. The tray normally containsthe following items: an oil lamp; a silver cone representingthe mythical Mt Hara;a rose-watersprinkler; wet vermilion powder (kumkum)in a silver container;sugar crystals or batasa (a white, sweet confection); betel leaves; betel nut; unshelledalmonds; turmeric sticks; dried dates;rice; curds; salt; flowers; and a coconut.1°

The Sagan This festive salutationis performedon many happy occasions,such as birthdays, Navjotes and weddings. The ses is prepared; the person performingthe ritual doesthe kusti, lights a diva and offers frankincense to the fire which is placednext to the ses. The recipientis madeto stand on a small woodenplatform (patio), facing east.Kumkum marks are made, usually first on both feet (though some regard this as un-Zoroastrian), and then on the forehead.A few grains of rice are stuck on the kumkum mark on the forehead,and the recipientis madeto hold someitems from the ses. He (or she)l1 is then handedthe coconut, a garland is placed round his neck and rice is showeredover him.

18 CommonParsi Observances

The Achu Michu This is a welcomingceremony, which is doneon festive occasionssuch as Navjotes,birthdays and weddings, or whensomeone returns after a long absence.The achu michu tray containsbetel leaves,betel nut, dried dates, unshelledalmonds, turmeric sticks, rice, an egg, a coconutand a beaker of water. First the egg, then the smaller items (held togetherin a betel leaf), and finally the coconutis passedaround the recipient'shead seven times and then thrown away to the right of his feet. Finally, water from the beakeris pouredover somegrains of rice remainingin the tray. The tray itself is then held above the recipient'shead and passedaround it seventimes.

The Ovarna The aim of this ceremonyis to removeevil; it is done to wish someone well and protecthim. It consistsof showeringrice over the recipientand cracking one's knuckles on one's temples. The ovarna is always done after the achu michu, but it may also be performedseparately.

The bath with milk and flowers In traditional householdsa child's birthday begins with a ceremonial bath. (This may also be donefor an adult, or on other festive occasions.) A female memberof the householdputs some warm milk sprinkledwith kumkum,rice some flower petals and rose water in the bathroom.The recipient pours this over his body before having a bath.

Suraj vadhavanirit This is a ceremonyto greet the rising sun, which can be performedon any auspicious occasion. Four small bowls containing milk, sweet curds,semolina, and sweet vermicelli (sev), are put on a tray which also holds fresh flowers and all the usualitems of the ses.A diva is lit and the tray is put on a patlo in a placefrom whereone can seethe sun. Three, five or sevenladies take part; they do their kusti and gatheraround the tray. Eachlady in tum takessomething from the contentsof the ses and throws it towardsthe sun as a symbolic offering. The tray is then lifted from the patIo, held in the direction of the sun, and againlowered onto the patlo. Finally laban is offered and the blessings of the sun are invoked.

19 The Background

POPULAR OBSERVANCES

The Mushkil Asan This popular ceremonyconnected with the Yazad Behram12 is usually performedon Fridays - thoughTuesdays are preferredin somevillages - and on Behram roj. Generally on those days a number of items (chickpeas,dry coconut,dates, sugar candy, flowers and fresh lime juice) are placedon a silver tray, peoplerecite their normal prayersand light a divo in honour of Behram. The full performanceof the rite, however, entails the recitation of the traditional story of Mushkil Asan, which illustratesthe help which this Being cangive. When Behramroj falls on a Friday the day is consideredparticularly auspiciousand the story is usually recited as part of the ceremony.

The ArdibeheshtniChavi This is a divining ritual, intendedto askthe AmeshaSpenta Ardibehesht (or in somecases Behram) for informationthat is otherwiseunobtainable. First the participantsdo their kusti and a fire is lit in a fire vase.Then a copy of the Khordeh Avestais opened,and an iron key (chavi) is inserted betweenthe pagesof the Yasht to Ardibehesht(or Behram),in sucha way that one end of the key juts out and can be held betweenthe right index fingers of the two participants,i.e. the personwho needsthe information and the one conductingthe ritual. A kusti is wound aroundthe book 21 times so that the key is securelyfastened. Then the following formula is recited in Gujarati: Ardibehesht(Behram) Yazad, pleasetell the truth. Has XX done such-and-sucha thing? If this is true, then make the book turn andfall.' If the statementis true, it is believedthat the book will turn around,so that the key slips betweenthe fingers that hold it andthe book falls.

Songsand performancesby Goyans The AtashnuGit ('Songof the Fire') usedto occupya specialplace in the devotionallife of the Parsis.It is normally recitedby goyans(professional singers)on suchoccasions as weddingsor Navjotes,and takes about two hours to perform. The song is said to have been composedon the occasion of the foundation of the Atash Behram. It is full of praiseand worship for the YazadArdibehesht, and blessings are invoked upon the family which has invited the goyans. Singing plays an importantpart in traditional Parsi culture; there are special songs for some occasions,and others which can be sung at various functions.13 The song Sakhi suraj bhale ugya re ('Hail to the 20 CommonParsi Observances glorious rising sun') usedto be particularlypopular; it was playedearly in the morning on many auspicious days, while members of the householdwere preparingthe housefor the celebration.

Moving into a new house When the foundationsof a new houseare laid, many families have the liturgy of the Vendidad recited at the site, and gold and silver coins, sandalwood,loban, and sometimesa copy of the family tree are buried there.Before the movegarlands are traditionally put over all the doorsof the new houseand chalk designsare madeon the threshold.The sameis donein the old house,where a divo is lit beforeleaving. In a cornerof the new house,or in the kitchen,an earthenpot filled with wateris placedon a heap of wheat. Such items as betel leaves,betel nut, arecanut and a turmeric stick are put into the pot, which is coveredwith a piece of red cloth. A coconutis placedon top and the pot is garlandedand decorated with kumkummarks. A divo is lit and loban is offered to the fire. A portrait of Zarathustrais placed near the pot and also garlanded.An egg is passedseven times over the threshold of the main door and then smashedon the ground. The ceremony is usually performed by the doyenneof the family in the presenceof the other family members.A Jashan is alwaysperformed when an observantfamily movesinto a new house.

Going on a long journey When someoneleaves home for a considerableperiod of time a sagan is usuallydone. At the time of leavingthe personis madeto dip his handin a beakerof water left standingon the threshold,and it is customaryto throw somecoins into it. This is thoughtto ensurea safeand prosperous return. A Jashan is generallyalso performed.

Observancesconnected with the phasesof the moon The Full and New Moon are regardedas auspicious.On theseoccasions it is customaryto cook dhandar patyo,14to makespecial chalk designsand to garland the doors. A day when there is no moon is inauspicious. Traditional Parsis recite the Bokhtar Niyayesh (the prayer to the Moon) on all three occasions(Full Moon, New Moon and moonless nights). On the Full Moon of the Hindu month of Ashvini many Parsis cook anotherspecial dish called dudh pak pauva.

21 The Background

SPECIAL DAYS OF THE RELIGIOUS YEAR

Hamkara Days These are the days of each month which are devoted to Hormazd, Ardibehesht,Adar, Saroshand Behram.Many Parsisvisit the fire temple on thosedays, and in somefamilies there are specialobservances either on all hamkara daysor on the raj of the family's favourite Yazad (Behram, the Yazad of victory and success,is especiallypopular). Many people decoratethe housewith garlandsand makespecial chalk designson the threshold.Where there is no permanenthearth fire or diva, incensesticks are often lit. Somefamilies preparea ses, on which they put a diva and garland.They thendo their kusti, light the diva andbum incensenear the tray. Othersput fruits of the seasonand a beakerof milk andwater on the prayer table near the pictures of the ancestors,and pray there. Festive dishesmay be cooked,while typically 'non-festive'ones are avoided. Meher, Fravardinand Ashishvangraj, though not hamkara days, are also regardedas specialby many religious Parsis,who may visit the fire temple on thesedays.

Parabs In somecases, when the day dedicatedto a Yazad comesin the month dedicatedto the sameBeing, it is regardedas a feast day in the Yazad's honour. Such days are known as parab; in English people sometimes speakof the birthday' of a Yazad, or of the Yazad's'element' (such as fire or water). Some parabs are more widely celebratedthan others; the following survey lists the most important of these occasionsand the observancesassociated with them: Fravardin mahino,15Fravardin raj (Farvardiyannu parab). This is the parab dedicatedto the fravashis of the dead.16 Many Parsisvisit the Towers of Silence on that day or on any other day of this month. Priestsare often commissionedto recite prayers for the dead at the Towers of Silence; relativesof the deceasedusually attend these prayers, offer their respects to the fravashis, and pray at the little fire sanctuary in the Tower precinctPA Hama Anjuman Jashan (a Jashan sponsoredby the entire community) is performedin the Tower precinct. Special arrangements are madenear the Tower areaon this day to cope with the traffic. Meher mahino Meher raj (Mehragan). This day, which is dedicatedto Mithra (Guj. Meher), is celebrated as a major festival by Iranian Zoroastriansbut is not normally observedas a parab by Parsis. Still, manyParsis visit a fire templeon that day. The Aslaji Agiary in Bombay in particular draws many visitors then, as there is a widespreadbelief that the Aslaji fire will grant special boons. A possiblereason for this 22 CammanParsi Observances relative popularity ofthe day of Mithra, an ancientdivinity aboutwhom Parsisknow little,I8 is the perceivedconnection between that Yazad and Shah Faridun, a mythical Iranian king who is veneratedby many and thought to have magical powers.19 Ava mahina Ava raj (Avanu parab). This is the very popular 'birthday of the Waters', when hundredsof Parsisgo to the sea shoresof Bombay - elsewherethey may go to a local river - andmany people also go to the fire temple. Prayersare usually offered, especiallythe short Ardvisur Niyayesh, which is dedicatedto the Yazadof the Waters.In Bombaymany peoplego to the sea after work but before sunset,as the prayershave to be recited before the sun goes down. They usually bring dalni paris (a flat round pastrymade of sweetlentils), someof which are offered to the seawhile the others are eatenon the beach.Many Parsisalso visit the Bhikha Behram Well in Bombay, where some offer a net made of flowers to the Waters. Pregnantwomen in particular often go there to pray.20 Mrs Munshi said: Thereare placeslike the RatanTata Institute which makesall the Parsi goodies,like dalni paris, and someParsi ladies make them in their own homes.There is onelady who makeshuge paris, enoughfor 20 people, you have to order them 15 days in advance.While offering the dalni paris somepeople draw on the sandthe samekind of designyou do for the Adar raj parab.21 Thenyou put down the tray with all the things in it, and if you havebrought five paris you offer two to the sea and havea picnic with the other three. Somepeople, especially in villages, bring anincense burner and they draw patternsin the sand,offer laban and perhapseven light a diva. Then you do your kusti and make your offering to the Water. In Bombay you do not normally do all this, for the water and the beachesare too dirty. It is an occasionto enjoy, to be together;you really feel good that so many peoplehave come out. No matter what their differences, they all realise,'We have to do this, it is part of our religious duty and we do it.' Some people carry the sea water back home in a bottle, andsprinkle it on their threshold.But in Bombaythe seais so polluted, I do not think that many peoplestill do it. Some people even offer milk to the sea; they bring milk in a bottle and offer it, and bring back seawater and sprinkle it all over their homes... You see many devout Parsisreciting the Ava Niyayesh22 on the beach, along the seashore. The longestqueues on that day you will seeat the Bhikha Behram Well ... On this day you haveto queueto light your little diva nearthe well. Alongside the well there is an iron mesh,on which somepeople hang hugegarlands of flowers, or they have a net made of flowers, which is symbolically offered to the Waters. Such nets can also be offered to one'sown well if there is one.

23 The Background Adar mahino Adar raj (Atashnuparab). Preparationsfor the 'birthdayof the Fire' generally start in the afternoon watch of the precedingday (the Uziran geh of Daepadarraj). In many families a vigil is kept throughout the night of Daepadarraj up to the dawn of Adar raj, to ensurethat the fire doesnot go out. Mrs Munshi said: In some homes the entire kitchen is whitewashedfor this parab, in which casethe preparationsobviously start evenearlier. Most people start preparationson Daepadarraj by having a bath, preparinga ses (on which, together with the usual items, they often put a mango, which is not done on other occasions),and cleaningand washingthe kitchen,and particularly the placewhere the fire stands- whetherthis is a separatehearth fire or a gasstove. Designsare madewith kumkum and kharaptu23 on the wall just abovethe fire ... and chalk designsare made on the platform where the fire stands.All the laws of purity have to be observedduring thesepreparations. There are flowers in the houseand thick piecesof sandalwoodare kept readyto keep the fire burning throughthe night. When the preparationsare over those presentdo their kusti and in traditional householdseverybody recites the Atash Niyayesh [prayer to the Fire]. Many peoplewhose only sourceof fire in the kitchen is a gas-stovedo not cook at all during this parab, to give the fire a rest. Thosewho do use their stove(e.g. becausethey havea separatehearth fire), usuallyprepare traditional festive dishes. A visit to the fire temple is customary to celebratethe parab, and many peoplego to an Atash Behraminstead of their own Agiary; it is usualto light a diva and to offer moresandalwood than normally. Many weddingsand Navjotesare performedon this day. In the villages, priests go to all Zoroastrianhouses and recite the Atash Niyayeshin the courseof the month of Adar. Bahmanmahino Bahmanraj. This parab is dedicatedto Bahman,who has speciallinks with animals.Some Parsisrefrain from eatingmeat on this day; othersextend this to the daysof the Yazadsassociated with Bahman (Mohor, Gosh, and Ram),24 or to the whole month of Bahman.Special dishes are eaten on this day, including a special type of khichri. In Navsari, dogs were traditionally fed on this occasion.

Dae mahino Although there is no parab for Dae, the Creator,the month dedicatedto him is very important. Jashansare performedthroughout the month in fire temples,business premises, and private houses, and many Gahambars are held during this month.

24 CommonParsi Observances

JamshediNavroz This is the 'New Year' festival celebratedon 21 March.25 For a time this was an official Zoroastrianholiday in Bombay,but it is now an optional one only. Nevertheless,many Parsis takethe day off and visit the fire temple or have a Jashan done in their homes, as this is considereda particularly auspiciousday. Parentsusually buy new clothes for their children and many people have a festive meal or go out with friends, often to seea Parsi Gujarati play.

The Muktad days Until a few years ago the Muktad Festival, which is dedicatedto the fravashis of the dead and begins on the tenth day before the New Year (Aspandarmadmahino Ashishvangraj), lastedfor 18 days.26Because of the currentshortage of priestsand the high cost of services,however, it has beenreduced to ten days in most fire temples,although some still celebratethe full 18 days.27During Muktad marble tablesare set up in the fire temples,on which vaseswith flowers are placed.On eachtable there is also a small tray with a consecratedshyav 28 and dron, a single pieceof fruit and a coconut.A diva is kept burning continuouslyon each table. There are private tables with a single vase for one individual fravashi or for the membersof one family, and Anjuman (community) tables,which are for shareduse and haveflower vasesfor many people. The ceremoniesfor the Anjumantable are donecollectively, thosefor the private tables separately.For the first year after death those who can afford it usually have a separatetable. Freshflowers areput in the vasesevery morning. Many boys andmen voluntarily offer their servicesto the neighbourhoodfire temple during Muktad, going thereas early as 3.30 a.m. to washand clean the vasesand other utensils and set up the tables. When this is done the actual performanceof the rituals begins,29which is normally attendedby the relativesof the deceased. Muktad is a busy time for most Parsis:the laity tendsto spendmuch time in prayer, and as the full-time priests cannotcope with the work, part-time priests lend a hand. Neverthelessthe performanceof the ceremoniesis often hasty, which sometimesoffends thosewho commis- sioned them. Some people thereforeset up Muktad tables in their own homes and even have the services performed there, which requires scrupulousobservance of all the laws of purity. A full description of the priestly rituals for the Muktad would lie beyondthe scopeof this chapter.3D A ceremonyin which the laity have an active role to play is the Satum, which involves the preparationof a meal, either in the fire temple by a gorani (a woman whosejob it is to 25 The Background cook food for religious occasions),or at home by the relatives of the deceased.This food is usually consecratedby a priest, who recites Avestanprayers and symbolically offers the meal to the departed,while sandalwoodand incenseare offered to a fire. 31 However, this ceremony may also be performedby the laity without the assistanceof priests. In fire templeswhere Muktad is observedfor ten days, the fravashis are bid farewell on the last Catha day, the last day of the year. A coconut is brokennear the table, the flowers are removedand the vasesturned upside down to signify the end of Muktad. In the Ushahingeh of that day (the last watchof the night beforethe New Year), prayersare recited and the fravashis arebidden farewell. 32 Wherethe ceremonies are still held for the full 18 days the farewell ceremonyis done in the Ushahingeh of Khordadsa1.33 In privatehomes an extra diva may be lit and kept burningthroughout the Muktad period.

The Gathadays The last five daysof the year are known as the 'Gathadays' because each is named after one of the five Cathas. The appropriateCatha is to be recited on eachday. Some peoplein Bombay visit sevenfire templesat this time, including the four AtashBehrams; others go on a pilgrimageto Udwada,Navsar or .

Pateti (Papeti) The last 'Gathaday'34 is known as Pateti, which in popular speechhas become Papeti. The word patet means 'repentance'and there may be someancient connection with repentingthe wrongs one has done in the past year. However, Parsishave little awarenessof this and regard the occasionas a joyous part of the New Year celebrations.

New Year (Navroz) The first day of the (Shehenshahi)Parsi year 35 is an official holiday in some statesin India, and all Parsiestablishments are closed.The Atash Behrams are crowded;in Bombaymany peoplevisit all four Atash Behrams,which are situatedin the samearea. Since this is Hormazdraj, many peoplerecite the Hormazd Yasht. The day is celebratedin style by mostfamilies; formerly there were music bandswhich could be hired to play popular songs in front of the house, and people played Parsi songs on the gramophone. Towards the end of the day many peoplego to see a Parsi play. The Kadmis spend their New Year in a less exuberantatmosphere than the Shehenshahis.The Fasli New Year, coinciding with Jamshedi Navroz, is a very joyful occasion. 26 CommonParsi Observances

Khordadsal This day, Fravardinmahina Khordadraj (the sixth day of the first month), is celebratedas the birthday of the ProphetZarathustra. Pictures of the Prophetare decoratedwith garlands.Many peoplego to the fire temple and generally offer more sandalwoodthan on ordinary days. In fire templeswhere Muktad is observedfor 18 days,the shyavis offered to the fravashis in the watch before this day begins.36

Other specialdays Salgireh days. Every fire templehas its own 'birthday',the anniversaryof the 'enthronement'of its fire.37 A Jashan is normally performedfor the fire on behalfof the Trusteesof the Agiary, and sometimesthe Anjuman (the community) has a separateJashan done. Birthdays are considered to be very special in most Zoroastrian households, and have strong religious connotations. Many Parsis celebratetheir birthdaytwice, onceaccording to the Zoroastriancalendar (the 'raj birthday'),and onceaccording to the Gregorianone. Generallya sagan is performed,there is a festive ses, children are given a 'bathwith milk and flowers' (seeabove), new clothesare worn, and specialdishes are cooked.Even thosewho do not often visit the fire temple may do so on their birthday.

RITES OF PASSAGE To Westerners,who tend to differentiatesharply between 'religious' and 'secular' spheresof life, some of the customs described under this heading- and in this Chaptergenerally - may seemto belong to the latter category. To many Parsis, on the other hand, the concepts of 'tradition' and 'religion' are closely linked. The customsdescribed here are held to belong exclusively to the Parsi tradition, and many of those interviewed seemedto perceive no essentialdifference betweenthese traditions and otherswhose 'religious' elementseems more prominent. Many features of these ceremonies,moreover, are felt to be highly symbolic and to reflect religious ideas.

Navjote This is a child'sinitiation as a full memberof the community,for which he or she (hereafter 'he') must learn the basic kusti prayers. The Navjote is generallyperformed well beforethe child reachespuberty, often at the ageof sevenor nine. The ceremony,which mustbe donebefore sunset, takes place in a specialarea designated for festive occasions(baug), or in a fire temple.

27 The Background Before the ceremonya ses is prepared,and a bag with clothes and things the child will needduring andafter the ceremonyis got ready.The mostimportant of theseis the sudreh ('sacredshirt'), which togetherwith the kusti is worn as a badgeof one'sZoroastrian identity.38 In the morningthe child hasa bathwith milk andflowers. He is made to weara cap,a completeset of new clothes,and in somefamilies a loose, smock-like garmentmade of embroideredsilk cloth (jhabhlu). A sagan is done, the child is garlanded and given a coconut to carry, and a processionis formed to go to the placewhere the ceremonywill be held. The mother carries a large tray containing a big silver cone, the usual items of the festive ses, and a watch for a boy or a sari for a gir1.39 Before the preparatorypurification ceremony(nahn) begins, a short versionof the achu michu is done:an eggand some wetted rice arepassed aroundthe child's head.For the nahn,40which is normally administered by a priest who doesnot take part in the ceremonyproper, the child is madeto recite the first part of the jamvani baj (d. above;this is known as 'takingthe ban, andto chewa pomegranateleaf. He is thengiven a small quantity of nirang (consecratedbull's urine) to sip, while reciting a prayer known as the nirang pivani baj ('formula for drinking nirang'). After this he is made to recite the final parts of the jamvani baj (thus 'completingthe baj'). He then stepsinside the bathingarea, where he is given a ceremonialablution with nirang, followed by one with milk and rose-petals,and then with water. 41 The child then comesout with his uppertorso bare,wearing a pichori (a pieceof white cottonworn over the shoulders),loose trousers, slippers and a new prayercap (the prayercap he wore beforethe nahan cannotbe worn again). Before the child stepsonto the stagewhere the ceremony will be performed,the full achu michu is done. He then sits down on the stage and the ceremonybegins. The child says some prayers and the priest recites blessingsand solemnly invests him with the sudreh and kusti.42 Finally the Tandorosti (a prayer for health and well-being) is recited, and the priest throws rice over the child throughout the recitation. This concludesthe formal part of the ceremony.The women of the family then gatheraround the child and dresshim in new clothes especiallymade for the occasion. After a Navjote the child is usually taken to a fire temple, where a machi may be offered. Later thereis usuallya big celebration,which ends with a traditional Parsi meal served on bananaleaves. Some families have a Jashan or a Fareshta ceremonydone, vows to do this have often beenmade beforehand. Furthermore, the parentsmay take the child on a to the Atash Behramat Udwada. The rice which is showeredover the child, and also the flowers, coconutand other contentsof the ses, are collected and kept for seven days. On the eighth day - the varovar - a sagan is donefor the child and 28 CommonParsi Observances the family visits the fire temple. In the eveningthey go to the seashore and the items are thrown into the seatogether with somefresh flowers.

Puberty Whenan adolescentwears clothes associated with adulthoodfor the first time -a sari in the caseof girls, a high 'Parsi cap' (pheta or paghri) for boys- theremay be a saganand a celebration.This is donemore often for girls than boys. When a girl has her first period a little celebrationis performed in somehouseholds; this was done more widely in earlier days. Since the girl is in an impurestate it is impossibleto do a sagan,but festive food is often preparedand the girl is given a separateset of things to useduring menstruation.

Weddings A wedding is an important event in a traditional Parsi household.The festivities go on for four days and a range of ceremoniesmay be performed as part of the proceedings,which culminate in the actual marriageservice. In modemtimes few people perform all of thesebut most families observe some; the most common ceremoniesare the adravanu, the madav-saroand the divo-adarni rit (on which seebelow).

Engagementceremonies The rupiya pehervani kriya. If the wedding is scheduledto take place shortly after the adravanu (seebelow), this ceremonyis not necessary.If a longer period of betrothalis expectedthe rupiya pehervanikriya is often done, which essentially consists of an exchange of gifts of money between the families.43 An auspiciousday is chosen and a party of womenfrom the boy's family visits the homeof the girl. Therea sagan is donefor the bride and the womengive her somemoney and othersgifts; a welcoming sagan is then performedfor the visitors. Later a party of womenfrom the girl's side paysa visit to the homeof the boy, bringing moneyand other gifts in return. A sagan is donefor the groom, followed by sagansfor eachof the guests,and festive food is servedlater. After this ceremonythe couple may go out together in public, as an acknowl- edgementthat they are engaged. The adravanu.This is usuallythe first of the weddingceremonies, but it may be done up to a year before the marriage instead of the rupiya pehervanikriya. The ceremonyconsists in an exchangeof rings; in most casesa pair of silver rings is exchangedfirst, followed by the actual(gold or diamond) engagementrings. In English some Parsis call this the 29 The Background 'engagement'ceremony. Sagans and exchangesof gifts form part of the proceedings. The dahi machli tray. On the day of the adravanu there is also an exchangeof gifts of sweetyoghurt (dahi) andfish (machli; either a real fish or a fish-shapedsweet). Fish is consideredto be an auspiciousfood and the yoghurt symbolisessweetness. The sakar tapkani ses. Traditionally this ceremonyentailed sending the bride's horoscope to the groom's house on a tray (ses) which also contained sugar crystals, dry kumkum in a container, and a garland. Horoscopesare now no longersent, but a tray with the other items is still taken to the boy's houseon the day of the adravanu.

The first day of the wedding celebrations44 The madav-saro. This ceremony is performed on the first day of the celebrations, usually in both the bride's and the groom's house. Essentiallyit consistsin the ceremonialplanting of a mangosapling in a pot.45 Apart from the family priestthere are five protagonists:the male head of the family and four sohvasans(married women who are not widows). Near the threshold of the main entranceof the house a rectangleis drawn on the wall with kumkum and kharaptu. Chalk designsare made wherethe pot for the plant is to be placed.Before the ceremonybegins all participantsdo the kusti. The pot is placed on the chalk designsand the saplingis held in place by the headof the family and the four sohvasans. Various items, suchas dry dates,turmeric sticks, unshelledalmonds, betel leavesand nuts, an egg, and a coconut,46are passedaround the plant. They are thenput into the earth;a packetcontaining shavings of gold and silver and a small ruby or pearl is also buried, togetherwith a few grains of wheatand rice, anda bit of curd. The five protagonistsplant the sapling while the priest and the other participantscontinuously recite the Yatha Ahu Vairyo. A small squarepiece of malmal cloth, smearedwith turmericto symbolisesunlight and good fortune, is thrown over the plant, and the four sohvasansdo the ovarna over it. An incenseburner is placednear the plant and the participantsput loban in it and pray for the couple. The suprani rit ('ceremonyof the winnowing fans'). This is traditionally donein the houseof both partiesimmediately after the madav-saro.Four decoratedwinnowing fans are used.Each of thesecontains grains of rice or wheat, betel nut, betel leaf, areca nut, unshelled almonds, sugar biscuits, and a piece of dried coconut. A brass pestle and mortar are placedon chalk designsand four married womensit aroundthis, each holding a winnowing fan. They throw piecesof turmeric from the fans into the mortar and begin to winnow the contentsof the fans. This is doneseven times, after which the fans areexchanged; this is donein such 30 CommonParsi Observances a way that eachfan changeshands four times. Subsequentlythe women poundthe turmeric sticks in the mortar; the powderis later usedfor the pithi chorvani rit (see below). The other women sing traditional songs throughoutthe ritual. Preparing the coconuts. At this stagethe coconutswhich the bride and groom will carry to the wedding hall are preparedby a sohvasan.Each coconutis decoratedwith kumkummarks or a swastik,and a cottonthread is passedaround it seventimes, while a Yatha Ahu Vairyo is recitedeach time. A tribute to the waters. On the sameday dalni paris are preparedand takento the seaby a groupof five or sevenwomen on a silver tray which also holds the usualceremonial items (suchas betel nuts,almonds, etc.); the ceremonyis traditionally performedby membersof both families. The womendo their kusti and offer the contentsof the ses to the Waters. Eachwoman then putslaban in an incenseburner and asksthe Watersto blessthe couple.Afterwards seven or nine dalni paris are sentto the other family. The pithi chorvani rit ('ceremonyof applying pithi powder'). This can be doneseveral times during the first threedays of the celebrations,although mostpeople do it only once.The turmericwhich was poundedduring the suprani rit is mixed with a fragrant yellow powdercalled pithi, and rose wateror milk is addedto makea paste.The bride standson the patIo anda sagan is done for her. She is then coveredwith a white sheetdecorated with swastik marks,and pithi is smearedon her hands,feet and face. Still coveredby the sheet,she is madeto sit cross-leggedon the patio. The men lift up the patio with the girl sitting on it, andcarry it aroundwhile singing songs.Then the patIo is set down again and the bride is askedquestions about the price of gold, rice, dal, and other commoditiesin the year to come. Her predictions are supposedto come true.47 Then the sheetis removed and the bride is made to stand on the patio while one of the (female) protagonistsholds one end of a ball of cotton thread over her head.The cottonthread is passedfrom her headto her big toe seventimes, so that it forms a long garland.This garlandis then madeinto a necklace, which the bride wearsuntil after the weddingceremony. A ceremonyto removeevil. After the pithi chorvani rit anotherceremony is done, apparentlyin order to removeevil: a dry cake of cow dung is taken and a raw egg is placedin its centre. An inverted saucer-shaped vesselis put on this, an unroastedpappadum is put on top of that, and the whole thing is tied up with string. The bride or groom (the partnerin whosehouse the ceremonyis done) smashesit with the right foot.

The secondday The divo-adarni ceremony.On the secondday of the weddingcelebrations an exchangeof gifts takes placebetween the families, and all the things

31 The Background that have beenbought for the couple are taken to the groom's house. Among otherthings the bride is given a new sari; beforeshe is dressedin this, her future mother-in-lawwets the inner comerof the sari, putssome grainsof rice on it and ties a knot in the sari to hold the rice (this is done as a sign of welcome).A diva is lit in both houses;when the women of eachfamily visit the houseof the other they put a silver coin in the diva. This is known as divo-adarni, 'honouringthe diva'. On this day the groom's parents usually give the bride a rial (a necklacewith a silver coin and greenglass beads strung either side of it) to signify her acceptanceinto the family.

The third day The khichrini rit. On the third day the bride, groom, and the womenwho participatein the celebrationsin either house,eat some khichri (yellow rice) with sugar,ghee and pappadumsfor lunch, to symbolisethe good things in store for the couple. The day is also known as khichrini ritno divas or 'day of the khichri ceremony'. The varadhni rit. This is the main ceremonyof the third day. Five or sevenwheaten cakes (varadhvara) are sent by the bride's family to the groom's house. Five sohvasanstake part in the proceedings,each of whom brings an earthenpot filled with water. The women wait at the thresholdof the groom'shouse, where they are welcomedand showered with rice. Each pot is then placed on a heap of wheat or rice, and decorated.A numberof items (suchas arecanut, a date,betel nut, and a rupee)are placedin the pots. Eachpot is coveredwith a shallow earthen vesselcontaining things like sev, a wheatencake, and a pappadum.An incense-burneris kept ready alongside;the doyenneof the family offers incenseto the fire and praysthat the life of the couple will be filled with good things. The varadhpattarni Baj. This is a religious ceremony, to extend an 'auspiciousinvitation' (varadhpattar) to the fravashis of the dead and to Ram, the Yazadof Joy. A Baj ceremonyis dedicatedto Ram Yazad,and a Saturn is performedfor thefravashis. In both ceremonies,which take place in the fire temple, food is consecratedwhich is later taken home and eatenby both families.48 The ukardi lutvani rarnat. This is a gameconnected with the consecrated food. Some of this is put on a tray, while another tray functions as a dummy. Both trays arehidden and the boys of the family haveto find the full tray. Meanwhilethe womenhave equippedthemselves with pots of water, which they throw over the boy who finds the tray, while the other boys try to snatchit from him. When the gameis finished the doyenneof the family offers laban near the rnadav-saro plant.

32 CommonParsi Observances

The fourth day The wedding proper. Parsi weddings generally take place after sunset, whereasIranian Zoroastriansperform the ceremony in the morning. Tradition has it that this is becauseof a promisethe Parsismade to the local ruler, Jadi Rana, on arrival in India. The bride and groom may - separately- visit the fire temple in the morning of their wedding day. Before the actual ceremony both undergo the nahn. The groom is generally the first to be ready; he comes up to the stage where the weddingwill take place,but doesnot yet steponto it. He climbs the steps leading to the stage,where his mother-in-law does the achu michu for him; he then stepsdown again and sits slightly apart from the guests, flanked by the priests.He is given a ring, and one of his new sisters-in- law brings a silver pot with water, into which he dips his handas a sign that he is now part of the bride's family. The sister-in-law receivesa present.The groom then waits for the bride to appear.When shearrives her mother-in-law does an achu michu for her and her father-in-law traditionally gives her a pair of earrings. Before the religious ceremonytakes place on the stage,the bride and groomand the priestsdo their kusti andthe marriagecertificate is signed. They then come onto the stage,where a diva and an incense-burnerare burningand where the priests,witnesses and close relatives are standing. The couple sit facing eachother, with a white sheetbetween them. They hold handsunder the sheetbut arenot allowed to seeeach other's face. 49 The priest then winds a cotton thread three times around the clasped handsof the couple.The threadis then wound seventimes aroundtheir chairs,creating a separatearea for the couple; the priestschant one Yatha Ahu Vairyo each time the threadis passedaround the chairs. After the seventhYatha Ahu Vairyo the bride and the groom throw the rice at each other over the sheet,which is then removed.(The first partnerto throw the rice is said to have won the race of love.) The bride's chair is now placed alongsidethe groom's and both sit facing east, with the seven threadsstill encircling them. The incenseburner is broughtto the couple and they bow to the fire before the benedictionbegins. The Ashirvad. The Ashirvad ('benediction')is thenrecited by two priests who standbefore the couple, while rice is continually thrown over the latter. The witnesses are asked whether they have done everything necessary,and the couple are askedthree times if the marriageaccords with their wishes.The ritual endswith a short benediction.In the pasta secondAshirvad was normally recited in Sanskrit,but this is rarely done now; the sameis true of anothertraditional custom,that of repeatingthe Ashirvad in the watch before dawn (the pachli ratni lagan or 'wedding ceremonyof the last night'). After the Ashirvad the groom'sfather gives presentsof moneyto the priests,and the chief officiating priestis given a

33 The Background shawl. The groom'ssister-in-law comesonto the stageand washeshis feet. This usedto be donewith milk, but now only a few drops of milk are put on the tip of the groom's shoes, which are generally too expensiveto exposeto a fuller treatment.50 A visit to the fire templeand celebrations.Immediately after the wedding ceremonythe couple visit a fire temple. In the meantimethe festivities, consistingof a traditional meal accompaniedby music, are alreadygoing on and the couplejoin in on their return.

Subsequentceremonies connected with the wedding The varovar. On the eighth day after the wedding the varovar is performed: the sapling planted during the madav-saro ceremony, and variousitems which playeda role during the weddingceremonies (such as flowers, coconuts,rice, etc.), are offered to the sea.This is also the day of the couple'sfirst visit to the bride'sfather's house, where they havea celebratorydinner. When they go home the couple are given a small silver pot coveredwith red cloth, on which a coconutis placed. At somestage after the wedding,many couplesmake a pilgrimageto the Atash Behramat Udwada.A machi may be offered by either family after the wedding. The Randel bharvani rit. This custommay be of Hindu origin,51 and is slowly dying out. It is still observedin somevillages of ,however, and in Navsari some women still do it professionally. On a wooden benchplaced in a comer of the housefour heapsare madeof different types of grain and pulse: huskedrice, unhuskedrice, wheat, and tuvar dal.52 Somemoney is put in the heapsof tuvar dal and unhuskedrice. On eachheap one places a silver pot. Two pots are filled with well waterand two with river water, and the pots also contain betel leaves,betel and arecanut, and somemoney. The mouthsof the pots are coveredwith a red cloth. The womenperforming the ceremony,who haveto be in a state of purity, do their kusti, put incenseon the fire and ask blessingsfor the recipient. The pots are kept standingfor four or sevendays, the water being changedregularly, and finally the contentsof the pots and the heapsof grain are offered to the Waters.

Pregnancy,birth and the first baby53 The panchmasyu. This is a festive ceremony which is held on an auspiciousday after the completion of the fourth month of pregnancy. The prospectiveparents (hereafter 'the boy' and 'the girl') are invited to the girl's parents'house, where a saganis donefor her. Sheis given a new setof clothesto wear,and five or sevenpendas (a white, round sweet)and other festive items are placedin the loose front part (pallu, pallav) of her

34 CommonParsi Observances sari. The pallu is later emptied,either in anotherroom in the samehouse or in the houseof her in-laws. The agharni. This ceremonymay be held whenseven or nine monthsof pregnancynear completion; it is performedby five or sevensohvasans andusually takesplace on a Thursday(which countsas auspicious),or a Sunday(when people are free). The first part of the ceremonytakes place in the boy'shouse; the mother-to-besteps onto the woodenplatform, the sagan is done and she is dressedin a new sari while standingon the platform. Her pallu is filled with seven(or nine) handfuls of wheat, a coconut and all the items of the ses, and a cone-shapedlarva (a sweet especiallymade for the occasion).She must hold all this securelyin her pallu. Blessingsare showered upon her andher mother-in-lawgives her a piece of jewellery. After this all the women go to the houseof the girl's parents,taking sevenor nine larvas and a ses. On arrival the achu michu andovarna are donebefore the girl entersthe house.She is againmade to standon a platform, where the contentsof her pallu are emptiedinto a winnowing fan or into the pallu of one of the other women, and filled anew by the girl's mother or another senior sohvasan.The party then returnsto the boy'shouse, where the achu michu andovarna are doneand the contentsof the pallu are once again emptied. The women from the girl's family now cometo the boy'shouse to performa saganfor him and give him a present. The larva is broken up and eaten; the tip of the confectionmay be given to a newly marriedfamily memberin the hope that she too may soonhave a child. The last weeks before confinement.The first delivery is regardedas the responsibility of the mother'sparents, and she spendsthe last days or weeksof her pregnancyin their house. The chatthi. This ceremonyis done on the sixth day after the birth, generally at night. A divine being (Chatthimai or Vehmai) is believed to write the child's destinyduring that night, and a blank sheetof paper,red ink, anda quill are put in placefor this purpose.The papershould later be carefully kept. Thosepresent do the kusti, the laban is performedand a diva is lit. The ceremonyis conductedby the maternalgrandmother (or the doyenneof the mother'sfamily), who mustbe in a stateof ritual purity. A comerof a room is thoroughly cleanedand a patio is put in place; on the patIo thereis a tray with the usualitems for the sagan,a garland,and a set of new clotheswhich the child will wearon its first visit to the fire temple. On the day of the chatthi somepeople cook only vegetarianfood, and the mothergenerally abstains from eatingmeat or fish. Return to normal life. For the first forty daysafter the birth, the mother is consideredto be ritually impure. After this period she resumesher normal life, althoughshe may remain with her parentsfor some time. Many Parsiwomen - as well as their mothers,who haveconstantly been in physicalcontact with them, and sometimestheir husbands- undergo

35 The Background a nahn at this stage.The child is then takento the fire temple for the first time. The return home. The ceremonyto welcome the child to the father's houseis known as vadhavo.It is held when the motheris readyto return home, usually some months after the birth. Gifts for mother and child from the father'sfamily are takento the maternalgrandparents' house; a traditional gift is a silver rattle, which everyfamily keepsas an heirloom. The presentsare broughton a large silver tray, which also containsthe usualitems for the sagan,by a party of womenfrom the father'sfamily. The achu michu is donefor thesewomen before they enterthe house.The motherand child are then madeto sit on a chair, a saganis done,the gifts are offered,sweets are distributedand there is singingand merriment. In return the maternalgrandparents traditionally do the jori pori: they give the mother a Gujarati-stylecradle (jori), a set of clothes,a small piece of jewellery andanything else she may needfor the baby, andsome gifts for her mother-in-law. All thesegifts are taken to the father'shouse, where the party is receivedwith celebrations. The besna.When the babybegins to sit up the besna('sitting') ceremony is done. The usualitems for the sagan are placedon a tray togetherwith small white pendas.A divo is lit, the patio is placedon a chalk design,and the child is dressedin new clothesand garlanded.A little wall of pendas is built on the patIo and the child is made to sit on it. The mother or grandmotherthen takesa coconutand tapsit first on the child's bottom andthen six times on the floor; the seventhtime shesmashes the coconut. The child is thenshowered with rice andmade to eata little of the sweet. The pagladu. When the child is learning to walk somefamilies do the pagladu ceremony.On an auspiciousday the houseis decoratedand a ses is prepared.Larvas havebeen made beforehand, two of themin the shape of a foot. The child is madeto sit or standon the patIo anda saganis done. A coconutis passedaround the child seventimes and smashednear its feet. Then rice is thrown over it, it is given a piece of larvo, and thereis a celebration. The gorni bharvani rit. This is a village ceremonywhich is not normally done in Bombay. It takes place when the child beginsto eat solids. The womenof the housetake a pot containingsuch items as arecanut, betel nut, betel leaf, almonds,and rice, which they fill with water from seven wells. When the pot is takenback to the housethe womencall out that thosewho are uncleanshould stay out of the way. On arrival at the house the pot is placed on chalk designs and loban is offered. Then seven childrenare called and given dhandar to eat; the child for whom the gorni is doneis also madeto eat this and is fed a pieceof jaggery(gor, whence gorni). The first birthday. This is an important event. A Jashan or an act of charity may be performed on the child's behalf and traditionally the 36 CommonParsi Observances grandparentsgive it an heirloom. Celebrations naturally form an importantpart of the proceedings.At somestage after the first birthday many families offer a machi at the fire temple.

Death When a traditional Parsi dies in Bombay,54 the Towers of Silence are notified and a hearse is sent to take the body to one of the banglis (buildings for funerary purposes)situated in the areaof the Towers. The sachkar. The bangli hasfacilities for the final bath. The body is first rubbedwith gomez(unconsecrated cow's urine), and then washedwith water by the membersof the family or by two attendantsfrom the Towers of Silence. It is dressedin old white pyjamasand an old sudreh. The kusti is tied roundthe waist, usuallyby a male family member,while prayersare said. Then the two nasesalars(professionals who handlethe body) take charge;they are dressedin white clothes with white gloves and white shoesand socks.After doing their kusti they enterthe bangli in paivand (i.e. each holding one end of a cord). They place the body on threestone slabs in a demarcatedarea of the main hall of the bangli, and the subsequentfunerary rites take placethere. The nasesalars,who are in paivand throughoutthe ritual, further prepareand layout the body. After doing the padyab-kustiand taking the baj of Sarosh,55they draw a furrow aroundit with a long iron nail while reciting three Yatha Ahu Vairyos. At this point the first sagdid ('dog'sgaze') is done: an attendantbrings a dog to look at the body, perhapsto verify that the personis indeeddead. 56 Only when this hasbeen done can fire be broughtinto the room. A diva burnsnear the headof the deceased,and it is kept burning in the bangli during the first four days even after the body hasbeen removed. In the house a diva is kept burning near the bed, or in a place that was especiallydear to the deceased. In somecases the body is takeninto the Tower soon after the sachkar, but if there is a delay it is kept lying in state; a continuous vigil is maintainedand prayersare recited even throughthe night.57 The geh-sarnaand the removal of the body into the Tower. The main part of the funerary ceremonyis known as Ceh-sarna ('chanting the Cathas'). Before it beginsthe nasesalars,keeping paivand, bring in an iron bier and place it on the floor near the body. They draw anotherfurrow, which encirclesthe bier, andrecite a shortprayer (the Dasturi). While the priests perform the Ceh-sarnathe two nasesalarsline the bier with strips of torn sudrehsprovided by the deceased'sfamily. A cordon is formed around the bier with a long cord madefrom suchstrips of material. Two priestswho are in a stateof ritual purity then enter the room in paivand. They standin the doorway,facing the body but asfar awayfrom it as possible,and begin to recite the Ahunavaiti Catha. At a certainpoint

37 The Background in the recitation58 they pauseand avert their faces,as do the mourners;at this time the body is lifted onto thebier. Another sagdid is done at this stage.When the body hasbeen laid on the bier the nasesalarsindicate this by making a noise, and the recitation of prayersis resumed. The sezdo(last respects).When the Geh-sarnais over the male mourners, in paivand,pay their respectsto the deceased.59 Still maintainingpaivand, they thenleave the room and wait outsideto accompanythe body on its last journey. The women then pay their respects,after which the face is covered. The nasesalars are now joined by two other officials, the khandiyas(corpse-bearers), who help themcarry the body to the . The priests and the male mournersaccompany the body in a silent procession,in paivand. Nowadayswomen may join the procession, but formerly this was not customary. Just outsidethe Tower, the bier is set down on a marble slab and the face is uncoveredfor the last time. The final sagdid is performedand the mournerspay their last respects.The face is then coveredagain and the body is takeninto the Tower by the nasesalars,with the headfacing east. The mourners wait near the sagri (a small building containing a fire which faces the door of the Tower). When the body hasbeen laid to rest the nasesalarsclap their handsand the mournerscomplete their prayers. As a meansof purification the mournersare given a few drops of gomez to rub on their hands,and they wash the exposedparts of their bodies with water. They do their kusti and pay their respectsto the fire of the sagri. After the removalof the body a metal containerfilled with flowers is kept next to the divo in the bangli for the first three days. Milk is fed to the dogs twice a day during this period. The ceremoniesfor Sarosh. For three days after the Geh-sarna a combinationof prayersand rituals takes place which are dedicatedto the Yazad Sarosh,who is believed to take care of the soul betweenthe moment of death and the Judgmenton the morning of the fourth day. This is known as the Saroshnupatru ('invitation to Sarosh'). The afternoon Uthamna. The first Uthamna ceremonyis done on the afternoonof the third day after death. It is performedby four priests, either at the Tower or in a fire temple. A carpet is spreadout for the purpose,which is surroundedby vases with sweet-smellingflowers. Thena white sheetis laid in the centreof the carpet,on which a fire-vase is placed with four divas on either side. The fire is lit and, after doing their kusti, the priestsrecite prayerswhile standingon the carpet.When the final prayer is being recited an attendantoffers flowers and rose- water to thosepresent. The Uthamna of the fourth morning (pachli-ratnu Uthamnu). Traditionally the early morning Uthamna of the fourth day was attendedonly by close relativesand friends. Nowadays,however, there is a tendencyto omit the afternoon Uthamna, in which case all mourners come to the early 38 CommonParsi Observances morning ceremony.In the very early hours of the fourth day (c. 12.45 a.m.), four Baj ceremoniesare performed at the fire templefor the Yazads Rashne,Ashtad, Ram, Ardafravash60 and Sarosh;a dron, fruits, and a shyavare consecratedand then takento the bangli, wherethe Uthamna is performed. The rituals include an Afrinagan ceremonyfor Dahm (the Yazad who guardsthe soul againstattacks from the powersof evil on its way to the Chinvad Bridge), which is performedover the consecrated dron, fruits andshyav. Towards the end of the ceremonyone of the priests standsup and placesthe divo, which had beenstanding on a tripod, on the floor. The flowers which were standingby the divo are scatteredand the wateris spilled. Thosepresent partake of the consecratedfood andgo home. The shyav is normally given to the priest. After the Uthamna a machi is offered to the small sagri fire at the Towers of Silence. The jorani kriya. Ceremoniesfor the surviving spousecan be done togetherwith thosefor the deceased;a double set of ceremoniesis then performed. Further funerary ceremonies.On the fourth (chaharom),tenth (dasmu),or thirtieth (masiso) day after death a Vendidad may be performed; alternativelythis can be done on the first deathanniversary. When the rituals of the first four days are over, Baj, Afrinagan and Farokhshi ceremoniesmay be performed in the fire temple. It is also customaryto perform three Satums daily, in the early morning, mid- morning and late afternoon. Such rituals are optional, however; some peoplehave them done for the first ten days or the first month, while otherscontinue to havedaily ceremoniesperformed for a year, and again on the deathanniversary in the following years.On importantdays, such as those mentionedabove, family and friends of the deceasedusually attend the rituals and charitiesmay be announced.Every month of the first year, ceremoniesor special prayersmay be held on the roj of the death and on Fravardin roj. On Fravardiyannu parab prayers may be recited at the Towers of Silence.

THE LAWS OF PURITY Menstruation. The traditional complete segregation of menstruating women is now observedvery rarely, especiallyin urban communities. Somewomen still keep a separateset of clothesfor thosedays, including a sudreh and kusti, and in some cases these are kept in a separate cupboard. Generally women in mensesdo not touch such objects as prayerbooks and divas. If a form of segregationis observedat all, this is only doneinside the houseso as to preservethe purity of the home. The woman sits in a comer and avoids all contactwith people and things; whatever she needsis handedto her by a memberof the family. She either sleepson a bed consistingof an iron frame aroundwhich strips of 39 The Background materialare wound to form a mattress(the 'mattress'being removed and washed when the bed is no longer needed),or on the floor. After menstruationit is customaryfor a woman to take a ritual bath. Death and funerals. When returning from a visit to the Towers Parsis are held to be ritually unclean.If possible,observant Parsis go home to havea bath, and try not to touch anythinguntil they are cleanagain; the clothes they wore to the Towers are washed(many peoplehave special clothesfor this purpose).The kusti is donewhen leaving the Towers and again on arrival home, where a family membermay be waiting at the door with water for the padyab ablutions. Hair and nails. Hair andnails are consideredvery polluting whenthey havebeen cut. Most Parsishave a bath immediatelyafter a haircut or a shave.Some remove their kusti when going out to havea haircut; others wear a special kusti for the purpose,to avoid the risk of wearing a polluted kusti when visiting a Fire Temple. When brushingor combing one'shair, loose hairs are wrappedin a tissue before they are thrown away. Nails should be cut in the bathroombefore one'sbath, and the parings are thrown into the toilet and flushed down straight away. Traditionally nail paringswere collected and buried in the ground, but this is not possiblein Bombay.

It maybe saidin conclusionthat Mrs Munshi'slong andlively accountof Parsicustoms and observances strikingly illustratesthe way in which the Zoroastrianreligion hastraditionally informed the life of its adherentsin India, and continuesto shapethe religious lives of many. Not only do severalof the observancesdescribed here reflect the ancientteachings of the Good Religion in an eloquently symbolic manner, but the Parsi tradition clearly offers believers a way to expressand experiencethe spiritual world-view inherentin their faith througha systemof practical and often beautiful ritual or customary actions, which can form an intrinsic part of daily life in many spheres.Although the orthopractic side of religion describedhere no longer plays as central a part in Parsi religious life as may oncehave been the case,its importanceshould by no meansbe underestimated.Mrs Munshi's account,illustrating some of the inner coherence,beauty and symbolism of Parsi lay observance,is perhapsespecially important at a time when Parsis' views on these traditions are very divided, and their knowledgeof them undoubtedly diminishing.

Notes 1 For descriptionsof high priestly rituals the readeris referred to Modi 1922, Kotwal and Boyd 1991, and to the brief overview above,p. 9f.

40 CommonParsi Observances 2 For this kusti an AshemVohu is recited first; then the kusti is untied without the Kem-na Mazda prayer; on retying it one recites the usual prayers (d. below, n. 4) 3 SeeModi 1922: 92f. 4 i.e. reciting Kem-na Mazda while untying the kusti, Hormazd Khodae when retying it, and endingwith Jasa-meAvanghe Mazda. 5 Apart from the kusti prayers,these comprise the SaroshBaj, the prayerfor the geh (watch), and the Khorshed and Meher Niyayesh; the latter two prayersare always recited together and known collectively as the Khorshed Meher Niyayesh. 6 On special days (see p. 22f.), many Parsis go to the fire temple instead of praying at home. 7 viz. the kusti prayers, the prayer for the Aiwisruthrem geh, the Cheragno Namaskar,the SaroshYasht Vadi and the Atash Niyayesh. 8 See also Modi (1922: 404), who connectsthis custom particularly with the Satum(on which seeabove, p. 10f.). For its IranianZoroastrian counterpart see Boyce 1977: 143-4. 9 Some Parsis even smear ash on their neck and ears or swallow some for internalpurification. However,most community members would regardsuch practicesas excessive. 10 Of the betel leaves,betel nuts, almonds,turmeric sticks and dried dates,the total numberof items should be sevenor nine. Somehouseholds add a fish madeof silver, as fish are consideredto be auspicious. 11 Exceptwhere this could give rise to misunderstanding,'he' will be usedhere for the sakeof convenience. 12 Mushkil Asan ('problem solver') seemsoriginally to have beenan epithet of Behram; in the story as it is told among Parsis,however, he has becomea separatefigure who is Behram'scompanion. 13 See also Russell 1989. 14 A dish of rice and sweetdal which is associatedwith happyoccasions. 15 The Gujarati words mahino (month) and raj (day) are generallyused in such contexts. 16 The ancient Iranian conceptof the fravashi was a complex one; it was an elementof a person'sspiritual being that existedbefore his life on earth,and is capable of intervening in the affairs of this world after his death. In modem Parsi usagethe word generally refers to the eternal souls of the dead,though somethink of the fravashi as an invisible, ideal counterpartof the self that can be contacted by the spiritually advanced. For further referencessee Index. 17 The Iranis of Bombay (Le. thosewhose families camefrom Iran over the last 150 years) veneratethefravashis on their (Kadmi) New Year's Day. 18 Some traces of a communal memory of Meher's original position in Zoroastrianismare implied by the following remark by Mrs Munshi: 'If someoneannoyed my grandmothershe usedto say, "You will have to go to the Court of Meher [and answerfor thisj." So peopleknow that Meher is an importantYazata.' 19 Mrs Munshi said, 'Thereis a popularlittle book called Afsun-eShah Faridunni Nirang [the title of a prayerto ShahFaridun, PGKj. Thereis one line which, if you recite it 125,000times within forty days,will assurethat you are looked after in your life. I know this becausemy husbandrecited this when he was passingthrough a very bad time; he had no one who could support him financially, and he neededa job but he was officially too young to work. He

41 The Background recitedthis prayerand somehow, immediately on the secondday, therewas a call andhe got a job. Sohe hasimmense faith in ShahFaridun ... I think thereis someconnection between Meher and ShahFaridun because in the Aslaji fire temple, which has this special connection with Meher raj, there are innumerablepictures both of Kookadaru and of Shah Faridun. So I think that Meher has developedover the yearsbecause of this association.'It may be relevantto note that Ervad Yazdi Aibara also connectsMeher with Shah Faridun (see Interview). His father, Ervad NadarshaAibara, who was the initiator of the Kookadarucult (seebelow, p. 50), taughtthat severalancient Kings of Iran who arementioned in the Shahname(and, under older names,in the Avesta), deservespecial veneration.The associationmay thereforehave originatedwith him. 20 Somewomen recite the Ardvisur Niyayeshfor 40 days during pregnancy. 21 Seebelow, underAdar mahino Adar raj. 22 Another term for Ardvisur Niyayesh. 23 i.e. a pastemade of turmeric powder and wheatflour. 24 Thesedays are referredto in Gujarati as the annaroja. 25 The first day of spring coincides with the first day of the year (Fravardin mahino Hormazd raj) in the Fasli calendar, but not in those of the Shehenshahisand Kadmis (see below, p. 47). The latter therefore celebrate two separate'New Year' festivals, JamshediNavroz and Navroz proper, on which seep. 26. 26 For a full discussionof the developmentof this observancesee Modi 1922: 440. 27 This period includes the so-calledCatha days, the last five days of the year, and endsthe day after Khordadsal(on thesedays see,pp. 26, 27). 28 A setof white muslin clothes,see Modi 1922: 81. On the Iranianequivalent see Boyce 1977: 154 n. 32. 29 viz. the Afrinagan, Farokhshi and Satum. 30 For sucha descriptionsee Modi 1922: 437f. 31 SeeModi 1922: 402-4. 32 In somefire templeswhere the Muktad tablesare removedafter ten days,the rituals neverthelesscontinue for the full 18 days. 33 In Navsari Khordadsalwas traditionally called valavo, 'the day of bidding farewell (to the fravashis),. A variety of sweetswere preparedand offered to the fravashis on large trays of plated silver. The sweetswere taken to the homesof friends and distributedamong them on the next day (Amardadraj), which is known as Amardadsal.Dastur Dr. EM. Kotwal informs me that the customis still observedby somefamilies in Navsari. 34 NamedVahishtoishti Catha. 35 For the differencebetween this festival andJamshedi Navroz seeabove, n. 25. 36 i.e. in the Ushahingeh of Aspandadraj, so that the shyav is alreadylaid out when Khordadsal begins (information lowe to Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal). During the first Muktad after a death,a shyav is also offered on New Year's Day. 37 i.e. of the day when the fire was 'enthroned'in the fire temple after its ritual consecrationhad beencompleted. 38 See above,p. 7f. 39 The girl will wear this when she first wearsa sari, seep. 29. 40 i.e. ceremonyin which nirang is administeredfor both external and internal purification. 41 For a detaileddescription of the nahn ceremonysee Modi 1922: 90f.

42 CommonParsi Observances 42 Both the kusti and the sudrehused for this occasionare special.The kusti must be woven from 72 strands,whereas fewer strandsmay be usedfor ordinary kustis. The sudreh for the Navjote is stitchedby hand and has a button on the collar above the girehban (a pocket on the front of the sudreh, on which see Modi 1922: 173); thereis a buttonholeon the otherside of the garment,so that it canbe closedat the neck; furthermoreit haslonger sleeves and is a bit larger than ordinary sudrehs. 43 The amountmust alwaysbe uneven,e.g. Rs. 51, 101, 501 etc. 44 The adravanu is often donein the morning of this day. The day alwaysbegins with a sagan for the bride and the groom in their respectivehomes. 45 This is the casein modemIndian cities. In villages the saplingis traditionally plantedin the courtyardof the house.Village weddingcelebrations used to be performedunder a canopy(Guj. mandap,whence madav). 46 Each of theseitems representsa quality or concept(e.g. strengthor fertility) which, it is hoped,will playa role in the marriage. 47 A similar ceremonyis sometimesdone for the groom. 48 Somepeople also have these ceremonies performed on the weddingday itself. 49 This part of the ceremonyis called hathevaro,'the joining of hands'. 50 For further traditions and gamesassociated with weddingssee Modi 1922: 40f. 51 The word randel, which may havebeen the nameof a divinity veneratedby the Indian Rajputs, suggeststhat the ceremonywas originally dedicatedto that Hindu . However, the Kurdish Yezidis, who like the Parsis are of Iranian origin, have a very similar ceremony,see Kreyenbroek1995: 16. 52 A kind of pulse. 53 Many of the observancesdescribed here are traditionally done for the first child only. 54 Some Parsis prefer other forms of disposal of the body, which are not discussedhere. 55 i.e. they recite part of the prayertext of that namebefore beginning their task, and the rest when the work is completed(d. pp. 17,28); for details seeModi 1922: 61 n. 1. 56 For details seeModi 1922: 56f. 57 Funeralscan only take place in two daytime watches,the Havan and the Uziran geh, and never at night. 58 When they reachY. 31.4. 59 All mournersare dressedin white. 60 i.e. the fravashis.

43 Chapter Three The Parsis in India

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND A detailed survey of the history of the Parsis in India would lie far beyondthe scopeof the presentwork, and no more can be donethan to offer a brief sketchof someof the main developmentsand events so as to enable to reader to understand references in the interviews. A descriptionof the earliestphases of Parsi history would in any casebe a hazardousundertaking, since very few reliable sourcesare availableat present.Even on the questionof the time of the Zoroastrians'arrival in Gujarat (NW India), there are severaltheories but so far no consensus. Most Parsis accept an eighth-century date, whereas some Western scholarshold that the Parsisfirst cameto India in the mid-tenthcentury. Our information on early Parsi history mainly derives from a single source, the Qisse-ye Sanjan, which was written down in 1600 CE, presumablyon the basisof oral tradition. Chroniclesof this kind usually representhistory as the community has rememberedit for centuries, stressing events that seemedimportant to generationsof Parsis but payingscant attention to factual detailswhich wereof lesserinterest. The Qisse-yeSanjan is therefore most valuable as a guide to the collective memoryof the Parsisof an early age and as the basisof modemParsis' understandingof their own past,but not always reliable as a historical document in the Western sense.The Qisse tells of the arrival of the Zoroastriansin India and the conditions imposedon them by the local ruler, Jadi Rana, and describesthe eventful historyof the Parsis'oldest Behramfire (Atash Behram),which was guardedagainst desecration at all costs, at times hidden, and taken from place to place. After many vicissitudesthe fire was installed in Udwadain 1742.1 It canbe assumedthat the Indian castesystem made it relatively easy for the Parsis to survive as a separategroup with its own identity, traditions, and religion.2 Priests, it seems,long continued to provide

44 The Parsis in India leadershipto the communityand were held in high esteem.In the course of time the Parsis'numbers increased and they settledin variousparts of Gujarat; eventually the priests divided this area into five districts (panthak), each with its own hereditary priesthood. This division still plays a role in religious affairs today; membershipof some lineages entails certain privileges, and every priest knows to which group he belongs. The meagre evidence at our disposal suggeststhat, in the early centuries,the Parsis lived modestbut reasonablyprosperous lives as farmers and small traders. In the courseof the 16th century, Surat, an important trading port both for the Indian Moghul Empire and for Europeancompanies, attracted increasing numbers of Parsis,who soon found a niche for themselvesas agentsfor Europeanmerchants. 3 This was the beginningof a developmentwhich was to affect the entire Parsi communityin the following centuries:an increasingnumber of laymen becamewealthy and socially prominentand in time their outlook and attitudeschanged accordingly. This trend becameespecially significant when the Portugueseceded Bombay, then a modestcommercial port, to the British in 1661. The new mastersintended to tum the town into a major trading centre, and the enterprisingParsis were encouragedto settle there.4 Parsisbegan to flock to Bombay, which gradually became the social and cultural centreof Zoroastrianlife in India. Bombayhad no long-establishedParsi community, and new social structuresdeveloped in an atmospherewhere priestly authority, and perhaps traditional views, probably did not carry as much weight as elsewhere.5 Later, in the days of British India, the Parsi merchantfamilies were proud and often spectacularlywealthy subjects of the Raj, generally Western-educatedand modemin outlook. The progressiveviews of this elite, propagatedin combinationwith their proverbial generosityand charity, made themselves felt throughout the community. All this predictably had implications for the way in which religion was understood.Although there is evidenceof some thought on doctrine and in the courseof the precedingcenturies,6 it seemslikely that the vast majority of Parsis in those days were content to follow the traditions of their ancestorsand the directions of their priests,without paying much attention to questionsof doctrine. As the Parsisacquired Westernideas and adoptedelements of Westernculture it seemsthat a Western- or Protestant- definition of the nature of religion beganto affect their understandingof their own faith.7 Traditional views of Zoroastrianismas a way of life were challenged by a definition of religion mainly as a divine messagerelayed by a Prophetand correctly or wrongly interpretedby his followers. Suchdiscrepancies posed problems which were particularly hard to solve for Zoroastrians, since the 'Western' view seemsto correspondto a large extent to that of their 45 The Background ancient texts, whereas the 'traditional' position reflects the under- standing of many generationsof their immediate ancestors.Another factor which played a role herewas the 'discovery'of the Avesta by the FrenchOrientalist A.H. Anquetil Duperronin the 18th century and the subsequentstudy of its language and contents in the West. These academicefforts on the part of outsiderseventually made the Parsismore awareof their sacredtexts as potential sourcesof information, whereas until then they had probably thought of these mainly as divinely revealed words whose comprehensionwas beyond human under- standing.8 Tensionsin the communitycame to a headin the first half of the 19th century, when British missionaries,notably the Rev. John Wilson, began to attackthe Zoroastrianreligion. Wilson had readan early translationof the Avesta at a time when few Parsismay haveknown that sucha thing existed,and attackeda form of Zoroastrianismwhich could be deduced from his readingbut which did not seemfamiliar to the Parsisof his day. When Zoroastrianpriests sought to refute his views they achievedlittle more than an exposureof their own inadequacyas theologiansin a Westernsense. 9 While a majority of Parsismay until then haveassumed that a profound and true understandingof the teachingsof the faith existedin priestly circles,after this incidentmany became more sceptical. Priestly authority diminished,and the newly sophisticatedand wealthy sectionsof the laity beganto searchfor novel ways of understandingthe religion. In the 19th century,the Parsicommunity was thus both divided in its views, and challengedfrom outside.Together these factors seemto have resulted in a sense of crisis, and this in tum contributed to the developmentof the rangeof religious movementsor schoolswhich will be discussedbelow. For the communityas a whole the 19th centurythus marked the transition from a stable self-image based on centuries of traditional life, to a stateof affairs wheremany aspectsof Parsireligious and social life were constantlycalled into question.In the contextof 19th century prosperity this may have been seen as positive: an ancient communitywas on the way to finding its roots again. After more than a centuryand a half, however,these problems still show no sign of being resolved,and they now inspire mostly pessimisticfeelings. Meanwhile the British Raj hasgiven way to the Republicof India, whereParsis have no specialstatus; the communityis no longer as affluent as it once was; and many enterprisingand progressiveParsis have emigrated to the West, leaving behind a community whose senseof pride and identity seemsto someextent to havebeen eroded.

46 The Parsis in India

GROUPSAND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

Shehenshahis,Kadmis and Faslis As a result of contactswith Iran connectedwith the Rivayat correspon- dence,lOthe Indian Parsisbecame aware that their calendarwas a month behind that of their brethrenin the mother country.ll In the mid-18th century,12 this led to disputesand the Parsis divided into two groups (often referred to as 'sects'). The majority group, or 'Shehenshahis',13 adheredto the traditional Indian calendarwhile the 'Kadmis'14observed the Iranian one. Although no doctrinal differences exist,lS there were serioustensions between the groupsin the 18th and 19th centuries,one of which resultedin the executionof Homaji (see below). In the early 20th centuryanother calendar was proposed,which hadits New Year on the traditional date of 21 March, and intercalatedone day every four years; thosewho follow this calendarare known as Faslis.16 Even more recently a very small group adopted a modified version of the Fasli calendar,and called themselvesKhalis Faslis.

Traditionalistsand Neo-traditionalists The term 'Traditionalists'is found mostly in publicationsby Westerners; the Parsisthemselves generally say 'orthodox'.17The term is usedhere for those who emphaticallyadhere to the ancient, traditional ways of their forefathers,most prominently in mattersof observance. In the community, Traditionalistsand Neo-traditionalistsare seenas one group. The designation 'Neo-traditionalists' is a new coinage, denotingthose whose' orthodox' views in mattersof doctrine and ritual derive to a significant extent from the study of the classical religious tradition of Zoroastrianism,partly on the basis of Western academic works. While Traditionalists usually come from a traditional back- ground, Neo-traditionalist views are often adopted after a personal search for religious truth. Neo-traditionalists are generally more preoccupiedwith doctrinal questions than Traditionalists, and many actively advocatea belief in dualism.18

Reformistsand Modernists The Reformist movement, it seems, sprang directly from the clash betweentraditional Zoroastrianismand Western Protestantismin the 19th century. Many Reformistsaccepted theWestern academic view that only the Gathascan be ascribedto Zarathustra,I9and drew the conclusion that only these texts were valid sources of religious authority. They stressedthat Zoroastrianismis a monotheisticfaith aiming to teach a 47 The Background systemof ethics, and rejectedwhat they saw as an excessivepreoccupa- tion with ritual. Instead of the traditional, unintelligible prayers in Avestan,many Reformistsdemanded translations as a basisfor worship and prayer; they emphasisedpersonal responsibility and many felt one could do without priests.20 In the latter half of the 19th century the Reformists founded societies, schools, debating clubs, and political associations,21thus translatingtheir ambitionsinto effective social action. In courseof the 20th century this movementlost its original drive and coherence,at least in India.22 Some who might once have been Reformists apparently began to feel they could do without religion altogetherand regardedtheir Parsiidentity as a purely ethnic one, while others (here termed'modernists') combine non-traditional views on the religion with some nostalgic feelings for old traditions, and with a modem lifestyle that finds its main inspiration in Western ideas and attitudes.

Theosophists Theosophywas introduced to India by Mme Helena Blavatsky and Captain H.S. Olcott in the 1880s,23 and met with a strong response, presumablyfrom Parsis who had becomedissatisfied with traditional Zoroastrianism without being prepared to accept the Reformists' views.24 Soonthere was a flourishing branchof the TheosophicalSociety in Bombay, with many Parsi members. Typical elements of Parsi theosophistreligion are a belief in reincarnation,the hidden powers of ritual, and the occult meaningof the Zoroastrianreligious texts.25 The dualist elementin Zoroastrianteaching was praisedby Olcott,26 though in the present anti-dualist climate such views do not seem to be prominent among Theosophists.Many Parsis who are strongly influ- encedby Theosophyare vegetariansor feel they oughtto be. At the time of writing, the movementas such seemsless influential among Indian Parsisthan it oncewas. As in the caseof the Reformists,it is perhapstrue to saythat someof its ideashave come to be regardedas acceptableways to interpretZoroastrianism, which canbe adheredto eclecticallywithout the need to acceptthe whole systemof teachings.Many elementsthat were once characteristicof Theosophyamong Parsis, moreover, are also found in the 'indigenous'Parsi movementof Ilm-e Khshnoom.

The Dasatir, Ilm-e Khshnoomand the Pundolites The Ilm-e Khshnoommovement began in 1902, when BehramshahN. Shroff brokehis 30-yearsilence and started divulging his (see further below). The way of thinking that facilitated the acceptanceof such teachings in the community would seem to go further back, 48 The Parsis in India however.As early as the 17th centurywe hearof the existencein India of groups of Zoroastrianmystics;27 the best known among these is Azar Kaivan,28 an Iranian Zoroastrianwho settled in Patnain the late 16th century. His disciples practised yoga-like austerities and apparently believed in a theosophical-cum-mysticalinterpretation of Zoroastrian teaching.Ideas which may be connectedwith the beliefs of thesegroups are found in the Dasatir. This work, which was written in an artificial pseudo-languagebelieved to be ancient,was in fact probablycomposed in the 16th century in a Persian Sufi milieu.29 The Dasatir claims to containthe sayingsof fourteensuccessive Prophets: from a figure named ,who is said to have lived in remote prehistory, to the 'Fifth ',who flourished just before the Islamic conquest.These Prophets never died, but had withdrawn from the world and preservedthe true teachingsof Iran, the extant Avesta containing no more than parables intendedfor the uninitiated. The Dasatir teachesthat thereis one Divine Being, and a chainof lower 'intelligences'.It advocatesspiritual progress through fasting and meditation, and teachesreincarnation. A 'transla- tion' of this work was publishedin India in 1818, and the Dasatir was widely acceptedby Parsis as a genuinesacred text; in fact two of the priestswho soughtto refute the Rev. Wilson's views on Zoroastrianism invoked it as their authority,30and in 1869 the learnedDastur Erachji S. Meherjirana listed the work as one of his sourcestogether with such canonicaltexts as the Vendidad and the Yasna.31 H.S. Olcott taught that the authority of the Dasatir was equal to that of the Gathas,32 which suggests that Parsis representedthis work to him as part of the Zoroastriancanon. The successof Theosophy,together with the apparentpopularity and statusof the Dasatir, indicatesthat esotericteachings were welcomed by many Parsisaround the tum of the century. This is confirmed by the responseto the messageof BehramshahN. Shroff (1858-1927),33a simple man of poor priestly background.At the ageof 17, it is told, on a journey to Peshawarhe met a caravan of people who outwardly appearedto be Muslims but secretly wore the kusti. These travellers took him to Iran, to a miraculousplace on Mt Demavandwhere he was enlightened by 'Masters' who explained to him the true esoteric meaningof the Avesta. After his return to Surathe remainedsilent for 30 years, and then started preachingin 1902.34 Teachingsoriginating with, or ascribedto BehramshahShroff form the basisof the small but active movementknown as Ilm-e Khshnoom.35 At the time of writing more than one leader claims to be Shroff's true spiritual heir. Khsnoomist teachings are too complicated to sum up adequately here.36 The movementattaches great importanceto ritual and prayer, which endears it to some priests and puts Khsnoomists in the 'orthodox' camp togetherwith Traditionalists,Neo-traditionalists and 49 The Background Theosophists.Many followers of the movementexpect a saviourfigure, Shah Behram Varjavand,37 to appear around the year 2000 CE, an expectationwhich is sharedby many other Parsis. The Pundolitesform a relatively small occultistmovement which for a time was very active in India. They are followers of Minocher NusservanjiPundol (d. 1975), who, like B.N. Shroff, claimed to have been taken to Mt Demavandand received instruction from a Master. Orthopraxy, a belief in reincarnationand astrology, and speculations about the coming of ShahBehram Varjavand play an important role in the beliefs of this group.

Parsi Cults and VeneratedFigures There are indications that cults of 'Babas'(human objects of devotion), are attractingincreasing numbers of Parsifollowers. Most Babasare not Parsis,38but acts of devotion addressedto somehuman figures of Parsi origin also playa role in the religious life of the community. Kookadaru. A much revered figure is Dasturji Jamshed Sorabji Kookadaru,39to whom miraculouspowers are ascribed.It is said that when the Anjuman Atash Behram was to be consecratedin 1897, Kookadaruhad pledgedan amount of money he did not possess,but that he miraculouslyobtained this sum. The late Ervad NadarshaAibara claimed to receivemessages from Kookadaruand prescribedprayers on the basis of that guidance.40 Ervad Aibara had a large following, and devotionto Kookadaruis still so greatthat his pictureis seenside by side with that of Zarathustrain many Parsi homesand shops. Homaji. Many Shehenshahishave ceremonies performed on Dae mahino Govad raj, the deathanniversary of Homaji. This figure, whose full name was Homaji Jamshedji,was a businessman from Bharuch (Broach). In his day there were severetensions between Shehenshahis and Kadmis (see above). A pregnant Kadmi woman was hurt in a communalfight and lost her child. Homaji was identified as the culprit, and eventuallyexecuted in 1783.41 As it is felt that Homaji died for his religion, many Shehenshahishave ceremoniesperformed for him every year.42 The two Jal Babas. In December1994 Mrs Munshi said: A curious practice has developedover the last year or so: every Monday in the Aiwisruthrim geh, Parsis go to the Banaji Atash Behramto pray to a being called Jal Baba. Nobody knows who Jal Baba is, or what he does,or why he is important,but many Parsis believe in this sort of thing; when someonesays that prayer in a particularplace at a particular time doeswonders, then many will go there. They normally do a hambandagi,[i.e.] they recite a short

50 The Parsis in India

prayeraloud together,and it is believedthat the spirit of Jal Baba comesto bless them. In the courseof 1995 there was a new development:a physicalJal Baba startedcoming to the Aslaji Agiary on Fridays, and rapidly acquireda relatively large following. The Nagrani. A lady of Parsi origin, who is known as the Nagrani or 'Snake Queen' becauseshe apparently handles these animals, gives regularaudiences to her devoteesin Bombay.These are attendedby large crowds, comprising both Parsis and others. The Nagrani's followers wear the cap, a tie, and a cobra badge. At the beginning of her audiences,it seems, four Parsi priests do their kusti. Most of the Nagrani'sdevotees come from the underprivilegedclasses. The cult is strongly condemnedby many Parsis. On the role of cults in the community. Such cults affect the life of the community in various ways. Ideas deriving from the teachings of Kookadaru as expoundedby Ervad N. Aibara, for example,are often better known to Parsis than elements of the 'classical' Zoroastrian tradition.43 The frequent discussionsabout the acceptabilityof various cults, moreover,can be seenas attemptsby ordinary believersto define their religion (the same is true of the debateson 'marrying out' and conversion,see further below). At one end of the spectrumone finds those who reject any such cults; the other extremeis formed by Parsis who seeno harmin seekingsupernatural help whereverit maybe found. An important dividing line seemsto lie betweencults of Zoroastrian figures and thoseof alien ones;many who strongly reject worship of Sai Baba or the Virgin Mary may find it acceptable,and indeednatural, to venerateKookadaru or Homaji.

SOME ASPECTSOF MODERN SOCIAL AND COMMUNAL LIFE

Numbers Although most Parsis believe that their numbersare dwindling, the resultsof a 1991 census44 show that - for the first time sincethe 1950s- the Parsi community in India increasedslightly between 1981 and 1991.45 There were 76,382 Zoroastriansin India in that year; 53,794 (70%) of these lived in Bombay, and 60,501 (79%) in the state of Maharashtraas a whole. The Maharashtriancity of Pune (Poona) has the secondlargest Parsi population in India. Of the remainingParsis, a majority live in the state of Gujarat, where Navsari and Surat have relatively large communities.

51 The Background

Charities Parsicharities play an importantrole in the social andreligious life of the community. An enormousrange of communalfacilities and institutions owes its existenceto private charity: from the Atash Behramsand the Towers of Silence, via hospitals and subsidisedhousing, to a social security system46 and projects to improve the conditions of rural communitiesPParsis are understandablyproud of this proof of the generosity of their community, which is widely regarded as an expressionof the ethics of their religion. A number of charitableTrusts are governedby their own Board of Trustees,while others are administeredby the Bombay Parsi Punch- ayat,48 which also has considerableassets of its own. Trusteesof such institutions, and particularly those of the Bombay Punchayet,therefore have a great deal of influence in many spheres,including religion. Trusteesare generally elected becausethey are felt to have a certain eminence,either as highly successfulprofessional people or as members of wealthy families. Those who combine a high eligibility with a readinessto serve may sit on the Boards of a number of Trusts, and consequentlyhave considerablepower in the community.49

Fire Temples The statusof a Zoroastrianfire templeis determinedby that of the fire it houses.As was describedin detail in Ch. 1, there are three 'grades'of consecratedfires, the Dadgahfire, which is basically a hearth-fire; the Adaranfire, which is found in mostordinary fire temples(Agiaries); and the very augustAtash Behram. There are eight Atash Behrams in India: one in Udwada (the Iranshah),one in Navsari, four in Bombay (Dadyseth,Wadiaji, Banaji, and Anjuman),50 and two in Surat (Mody and Vakil). The latter is a Kadmi fire, as are the Dadysethand Banaji Atash Behramsin Bombay; the othersbelong to the Shehenshahicommunity. At the time of writing there are probably just over a hundredAgiaries in the whole of India, forty of which are situatedin Bombay.

Priests Parsi priesthood is hereditary, in the sensethat only boys born into priestly families can be initiated as priests. Many such boys nowadays haveno intentionof becomingfull-time priests.Some simply do not train as priests,but othersundergo the first initiation, the Navar. This entitles one to perform somerituals and to use the title Ervad. To rank as a full- fledged priest one must go on to the secondinitiation, the Martab, thus 52 The Parsis in India obtaining the higher rank of Mobed and the right to perform all rituals. The highestpriestly rank is that of Dastur or 'High Priest', a title that is often (thoughnot necessarily)linked to the function of chief priest of an Atash Behram.There are currently eight Dastursin India. Two are based at Udwada,where they sharethe guardianshipof the Atash Behram,51 the Anjumanand Wadiaji AtashBehrams in Bombayeach have their own Dastur, as have the Navsari Atash Behram and the ShehenshahiAtash Behram of Surat. The 'High Priest of the Deccan',a Dastur residentin Pune, does not serve an Atash Behram, and in 1996 the Anjuman (Community Council) of Bangalore, which has no Atash Behram, appointed its own Dastur. It is virtually impossible to estimate the numbers of other working Zoroastrian priests in India, but a recent educatedguess put this figure at around300. 52 The current lack of enthusiasmfor the priesthood poses severe problems for the long-time future of the community, but it is under- standable.Until a few centuriesago priestsplayed a leading role in the local communitiesand were looked up to with all the reverencepeople of Indian culture tend to feel for religious learning and virtues. Then, especiallyin the last 150 years,a more critical view cameto prevail. Just as manypeople's idea of religion cameto be influencedby Protestantism, so their expectationsof the priesthoodbegan to be modelledon the role of Europeanclergymen, which Parsipriests had not beentrained to fulfil. The ensuingserious loss of social statushad economicconsequences;53 financially, no Parsipriest in India cannow hopeto competewith laymen in employmentrequiring a similar amountof training. As a result few gifted youngsterswho have other options are preparedto enter the profession. If unchecked,this developmentcould lead to a further deteriorationof the reputationof the priesthood. Efforts to remedythis stateof affairs usuallytake the form of increased pay-offers in a few individual cases.54 They seldom address the underlying problem, namely that large sectionsof the Parsi community now requireclear andwell-founded information on the teachingsof their religion, which the averagepriest cannotoffer. Apart from the normal school curriculum, the two training colleges for priests (Madressa)55 teachtheir pupils prayersand rituals, someAvestan and Pahlavi,ancient Iranian history as found in the scriptural tradition and the Shahname,56 and a few hours of elementaryreligious instruction.57 None of this equips a priest for the demands made on a religious leader by a sophisticatedmodem community. As far as can be ascertained,at the time of writing the only organisation aiming to fill this lacuna in priests' knowledge of Zoroastrian doctrine and other relevant subjects is the Athravan EducationalTrust (AET). The Trust was founded in 1986 by a group of communityleaders of traditionalistand neo-traditionalist leanings,58 and

53 The Background was backedsoon afterwardsby the enlightenedindustrialist Naoroji P. Godrej. The Trust'sfirst projectwas a three-yeareducational programme for the priesthood, offering a course of studies including theology, rituals, psychology,sociology and history.59 In its early years the Trust encounteredmuch opposition,not leastfrom priestswho objectedto the Neo-traditionalistelement in the organisation.

Parsi discourse and community debates Suchdefinitions and attitudescontributing to religious changeas canbe inferred from the interviews will be discussedin anotherchapter, but it may be appropriateto note a few relevant points of a more general naturehere. It shouldbe stressedfirst of all that preachingdoes not play a role in Zoroastrianism,and that there is neither a well-defined forum (suchas a Council) wherethe validity of variousviews on religion could be debatedand assessed,nor a priesthoodwell-versed in theology, or indeedan acceptedbody of doctrinesthat could form the basisfor such discussions. At the time of writing developmentswith religious implications mainly seemto occur as a result of community discourse generally,and of public debatesin the press. Given that no effective religious authority exists to counteractsuch developments,ideas and attitudesoriginating in the surroundingculture may cometo be acceptedinto the Parsitradition relatively easily.60While this could theoreticallylead to a disintegrationof the tradition, it seems that the impact of such trends is at least partly counteractedby the discourse of this small and closely-knit community. By assimilating, disregarding or resisting new developments,it seems, community discourseprevents indiscriminate acceptance of alien features,and helps to integratethose which are found acceptableinto the Parsi tradition. As the interviews show, for example,61 it is widely known that reincarnation does not play an obvious role in classical Zoroastrian teaching, but those Parsis who do believe in it state their conviction confidently,apparently without feeling that this impairs their standingas Zoroastrians.The belief in reincarnation- which is of coursecommon in India, is taught by various 'esoteric' Parsi movementsand has been adoptedby manyParsis outside those groups - could thereforebe said to havebecome part of the rangeof beliefs which it is acceptablefor a Parsi to hold. Explanationsfor the absenceof referencesto reincarnationin the Avesta havebecome part of Parsi discourse.62 The fact that some Parsis venerateor pray to the Virgin Mary is apparentlyfelt to be too peripheralto provoke a strong reaction in the community;the very fact that it is ignoredmay help to keepit outsidethe sphereof recognisedParsi observance. On the otherhand there is strong censurein the community of those Parsiswho participatein the cult of

54 The Parsis in India (non-Zoroastrian)'Babas', an apparentlyrecent phenomenonwhich is regardedas significant enoughto threatenthe mentalimage most Parsis have of their religion.63 It remainsto be seenif this negativebut strong interestin Babacults is to be interpretedas an indication that thesecults are forever beyond the pale, or rather as the first step in a processof semi-acceptance. Elementsof non-Zoroastrianorigin which seemto havebeen accepted without muchresistance belong for the mostpart to the sphereof private belief and practice. Issueswhich affect the community as a whole are liable to provoke a great deal of debateand controversy.The forum for suchbattles is usually the Press.In a communitynot notedfor its interest in reading, journalists have been accusedof deliberately exacerbating controversiesin orderto boostsales. The Parsipress mirrors the divisions in the community into an 'orthodox' and a 'liberal' camp: The Bombay Samachar, a Parsi-ownedGujarati daily with a small English section, favours 'modernist'views, while the Jam-e-Jamshed,which has a similar format, is generally more traditional in its opinions.64 Controversies often concernthe questionof who may be recognisedas a genuineParsi and is thus entitled to make use of communityfacilitiesi 65 issueswhich have figured in such debates66 include re-admissionof lapsed Zor- oastrians,the conversionof outsiders,and the statusof Parsiswho have 'married out' and their childrenPAssumptions underlying the various views on thesetopics will be discussedin Ch. 10.

Notes 1 See Boyce 1979: 188; Kulke 1974: 3l. 2 See Writer 1996. 3 See Kulke 1974: 32f. 4 As early as 1673 a piece of land on MalabarHill was madeover to the Parsis for the constructionof Towers of Silence in an appropriatespot, which was thenwell awayfrom the town (seeKulke 1974: 34). MalabarHill is now oneof the mostcoveted and expensiveareas of Bombay,a city whereland pricesare anyhow amongthe highestin the world. 5 Witnessthe needfor a Punchayet,on which seebelow, n. 48. 6 During the 1570s,the ZoroastrianDastur Meherji Ranaexplained the tenetsof his religion with considerablesuccess at the court of the EmperorAkbar (see, with references,Kulke 1974: 31). The Emperorlater deviseda new religion, which comprised elements deriving from Zoroastrianism and Islamic . The late 16th and early 17th century saw the activities of the Zoroastrian mystic Azar Kayvan (on whom see Corbin 1989) and his disciples, who seem to have attempted to combine Zoroastrianismwith elementsof Sufi andHindu thought(Duchesne-Guillemin 1962: 371). It is not known to what extent suchmovements influenced the majority of Parsis,or are to be regardedas symptomsof a more generalquest among Zoroastrians for a deeperunderstanding of religious truth. The Rivayats(a seriesof epistles dating from the 15th to the 18th centurywhich contain questionson religion

55 The Background askedby Parsisand the repliesof the priestsof Iran), suggestthat religion was then still understoodlargely in terms of ritual and observance. 7 For an accountof this processsee Stausberg 1997. 8 For a more detailedaccount see Boyce 1979: 194-5. 9 For a fuller descriptionsee Boyce 1979: 196-7; on Wilson's activities seealso Kulke 1974: 93-4; for an analysis of his arguments see Stausberg1997, Hinnells 1997: 68. 10 See above,n. 6. 11 Since the Zoroastriancalendar has 365 dayswhereas the solar cycle takes365 and a quarterdays to complete,it seemsthat intercalationsof one month had takenplace from time to time in earlierdays. In India a monthmay havebeen intercalated unilaterally in the 12th century CE, which resulted in a discrepancybetween the calendarsof the two communities. 12 Boyce (1979: 189): 1746; Kulke (1974: 21): 1730. 13 Or 'Shenshais';various spellings are found. The term appearsto be connected with the Persianword for 'great king', although this etymology has been challenged (see Boyce 1979: 190). According to Kulke (1974: 21), the Shehenshahisform 93 per cent of the Indian Parsis. 14 Or 'Qadmis',from Arabo-Persianqadim 'ancient'. 15 On differencesin observancesee above, p. 26. 16 i.e. 'seasonalists',as their calendar celebratesthe ancient festivals in the seasonto which they may originally have belonged.The Shehenshahisnow celebratetheir New Year in August, the Kadmis in September.See further Boyce 1979: 212. 17 For referencessee Index. 18 For an exposition of Neo-traditionalistideas see Mistree 1982, and d. the interview with Mr Mistree. 19 See also below, p. 306. 20 For passagesfrom older Reformist sourcessee Boyce 1984: 139-43. 21 See Boyce 1979: 200-02. 22 Sucha movement,though not called by this name,is very much alive among Zoroastriansliving in the West, but its views now seem to evoke little responsein the mothercountry. 23 See Kulke 1974: 99; Boyce 1979: 204; Hinnells 1998: 72. 24 On the existenceof an older form of Zoroastriantheosophy see further below. 25 For passagesfrom older Theosophistsources see Boyce 1984: 136, 155-6. 26 See Boyce 1979: 204. 27 In the Dabestanal-Mazaheb, see Duchesne-Guillemin 1962: 370f. 28 On this figure seeModi 1932; Corbin 1989. 29 See Duchesne-Guillemin1962: 371; on the Dasatir see further Boyce 1979: 197-8. 30 Boyce 1979: 197. 31 See Kotwal and Boyd 1982: 1-2. 32 See Boyce 1979: 204. 33 On Shroff seeHinnells 1988; d. Boyce 1979: 205; accordingto Kulke (1974: 22) he was born in 1857. 34 See Boyce 1979: 205. 35 The term originally seemsto have meant'science of dedications',referring to ritual dedicatoryformulae which accordingto Shroff had great mystical significance; since the word from which khshnoom is derived basically means 'satisfaction', the name is sometimes translated as 'science of satisfaction'.

56 The Parsis in India 36 For a clearer survey of Khshoomist ideas see the interviews with Dr M. Master-Moosand Mr A. Doctor. 37 Beliefs aboutthe comingof BahramVarzavand (Guj. BehramVarjavand) seem to have been prominent in Zoroastrian communities in Iran in the first centuriesafter the Arab conquest;they are now combinedwith the ancient prophecythat a saviourwill appear3000 yearsafter Zarathustra. 38 MeherBaba was a Zoroastrianand is presumablystill reveredby someParsis, but as no referencewas madeto him by any of our informantshis cult is not discussedseparately here. 39 His real namewas JamshedjiS. Madan. For referencesto Kookadaruin the interviews seeIndex. 40 d. the interview with Ervad Yazdi Aibara. 41 SeeMenant 1898: 67. 42 Generallya Baj, in somecases an Ijashne or evena Vendidad (seeabove, p. 10). 43 Witness,for example,the venerationsfor Faridun,on which seeabove, p. 41 n.19. 44 Reportedin Parsiana, July-August1995. 45 The resultsof the censusare, however, widely regardedwith scepticismin the community. 46 See Bulsarain Boyce 1979: 208. 47 See the interview with Mr Tamboly. 48 Alternative spellingsof last word of the title are 'Panchayat'and 'Panchayet'. For the history of this institution, which beganas an organisationestablished by laymen to administerand rule the Parsi communityin Bombaybut now mainly concernsitself with the administration of public Parsi funds and charitableTrusts, seeKulke 1974: 61-7, 69-77. 49 I am indebtedfor this information to Mr KP. Mistree (oral communication, 10 September1995). 50 For the foundationdates of the BombayAtash Behrams see Kulke 1974: 21, n. 27. SlOneof theseDasturs, Dasturji Dr H.K Mirza, lives in Bombay and takesan active part in the religious affairs of that city. 52 KP. Mistree, oral communication,10 September1995. 53 Seealso Kulke 1974: 77-8. 54 At the time of writing the AthornanMandaI (a priestly organisationformed to 'to safeguardand protectthe tradition of the religion and chastiseany priest who commits anti-religious acts') and the Indian branch of the World ZoroastrianOrganisation (for referencesto which seeIndex) togetheroperate a schemeto encourageprospective priests. They offer financial assistanceto Madressagraduates to enablethem to continuetheir seculareducation, with the proviso that they have to work as full-time priestsfor a numberof years after completingtheir studies. 55 The Athornan Boarding Madressaat Dadar (Bombay) and the M.E Cama Athornan Institute at Andheri (a Bombay suburb). The Sir J.J. Madressaat Dhobi Talao (Bombay) is not a training schoolfor priestsbut offers classesin Avestanand Pahlavi to all who wish to learn. Information lowe to Mrs S.N. Munshi. 56 This is a New Persiansource, written by a Muslim but largely basedon the ancient myths of Iran. As it offers the most accessibleaccount of these mythical stories it is widely acceptedby many Parsis as a part of their tradition. 57 Information lowe to Dastur Dr. EM. Kotwal, the erstwhile Principal of the Andheri Madressa.

57 The Background 58 viz. Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal, Mr Homi Ranina,and membersof 'Zoroastrian Studies'. 59 The Trust hasalso held Seminarson religion, fundedpublications, and set up a medicalinsurance scheme for priests.Information lowe to Mr K.P. Mistree (oral communication,15 September1995). 60 SeeH. Langstaff'sfindings quotedin Hinnells 1997: 87, and d. Maneck1994. 61 For referencesto the topics discussedhere seeIndex. 62 The explanationthat the Avesta is silent on the subjectbecause Parsis have reacheda spiritual level that makesfurther incarnationunnecessary is scoffed at by sceptics,but appearsto be widely known (for referencessee Index). 63 The view that adherenceto one religion implies that one should not participate in observancesoriginating in others, may itself have been influenced by Western definitions. In 1819, when British influence on the Parsi communitywas gaining strength,the Punchayetforbade Parsi women to take part in Hindu and Muslim observances(Menant 1898: 251-3). This suggeststhat such practices had been common before Western views on religion madethem seemun-Zoroastrian. 64 The Jam-e-Jamshedis said to havea wider readershipamong Parsis, whilst the readershipof the Samacharapparently includes relatively large numbersof non-ParsiGujarati-speakers. At times of controversymany Parsisbuy both publications. Other periodicals playing a role in such debatesinclude the magazineParsiana, perhapsbest describedas 'middle of the road', and the ultra-conservativeperiodical Deen Parast (see the interview with its Editor, Noshir Dadrawalla). The former is widely read by Parsis throughout the world, the latter mainly by thosewho shareits views. 65 See also Hinnells 1997: 88. 66 A list of instancescould be given. Since the communityis still traumatisedby the memory of some of these controversies,however, and as it would be virtually impossible to give an accountdoing absolutejustice to all parties involved, it seemsbest to refrain from doing sohere. For brief referencesto two suchcases see the Index, underShah, Wadia. 67 There is much debate,for example,about the current unofficial practice of acceptingchildren of Parsi fathersbut not thoseof Parsi mothers,and about the right of a child of mixed parentageto be initiated as a priest.

58 Part Two The Interviews Chapter Four Traditionalists

MRS 0 Mrs 0 wasborn in 1948 in a Gujarativillage; her father wasa farmer and the family were Behdins.There were many children and Mrs 0 waspartly raised by her maternal grandmotherin Navsari. She married into the priestly class and has two sons. The account gives examples of the differencesin outlook and atmospherebetween lay andpriestly families, and clearly representsa 'traditionalist'point of view. The interview was conductedin Gujarati. Mrs Munshi first asksMrs 0 where she was born. In the village of Ramkuva,we were six sistersand one brother. I was born at 4.30 a.m., and as it was the morning of Hormazd roj, my mother used to celebrate my birthday on that day. But after my marriage B. [her husband] said that 4.30 a.m. still belongs to the previousroj, so sincethen I havecelebrated my birthdaya day earlier.1 Mrs 0 was taughther prayersat primary school-a Parsischool where it was obligatory to wear a Parsicap, an hour was devotedto religion each day, and on hamkara days pupils were taken to the fire temple before classesbegan. The prayers she learned included the Navjote prayers (Yatha Ahu Vairyo, AshemVohu, Kem-NaMazda, HormazdKhodae), and later the Khorshed Meher Niyayesh. A book, the Navjot Shikshak ('Navjote Teacher')was usedto elucidatequestions on religion. The meaningsof the prayerswere not taught, and the pupils would not have thought of asking. 'We just said yes to whatever we were told to do.' Monajats (devotionalsongs) were not taught,nor were moral religious storiestold, but school prizes tended to consist of books telling stories from the Shahname.Religion was also taughtin the secondaryschool which Mrs 0 attended,but studentsgradually lost interestas they grew older. Mrs 0's religious education was reinforced at home. Her grandmother, an

61 The Interviews observantZoroastrian, was very strict and refusedto servedinner until the children had said their prayers: Our grandmotherwould tell us to get up early in the morning and recite AshemVohu, then we did our kusti beforeattending to the daily routine. My grandmothersent to the Fire Temple for nirang every day [for ritual cleansing] - no, not nirang, taro.2 And she recited the Shekaste,shekaste Shay tan daily.3 If sometimesthere was no taro, she took ashin her handand madeus do the same.However, she did not make us do it [the Shekasteritual] regularly and I do not rememberit very well; after my grandmotherdied no one did it and we have forgotten now. But we always had to say our prayersbefore going to bed. What did you pray at night? Whenwe weresmall, Grandmaused to makeus recite our prayersbut whenI grew up I recitedthe Aiwisruthrim geh, AtashNiyayesh, and Mah Bokhtar Niyayesh[which do not form part of the basicNavjote prayers] from the book, and as I beganto understandthings betterI gradually startedpraying more, of my own accord. Did your grandmotherkeep the fire burning for twenty-fourhours? Yes, andshe kept the kitchen absolutelyclean. Since the fire was in the kitchen, the kitchen door was always kept half-shut so that servants would not go in. No matter how ill she was, she would clean the kitchen andthe fireplace herself,she never asked anyone else to do it.4 Did she also keep a diva burning? No, shewas not rich enoughto keep a diva as well as the fire, but she definitely had a diva on every Behram raj. She had a lot of faith in Homaji, whoseraj is Govad raj, and shelighted a diva for him on that day; she also did it on birthdays.5 What about laban? In the morning, after the sweepingwas done and the chalk patterns were made, my grandmotherusually did laban herself; she did not allow us to do it for fear that we might drop the incenseburner. When shewas too old to carryonwe starteddoing it. Laban wasnot doneat night, but it was customaryto bow before the light in the evenings when the lamps were lit. A small garland, which was brought speciallyby the flower seller, would be put on the lamp. Do you comefrom a Behdin or an Athornanfamily? We are Behdinsand we lived in Malesar,where there are no Mobeds [priests],6 only Behdins,and only Shehenshahis.I did not know there was a Kadmi group till I was quite old.

62 Traditionalists Do you rememberwhat happenedon important parabs? My grandmothersent us to the neighbourhoodAgiary. Not to the Atash Behram? The AtashBehram was in Mota Faliya, which is quite far from Malesar where we lived, and we went there only on Navroz and Pateti. We only visited the Atash Behramon very festive occasions,and then we went happily, wearingnew clothes. But you were describing how your grandmothercelebrated the parabs. On the parab for Fire the fire was kept burningthroughout the day, my grandmotherlit the divo, a box of sandalwoodwas placed by the fireplace and sandalwoodwas offered in eachgeh. She would recite prayers and make us pray too. On Daepadarroj we cleaned the kitchen,washed the platform, andwiped it with a cleancloth. And on the wall over the fireplace Grandmamade us write the words Dadar Hormazdni Madad Hojoji [May the Creator Ohrmazd aid us] with kharaptu and kumkum.She madeus draw a ladle and thongsand put chalk designson the platform of the fireplace. Thenshe lit the divo and put coconut,betel leaves,flowers andall thosethings in the silver tray, andrecited the AtashNiyayesh, and made all of us recite it. The fire was kept burning for the entire Adar roj, Grandmagot up in the night to feed the fire and keep it going; on other daysshe put the fire to sleep by coveringit with ash. In the morning the fire was usedfor cooking. Did you cook on the samefire on Adar roj? Yes, we had no other meansof cooking, so we had no choice. And what about the Ava rojnu parab [the birthday of the Waters]? On Ava roj a bus was hired especiallyfor all the Parsisof the Malesar neighbourhood,and we all went to pay our respectsto Ava Yazad. Our examswere over by then so we used to enjoy it a lot, and we always looked forward to going on the bus to Ava Yazad. We would go to the harbour,where there was a lot of water; therewere also two busesfrom Mota Faliya, and two from Malesar,and a big Jashan was performed under a shamiana [awning, open tent] by many priests. Money for the Jashan camefrom the laity. Parsissold food, ice-cream and other things, and there was a programme of entertainment, conductedby one Homi Katrak. We alwayswent as far into the water as possible, and offered flowers, sugar candy, etc. Nowadays the watershave receded very far, but the Jashanis still donewhere the sea usedto be. Did you also perform a ritual near the wells in your own neighbourhood? We did not havea well, althoughmost Parsi houses did. But therewas one in a compoundnearby, so on parab daysor other auspiciousdays

63 The Interviews Grandmatold us to offer flowers, sugarcandy, etc. The peopleof the neighbourhoodused to makea net of flowers to offer to the well. The water in the well near us was consideredto be very efficacious. Whenever the Baj ritual had to be done for anyone in the neighbourhoodwater was drawn from this well early in the morning; Grandmawould give her own rope and pot. As I said, most people had wells, and on Avanu parab everyonecleaned their wells and lit a divo there, and we understoodthat we had to say our prayersthere. Did you celebrate the Farvardiyannu parab [the feast of the Fravashisl? In Navsaripeople went to Doongerwadi[the Tower of Silence] on that day. We did not go there,as we weresmall andGrandma sent us to the fire temple instead. Otherwise I do not remembermuch about the Farvardiyannu parab. Did you celebrateany other parab in your house? On Mehermahino Meher roj Grandmawould tell us to get a garlandof rosesfor the portrait of Zarathustrain our house?On all parabs and Gahambarsshe sent us to the fire temple to light a divo. She used to recite her own prayersand told us to do the same,but we did not know what to pray. Mrs 0's grandmotherused to pray and have rituals done for Homaji everyGovad roj, but Mrs 0 doesnot know why shehad so muchfaith in Homaji. Bahmanmahino was observed by the whole family,S andBahman mahino Bahmanroj must havebeen colourful: On Bahmanmahino Bahmanroj we had to feed khichri to the dog and grassto the cow,9 that is what grandmothertold us to do. On that day all the boys from Malesarand Mota Faliya went from one Parsihouse to another, in their own neighbourhoodand elsewhere.They sang songsand collecteddal, rice, and other ingredientsfor making khichri. Some peoplegave them somemoney, others gave wood for the fire. Then they madethe khichri, fed someto the dogsfirst and ate the rest themselves,with a lot of fun and laughter. Everyone contributed willingly, and peoplelooked out for the boys if they were late. Mrs 0 also has vivid memoriesof her Navjote: My Navjote was done when I was seven years old. It was on my uncle'ssecond or third deathanniversary,lO on Adar mahino Behram roj. I rememberit was a Friday. My aunt had it done [i.e. paid for it], my sister's Navjote and mine together. My aunt and uncle were bringing my sisterup andwere very fond of her. Mine was performed by CawasdaruRaoji, whom I liked very much, he looked so benign. Wheneverwe saw Cawasdaruwe felt we were in the presenceof a greatman. He prayedin a divine voice.

64 Traditionalists So my Navjote took placein my own neighbourhood,in my Aunt's house.As the day was Adar mahino Behram raj and it was a Friday, there were lots of Navjotes being done in the neighbourhood.My uncle was in sucha hurry that I was given the nahn in broaddaylight, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. The nahn was done by a priest from Cawasdaru's[i.e. under his direction], but then Cawasdaruhimself just did not come. He had so many Navjotes to do - it seemedan endlesswait! After the Navjote we had to go to the Adarian [i.e. Agiary] next door to pay our respects,and Cawasdaruhad tied my kusti so loosely that it slippedoff as I walked, and my motherquickly put it backon again.After payingour respectsto the Adarian I went to visit my grandmotherin Vandari Mohalla [a part of the town] to ask for her blessing, and then went back to my Auntie's in Agiary Mohalla. Do you rememberwho stitched the sudreh? My aunt had madeeverything, as shewas from a priestly family. She also madethe dressfor my Navjote. Mrs 0 cannot rememberwhat prayers she was made to recite on the occasion,or whether a machi was offered. She did not go to Udwada afterwards,nor was she taken to an Atash Behramin Navsari: There was no family-memberto take us! My father did not pay much attention to us. He spent a lot of his money on his friends and on drink. We grew up in poverty, andmy two eldestsisters were takento Bombayby my aunt .... How were the laws of purity observedin your mother's and grandmother's house? We had to segregateourselves during menstruation.In our village my mother had a bed with an iron frame, around which thick bandsof cottonwebbing were wrapped.For the houseworkFather used to hire a servant.In Navsarialso, from the time we weresmall, we weremade to sit separately,and Grandmahad an iron bed. We had to wrap the webbing around it ourselves.When our period was over we had to remove the cotton webbing, wash it, fold it, and put it away for the next month. Did you go to school on those days? Yes we did. Grandmahanded us all the books and whenwe returned from school we handedthem back to her. She sprinkled them with water, put them back on the table and handedus other books we might need.So Grandmamade us follow the laws of purity as much as possible. When she died we went to live at our juiji's [paternal aunt's],and she said, 'I am not going to take all that troubleover you, I

65 The Interviews don'tcare whether you observethese laws or not.' We wereyoung and ignorant and we thought that our fuiji was a great lady and that Grandmahad been cruel to makeus go throughall that. But Grandma loved us so much, and took suchgood careof us. She was very strict asfar as the laws of purity wereconcerned. For four dayswe could not usewater to bathe[in the ordinary way] and we were not allowed to touch any wood.ll Our plates were made of tin or of pure glass.12 Everything was kept separate.Even the bathroomdoor was of iron. She would not even give us water directly. There was a small basin behindthe toilet-cum-bathroom,which wasconnected to that room, so if she pouredwater into the basin we got it through the connecting pipe and filled up our bucket.13 If we neededwater to drink we could not just hold the glassin our handsand ask for water. Grandmaused to be very angryif we did that. Shemade us put it down andonly then did she give us water. She always told us not to use too much water during menstruation,it was like rationing. Did you mind? No, everyonein our neighbourhoodfollowed theselaws so we did not think we had a choice. It was an exclusively Parsi neighbourhood, everyone followed the laws of purity and if someone needed somethingthey would ask anotherwoman, 'Dhunmai, pleasecome, I need some oil'. So peoplewould help eachother. Theselaws were followed by Parsiseven at school. Were you allowed to do your kusti and say your kusti prayers at such times? Grandmasaid we should not do it. Our sudreh and kusti, even our slippers,everything had to be changed[Le. specialarticles of clothing had to be used]. Afterwards those things were put away in a steel trunk, to be usedagain the next month. Apart from school, were you allowed to go anywhere?Could you wander about in your neighbourhood? Nowhere! We just had to sit in a comer. Only school" was allowed becausethat was compulsory.We had to observethe laws of purity very strictly. Once, on a very hot summer's night when my grandmotherwas asleep,I quietly got out of bed and went to sleep in my own bed, saying to myself that I would sneakback to the iron bed before Grandmawoke up.14 But she woke up before me, and when shefound me my own bed shemade such a fuss that the whole neighbourhoodgathered around, and she told them all about my 'wicked'deed! What happenedwhen your period was over? Before we hadour bathGrandma made us removethe cottonwebbing from the iron bed and pour water over it. Then we went into the 66 Traditionalists bathroom and had our bath. Grandmathen sprinkled taro over the area, and had it cleanedwith water. It was very tiresomehaving to wash the thick cotton webbing, and to put it back on the bed the following month. Gradually people beganto fix sheetsof iron over their beds.I askedGrandma to do this also. Is there anything else you would like to add concerningthe laws of purity? Well, we werenot allowed to go anywhere.Once we were invited to a wedding,for four days,and it wasjust whenmy period was due. Sure enough,it beganat an awkwardtime, and I knew I would not be pure in time for the wedding. So I decidedto brazenit out and not to say anything to Grandma.I was pure again two days before the actual weddingceremony, though. But Grandmakept wonderinghow I had misseda period. Did you not feel guilty, taking part in the rituals in a impure state? I was in the courtyardfor most of the time, playing and singing, and therewere not many rituals being done.If therewas a ritual I did not takepart in it. We did not haveto go to the fire templeor anythingand as I said, two daysbefore the weddingI was pure again. Therewas a Navjote at the sametime as the wedding. I was invited to that and I went. I was youngand innocentat the time and did not realisewhat I wasdoing. Of coursewhen my grandmotherdied andwe went to live with my aunt we had total freedom in that respect.We were very happy. Once, on Dusseraday [a Hindu festival] I was having my period but taking advantageof my aunt'sviews, I was getting ready to go to the Dusserafair. However,I wasstopped by my sister'ssister- in-law. (Thesesisters-in-law were strict believersin the laws of purity and observedthem scrupulously.)She said that she would not go to the fair if I went. Eventually I gave in and did not go, but I was not matureenough to understandwhy it would havebeen improper for me to go. When my aunt died we went to live with my motherin the village and thereof coursewe had to observeall the purity laws. That continuedafter I got married. About the communalfestivals known as Gahambar, Mrs 0 says: In Navsari Gahambars were held very often. When the Gahambar in memoryof Sir J.J. UamsetjeeJejeebhoy] was held, someonewould go roundfrom Baug to Baug,inviting peopleto attend.The Gahambarwas for men and children, not for women. It was generally done in the afternoon,and rice, dal andkachumbar [salad] wereserved. Once a year there was a Sheri [Gahambar for women], to which women only were invited. All the womenfrom Malesarwent. It was held on a day in the month of Dae; it was held in turns for the people from Vandari Mohalla, Vachha Mohalla and MalesarMohalla, on different days, at

67 The Interviews JamshedBaug. Peoplecould contributeto the cost if they wished,but it wasnot compulsory.Each mohalla [city quarter] hasits own fund for the Gahambar of their mohalla. They have Gahambarsin Navsari even now. Jashanscould be performedon theseoccasions, and during the big Gahambarsof Malesarthe priestswere servedmeals separately near the entranceof the main hall of JamshedBaug. On Farvardin mahino, Ashishvangraj, Jashans were performedin Mota Faliya and Malesar. The Borkharivalasfrom Malesarused to hold a Gahambarwhere val [a kind of pulse] would be served,since it was the time of the new crop. A Jashan was done in the evening,and peoplewere given val ne rotli [val and bread].They also took this to elderly peoplewho could not come. Whenpeople sat down for the Gahambarmeal they were first served fruit which had beenconsecrated during the Jashan,and then val and bread.As funds increaseda side-dishwas sometimesserved, or val ne khariya [val and trotters]. Mrs Munshi then askedMrs 0 whether she rememberedany occasion when her family offered animal to the nearbyshrine of Jivan Mama, to placate the demonesswho is thought to cause smallpox. Although the shrine is originally a Hindu one, the cult seemsto have beenincorporated into Parsi observance.Mrs 0 says: I do not remember it all, but I have some memories to do with smallpox. When I was eight my elder sister got the disease,then my youngersister, and then I. My elder sister and I had it very badly; it would seemto get betterand then erupt again.Some people said that perhapsthe shadowof a menstruatingwoman had fallen on us; others told my grandmotherto rub a certain kind of stones together and apply the pasteto our bodies.All kinds of treatmentwere tried, and after we were curedGrandma gave us new clothes to wear and took us somewhere.I think she had made a vow to a deity, but I do not rememberwhere she took us. Was anything done in the house? Larvas were madeand someceremony was performed.Grandma also did somethingat Shitla Mata's temple [a Hindu shrine]. Did your grandmotheror your parents believein Babas or shrines belonging to other religions? My grandmotherwas very strict about that sort of thing; she did not believe in it. 1S But my fuiji is a greatbeliever in Sai Baba. The one who married a priest? Yes. She usedto bring ashand photographsof Sai Baba and gaveone to my mother also. My mother did not do anythingelaborate but she

68 Traditionalists did keep his picture. I don't know if my mother ever went to Shirdi [Sai Baba'sashram], but my aunt went there every month, and her husbandwas completelycrazy aboutSai Baba. He died in an accident in a train while returning from one of his trips to Shirdi. In Navsari there usedto be a shrine dedicatedto GomatPir,16 and peoplehad a lot of faith in that. My grandmotherand maternaluncle seemedto go there often, and I went there myself once or twice, but when I grew older and beganto understandthings better I stopped going. Did your grandmotherfast, or have any non-Zoroastrianbeliefs? No, she did not believe in any other form of religion. But when my mother had any problems,the servantfrom my juiji's housewould adviseher to do all sortsof things. On Mondayssomething was done for Shankar.And my motherused to get togetherwith this maid and follow her instructions,like making larvas from jaggery, recite some story on Mondays,and so on. Still, all this graduallystopped. Both Mrs 0's mother and grandmotherused to do the Mushkil Asan ceremonyevery Friday. Mrs Munshi thenasks Mrs 0 abouther marriage: Was yours a marriage of your own choice or was it an arranged marriage? Were objections raised because,coming from a lay family, you married a priest? My mother was against marrying into a priestly family, simply becausewe might not be able strictly to observeall the laws of purity. So my mother was not keen. Mrs 0 goeson to explain that her sister and her future sister-in-lawhad beenclassmates and fixed it up betweenthem, taking into accountthe possibledifficulties. My sisterasked my sister-in-lawwhether I would be requiredto wear a scarf and keep my headcovered all the time, and my sister-in-law said that this was not obligatory. I had no idea what would be expectedof me, and I had quite a few dressesmade. On the other handI hadonly thetwo sarisI hadbeen given for the weddingrituals. I had no ordinary saris,and I had only one headscarf.But as soon as we reachedNagpur, where we went to live after the wedding,Basked me to wear a sari, since our housewas to be in the compoundof the fire temple in Nagpur. As far as the weddingitself was concerned,B's relativesknew a lot about rituals, whereasmy motherhad no suchknowledge - she just did whatevershe was told to do.17 Mrs 0's own family did not havemany rituals performed.The wedding took place in the village of Vyara, which was more convenient than 69 The Interviews Navsari for various relatives. From the start Mrs 0's husbandwas very particular about her attire. As she had been trained 'always to be submissiveand obedient', she did asshe was told. After the weddingthe couplewent to Navsarito visit the Atash Behram;the next day they went to Udwadaand then on to Nagpur,where her husbandwas the panthaki ('parishpriest'). Mrs 0 describesher life there in the following terms: As I now belongedto a priestly family I had to keep my headcovered constantly,since that was the customat Nagpur.And I absolutelyhad to weara sari. For a priestin Nagpurthere was no way he could avoid wearingthe clothespriests were supposedto wear. So from then on I got into the habit of keepingmy headcovered. I did not know all this beforeI was married. B did not say anythingwhen I wore dressesfor the first few days,but then he said he would not stay with me if I did not wear saris. I told him I had no saris, and my sister-in-law also pointed that out to him. In any case,she came to the rescueand we went to the bazaarand bought some ordinary saris. Inside the houseI had to wear long gowns, short dresseswere simply not allowed. I gradually got usedto all this. What did you have to do as a priest's wife? My in-laws were very good to me and I was never madeto feel that I was an outsiderliving in their house.My mind was at ease,there were no tensions. I watched my sister-in-law and gradually learned my duties aroundthe house.At NagpurI had to help with making things like drons,18 for the Dron or Baj ritual was performedevery day. I had never done this until then, although I had seenit done as a child in Navsari. (In Navsari such ceremoniesare done at home, usually as prayersfor the dead.A lady usedto cometo my grandmother'shouse to makethe drons on our charcoalfire,19 so I hadseen how it was done.) When I cameto NagpurI learnedthe exactway of making drons from an aunt who usedto come over to our housefor the purpose. Mrs 0 goes on to describe the exact procedure,and says that her husbandhimself makes the drons for special rituals,or for membersof his own family, taking great care to observeall rules of purity. Most of the ritual food, however,used to be preparedby the women of the house, who got up around 4.30 a.m. every morning. This was particularly onerousduring pregnancy,and the conversationmoves on to the birth of Mrs 0's first child. When she was pregnant, the panchmasyuwas performedby her sister-in-lawaccording to written instructionsfrom an older sister-in-law,since no elderly relativeswere availableto direct the procedures.Mrs 0's agharni (which is generally done in the seventh month) was donewhen shewas alreadynine monthspregnant, and she went to her mother'shouse in Navsariat that time. She had her baby in

70 Traditional ists the Parsi Lying-in Hospital in Navsari, where she stayedfor forty days, then the nahn was administeredby her husbandand she returned to Nagpur within the week. Her secondchild was born in a hospital in Nagpur,which had a specialParsi section. The traditional ceremoniesfor youngchildren - suchas the chatthi, besnaand pagladu20 - were donefor both children by Mrs 0's sister-in-law according to her elder sister's instructions(the gorni was not donebecause no one could be found who could give instructions.)21Mrs 0 herselfwas too busy to deal with such things. About babies,Mrs 0 further says: It wasvery difficult to managethings with them,especially during my periods.When I was breastfeeding,B would give them a bath, gently set them down on a newspaperon the floor, and hand them back to me wrappedin the paper.22 The childrenwere named according to the rasi system,which determines the child's initials on the basisof its horoscope.Asked aboutthe details of her devotionallife Mrs 0 says: As soon as I get up I have a bath and recite the Hoshbam prayer, no matterhow muchwork I haveahead of me. I havenow also begunto recite the Ushahin geh. Then I start my householdchores. We are so usedto thesethings that they havebecome automatic: as soon as one leavesthe toilet one doesone's kusti .... I was alreadyused to these things from childhoodand I continuedto observethem. Still, living in a fire temple compounddid meanthat things were followed rather more strictly. I always used to pray in the Havan geh, and then someonetold me to pray theJaraziyat in the Aiwisruthrim geh as well, so I did that. Then gradually I beganto pray in the Uziran geh also. Then, recently, B was away from home and I had more time than normally, and I said to myself, 'Why not pray in the Ushahingeh too?' Sincethen I havebeen reciting prayersin all five gehs. Now that I have got into the habit I try to keep it up. As soonas I wake up I recite the Ushahin geh, Hoshbam,Mah Bokhtar and Atash Niyayesh,then I start the householdwork. Since everyoneis used to my prayer times now no one disturbsme. At first they used to make fun of me. Even B said, 'You are praying so much, you'll go nuts.' I also have this idea aboutnot putting clothesI haveworn outside back into the cupboard[so I go out as little as possible].When I have beenout to shop I must have touchedsomeone who was menstruat- ing, or comeinto contactwith someimpure person,so how can I put those clothes back in my cupboard?And, since B insists on my wearingsaris, it meansthat eachtime threepieces of clothing haveto be washed- sari, blouse and petticoat.So I rarely go out and spend my whole day in prayer.

71 The Interviews Asked whethershe has a favourite Yazata, Mrs 0 says: When I was youngI did not evenknow what a hamkarawas. I went to the fire templeregularly, and one day a friend askedme if I had come becauseit was a hamkara day. I had no idea! My grandmotherthought that Behramroj was special,so I knew that, and also aboutHormazd roj. It was only later that I learned that Hormazd, Ardibehesht, Behram and 5arosh roj are important days. But I consider all days equallyimportant. My motherwas very fond of Ram roj; Ram is to do with joy and with weddings;she chosethat day for our wedding ... Mrs Munshi then askswhat Mrs 0 feels abouther husband'sprofession and about the fact that their children have also beentrained as priests: I like it very much indeed.When I first went to Nagpurand saw him [her husband]giving the boy I was very happy; it feels very good [to see him serve the fire] and he prays in a melodiousvoice, which is very soothing. I got a lot of knowledgeabout our religion from him. As a Behdin I knew very little; eventhe way I did my kusti was wrong ... B taughtme how to do it properly. So I was very proud to learn all this. I never had the slightestdoubt about marrying a priest, neither beforenor after. You pray so much. What do you feel about these prayers? Do you pray becauseyou know it is a good thing to do, or do you feel at peace,or is it just force of habit? Well, it has become a habit now but it also gives me strength. If anythinguntoward is about to happenyou can feel it inside. But the strengthof prayersgives you the confidencethat nothingwill really go wrong. I often tell B that nothingbad is going to happen.One does not feel frightened about adverse circumstances,because one has this inner strength. Are the laws of purity observedeven by the men in your house? In Navsarimy father did not haveany idea of suchmatters. Of course he had a bath after a haircut, but when he came in in the afternoon after a shaveI am not so sure [if he took the trouble to havea bath]! I learnedmore aboutthese things after my marriage.My grandmother had taught me not to cut my nails after a bath. If we did that, we would create nasu and would have to take a bath again. So I knew about these minor points. But in B's house the observanceswere followed morestrictly. Whenhe shavedhe saton an iron stool without touching anything, and he had a bath immediately afterwards.The children have also beenbrought up to do this. My son now wearsa beard becauseevery time he shaved,B was worried that he might touch somethingin the house [before he had purified himself]. My

72 Traditionalists sister'sand sister-in-law's children follow theserules when they come to our house,I do not know what they do at home. The family observesseveral parabs, keepsa vegetrariandiet throughout Bahman mahino, and goes to the Towers of Silence on the parab of Farvardiyan.Mrs 0 always recitesthe entire Farvardin Yasht at this time, which takesa hour and a half. The family hasno hearthfire but on Adar mahino, Adar roj, Mrs 0 lights a divo and keeps a fire burning continuouslyin a big vessel,taking its ashesto the fire temple. During the month of Avan (thoughnot necessarilyon Ava mahino, Ava roj, when thereis usuallya lot of work in the fire temple),dalni poris are takento the sea. Mrs 0 feels that the Waters, and in particular the Bhikha Behram Well in Bombay, havehelped her and her family: After B had problems of a legal nature, we have begun to visit the Bhika BehramWell at leastonce a month. Five yearsago when B had trouble with his Trusteeshere, someonetold us to go to the Bhikha Behram Well and ask for help, and to take a vow that we would go there once every month if our problemswere solved. So the Well helped you? Yes, I am sure it did. Wheneverwe are faced with trouble [now], we automaticallyknow what is to be done,and how. I wasnot in the habit of reciting the Ava Yasht, but after our troublesstarted I beganto recite it everyday.(It was the beginningof Ava mahino when the problems erupted.) Do you go to the Well in a particular geh? You can go in the Havan or the Uziran geh. We usually go in the Uziran, sometimeslater in the Havangeh, at 10.30 or 11 a.m. Do you recite anything in particular when you go to the Well? I usually recite the Ava Yasht,but if thereis not enoughtime I pray the Ava Niyayesh.I have alreadysaid my prayersat homeby that time. Do you offer a net of flowers every month? No, I take flowers and sugarcandy. And what about the well here in your own fire temple? Yes, people have a lot of faith in this well also. So I recite the Ava Niyayeshthere every day in the evening,in the Uziran geh. Mrs 0 then goes on to describeher grandmother'sdeath and funeral. Many family memberswere presentat the death,and all kept praying the AshernVohu all night. In orderto saveher relativestrouble and expense the old lady had kept a pile of sandalwoodand incensein a trunk for the variousfunerary services. Funerary ceremonies were doneat homeand in the fire temple for a full year. Immediately after the death, ceremonies

73 The Interviews were performedat home in Navsari. The last bath was administeredby womenfrom the neighbourhood,who alwayscome when there has been a deathsince the immediatefamily is usually not in a fit stateto cope. The body was carried to the Tower by professional pallbearersand only accompaniedby men (womennot beingallowed to attendthe ceremonies at the Tower in Navsari).All the later ceremonieswere also observedwith great care, with the neighbours advising about correct procedure wheneverthe family was at a loss. A Vendidad ceremonywas performed in Navsari 25 yearsafter her grandmotherdied. About her experienceof the power of prayer,Mrs 0 says: Recently, when we had a lot of problemswith the Trustees,an old priest who is a friend of B's gave us the nirang of Behramto recite. It was to be recited after praying the Haptan Yasht Vadi, and after finishing the recitationwe had to recite 'Ya Farman Kam', which is one of the 101 Namesof God, 303 times. I had tremendousfaith in this prayerformula andit did us a lot of good. My motherhad an old book of nirangs. My sisterhad problemswith her pregnancies,she had had a lot of miscarriages,and in this book there was a nirang [prayer formula] againstmiscarriages; it had to be written with saffron water. So my mothermade the saffron water and with it shewrote down the nirang, and tied it on my sister'swaist. The words were written in Avestan,she copied them exactly as they were written [in the book], and tied it on her waist accordingto the instructions.Of course[my sister] was also having medical treatment,but we felt that the nirang did help her. Have you ever given nirangs to anyone? No, I don't know enoughto do that. Could you describe the Behram Yasht Nirang in more detail? A part of the BehramYasht, the 16th section,has to be recited eight or nine times, and we recite it that way. Even now? Yes, we continueto recite it althoughthe specific problemfor which it was given no longer exists. Mrs Munshi then asksMrs 0 what traditionalsongs she knows, and Mrs o recalls a few, including one monajat which her grandmothermade her recite23 daily after shehad finished her prayers.The conversationreturns to the subject of Mrs O's sons training for the priesthood,and Mrs Munshi asks if Mrs 0 would be happy for them to becomefull-time priests.Mrs 0 replies: I would be very happyand proud if my sonslearned the prayersand rituals and becamefull-time priests.I would haveno objection, and I 74 Traditionalists am very happy now to see them take part in rituals and prayers.I encouragethem to carryondoing it. M [her son] is now learningto do the Baj, and I am eager to see that they learn fast. But he makes conditions,only as a joke of course,saying that he'll learn the Baj if we give him this and that. Is it difficult and different, being a priest? Yes, it is different. Everythinghas to be donewith greatcare and very precisely. A lot of practice is neededto learn to do his. I have no objections if they learn this art and become sincere and dedicated priests.

MR BURJOR H. ANTIA Burjor H. Antia (1946) is a well-known lawyer who plays a prominent role in the community,being a Trusteeof somefifteen charitableTrusts. Although Mr Antia moves in circles where modernist ideas tend to predominate,his views are strongly traditionalist. The presentwriter attendedthe interview. In the courseof a short sketch of his career, Mr Antia says that he comes from a priestly family, and himself studied at the M.P. Cama Athornan Institute24 for eight years, which inculcated in him the traditions and principles of the Zoroastrianreligion. He feels that his presentposition in life is due to his religious training. Later Mr Antia studied scienceand eventuallyhe took up law, graduatingin 1958. Mr Antia now combinesa prominentposition in the world of businesswith an active role in social and communitywork. He concludes,'In short, I am following the principle of our ProphetZarathustra to make others happyin every day and every minute of their lives.' Asked about his childhood, Mr Antia says that, coming from a priestly family, he was steepednot only in the moral principles of Zoroastrianismbut also in the daily practicesand customs. So from my childhood I lived with these and, looking back at the eventsthat have happened,I can say that our tarikats, our traditions, our customsand usagesare part of our religion and they cannotbe ignored. If you ignore this then you will be in peril. Tarikats are nothing but a path, a rule, rules to know the religion; without tarikats you cannot perform our religion. For example,what are our tarikats which I observedfrom my childhood?That in the morning whenyou get up, first you haveto do shekasteshekaste Shay tan, then take the taro, and then you have to do the kusti. And then wheneveryou go to the toilet you haveto performthe kusti. All theseare tarikats. Before taking 75 The Interviews your food you haveto pray to God, do your kusti, beforeyou go to bed you have to do your kusti. All theseare the real tarikats which I went through, and I still believe after forty, fifty years,that they are worth following for all time to come, until my dying day. About his early training at the CamaAthoman Institute Mr Antia says: During the Muktads we were to go and pray every day. Similarly on hamkaras, the four or five hamkaras of the month. At the Cama AthomanInstitute we went to the Agiary in Andheri on thosedays, to pray before the Fire. Then there were Jashans, Mehragan, Jashn-e .There was anotherJashan that was being performedon a hill, we also took part in that.25 Mr Antia heardmany religious storiesfrom his uncle, who was always most insistent that the ways of the forefathers should continue to be observed.About prayer,Mr Antia says: My Uncle Khurshedji usedto pray Yatha Ahu Vairyo when he left the houseand when he enteredit again. So the thing that was impressed upon my mind and on that of my brothersis that one must always recite Yatha and Ashern, they are very powerful and vibrant prayers. And when you want to succeed you must always go with the recitation of thesewords, [in order] not to get harmed in any way. Anothervery powerful prayer,we havebeen told, is the YengheHatam prayer. I was told this as a child. Our prayersare very vibrant, and I cangive an illustration of this. After becomingNavar I was performing prayers,reciting prayersduring the Muktad days.So one of thesedays I was performing the Satum prayersat my uncle's houseat Surat, it was at aboutfour or five o'clock, when I personallyexperienced that when I was praying, the thali [tray] on which all the things were put, startedtrembling. So I haveexperienced myself the powerof prayers.I haveheard stories that the vibration of prayerscan break glass - it has happenedin somelaboratories - but I haveexperienced the trembling of my thali when I was praying. And today also, when somebodyis reciting very nicely and I am present,I get the vibration straightaway. Recently, two years ago, when a Dasturji was praying the Uthamna ceremonyso nicely, I immediatelygot the vibrations - the body gets somesort of energy... I felt good and mentally elevated. And thenI startedpraying - somebodytold me, and I wantedto do it becauseHindus do it, andothers also, and I thought,'Why not? Our Parsi community should [also] have [it]'. So I started praying KhshnaothraAhurahe Mazdao [a dedicationto Ahura Mazda] 100 times, 50 times. [I do it] wheneverI've got time. And I found the mental peaceby reciting this word. This is what I do now - following it up, becauseI haveread many books on prayer,vibrations, meditation. So I 76 Traditionalists wanted to see why in our religion there are no such things. But I myself have experiencedit: our prayers are very powerful, [the prayers]that we were taughtby our elders,our uncles,our father and mother. My motherwas a very religious lady, she was more religious than a priest. We were taught by her in a very nice atmosphere: washing the hands, keeping the clothes clean - she was more orthodox than a priest, thoughshe was from a layman'sfamily. At a later stagein the interview the discussioncomes back to Mr Antia's experiencesduring prayerand rituals: I alwaysfeel the power,vigour, the vibrationsfrom any suchactivities appertainingto our Zoroastrianreligion. I feel it when I pray before the sea, even when I pray before the kuva [well], and at the Banaji AtashBehram well I havealways felt it. I feel I am gettingsome power from outside and going within; it clarifies, it signifies, it ignites my soul, and also the brain. As Mr Antia's family was a priestly one, his motherand sisterobserved the laws of menstruation,and 'satseparate' at suchtimes. Mr Antia and his brothersused to cook on thosedays, and Mr Antia is still glad that he has learned to cook so that he can cope in emergencies.He firmly believes that the details of Zoroastrian ritual and observancehave a scientific foundation, apart from being hallowed by the practice of countlessgenerations. Mr Antia's Navjote was performedat homeby his father, a qualified priest. Several of the parabs, such as those for the Watersand Fire, were observedin his family. Mr Antia's weddingwas a traditional one,performed at the DadysethAtash Behram in the morning (accordingto the Iraniantradition), and followed by a visit to Udwada, where a machi was offered and charitable gifts were made. At all important points in his life Mr Antia has visited the Udwada Atash Behramand offered a machi. He regularly fetcheswater from the seaand sprinkles it on the floor of his house; every Sundayhe does loban and lights a divo. Asked whethersome or AmeshaSpentas are more important to him than others,Mr Antia says: This is the latest trend,26 but in our times all Ameshaspandswere equal, and were kept equal. We celebratedall the days; in my life today Hormazdroj and Aneran roj are the same.27 Every day I pray the samethings. But nowadaysthe trend is [to celebrate]Ashishvang roj. First it was Behram roj; when we were children Behram roj was powerful. Peopleused to say, 'On Behramroj we will go.' But God has madeall roj equal-don't do like that. I rememberthat forty, fifty years ago Behram roj was celebratedwith great fun, now it must have shifted: Meher roj hascome, and Ashishvangroj hasalso come. Some 77 The Interviews peoplefollow Ashishvangroj and they go to Udwada;there is a big crowd there on Ashishvangroj; it is the latest trend.But accordingto me all roj are equal. Mr Antia does not use prayers for purposes of healing. He does occasionallyadvise those who are very ill to pray ArdibeheshtNirang, which he believesto be very powerful, but he himself has never usedit for suchpurposes. The discussiongoes on to Mr Antia's studentdays at the M.E Cama Athornan Institute; he says that he understoodthe meanings of the prayers quite well, since he was taught Avestan and Pahlavi, and moreovertranslations were given in the books. Asked whether,after his initial preferencefor the Yatha Ahu Vairyo and Ashern Vohu, he later came to prefer other prayers,he replies: I would like to say again that all my prayers are good, equally efficacious.I will not play one off againstanother. I may tell you, in my Collegedays I went to someastrologer in Surat,and he told me only to recite our own prayers,not outsideprayers, Hindu etc. He said, 'The Haftan Yasht of yours is a very powerful prayer. You pray this and you'll come up in life.' I usedto pray Haftan Yasht,I don't sayno to it, but what I now do, wheneverI find time, is, I take the book, [the] ,and pray from one end to the other, including Haftan Yasht. No playing off one againstthe others... And nothingparticular on certaindays. If I find time, as I say, I pray more,but every day I do Sarosh Baj, Havan Geh, Khorshed Meher and Atash Niyayesh, before coming to the office. Right from my childhood we were told that the priestly boys are very smart, very intelligent, and why? Becausethey undergo the Navar ceremony,recite prayers,so they are initiated, they are blessed by our Ameshaspends.So that thing was in my mind; I have seenin my profession,[and] in the medicalprofession, whoever has come up in life, hasbecome an importantmember of our community,they have alwaysbeen priests [here Mr Antia gives examples].The prayers,the training, the blessingsof the Ameshaspendsand Yazatas,these have influence. I have seen several people, after Navar their life has changed. Mrs Munshi remarksthat in spite of this, and of his priestly training, Mr Antia haschosen a secularcareer. Mr Antia saysthat he wasvery goodat priestly studies and was about to emoll for a B.A. in Avestan and Pahlavi,but a friend told him he waswasting his life that way, andthat is was better to take scienceand becomea doctor. Mr Antia followed his advice,but endedup readingLaw. He still likes the ideaof beinga priest, however- not necessarilya practisingritual priest but rather one who

78 Traditionalists studiesand preachesthe religion. He feels he is in fact doing this in his own way, as he lecturesa greatdeal and haspublished several booklets on religious questions. About the different fire temples Mr Antia feels much the same as about prayers: all are equal. On one occasionhe visited all the forty Agiaries in Bombayin oneday on Adar mahino Adar roj; he madea list of the Agiaries andthen figured out the quickestroute. Later, whena friend from London visited Bombay Mr Antia took him to visit all the eight Indian Atash Behrams in a single day. At present,he says, there are advertisementsin the papersoffering a bus trip to all forty Bombay Agiaries in one day. At eachfire the experienceis the same: 1 feel that my spiritual batteryis charged.Every Sunday1 go to Banaji Atash Behram,because 1 am ManagingTrustee there. So 1 go to look after the place,but first 1 pray. If 1 don't go, 1 feel uncomfortable.As if 1 haven't shaved, as if 1 haven't changedmy clothes, something is missing, 1 find. So I must go to the fire temple. Once my leg was brokenand I was at homefor six months,but still with a stick I would go. My wife said, 'Why are you going like that, with a taxi, spending money?' But I would not like to miss going - on Sundays,Muktad days and hamkara days. When discussingsuch features of Parsi religious life as the Mushkil Asan, the Afsun-eShah Faridun,28 and the Kookadaruor Homaji cults, Mr Antia says that all thesethings belong to Parsi culture and he respects them, but that they have no special place in his life. '1 believe in our religion, in our DadarHormazd, and no oneelse.' Even his wife, who did believe in some of these things before she married, lost all interest as soon as she cameto his house. Asked abouthis views on religion in the communityand on his own role, Mr Antia says: The first things I would like say is that we exist becauseof the sacrificesof our forefathers.They have left us all thesethings so it is our boundenduty to makesure that they are protected,nurtured and maintained- our ancestralthings, our Agiaries, our Atash Behrams, or any institution, like Parsihospitals. It is our duty to maintainit, and every Parsi should devote time and money for maintainingour past heritage. Keeping this in mind 1 give my time and energy to about fifteen Charitable Trusts. The purpose of my being there is the principle of Asha! Asha is righteousness,straightforwardness, uprightness,truthfulness - so all these things should come out in our institutions. Things should be clean, you should be seen to be honest,people should not think otherwiseabout Trustees. On the Zoroastrianfunerary rites, Mr Antia says:

79 The Interviews Our method of disposaland our deathceremonies are the best, and they shouldbe followed andnot be discouraged.I've seendeath in my family, I haveseen the sachkarand all the stagesof the funera1.29 In the sachkar I have found substance,in the way all the prayersare used.It protectsus from the riman [pollution]. I may tell you, one day [a high- ranking memberof the legal profession] died and I was obliged to attend the cremation. The next day I got two to three degrees temperature.So at that time I realisedthat our customof keepingthree feet away from the dead body, of having a pavi,30 is of immense significance.Then the geh-sarnaceremony is not only soothingfor the relatives, but it breaks the relations of the [dead] person with this world. The proof is that you will neverhear any storiesabout souls or ghosts from Doongerwadi; againstthat, in a Christian cemeteryor a Hindu cemetery31 people will come out with stories that 'somebody came' and this and that. So geh-sarna is a very powerful ceremony which cutsoff the deadman's relations with this world; the soul really departsand goeson. This is our experience,I haveseen it andI believe in it. In Mr Antia's opinion one should observethe Muktad for the departed as long as they are in one'sthoughts. He still doesit, for example,for his brother who died in 1967. Some peoplein the community think this is wrong, but Mr Antia consultedDasturji Kotwal in the matterand had his opinion confirmed. Mr Antia has set up a public Charitable Trust in memory of his parents,the Antia Trust to Help the Helpless.The beneficiariesare not just humanswho are destitute,but also animals and plants. His first chequeevery year goes to an animalhospital and he feels that plantsalso needhelp. Asked what gave him this idea Mr Antia says: Many times when I do meditations,32the answercomes: 'Your Trust should be wherever there is life.' ... According to our Zoroastrian religion life is everywhere;it is not only in humanbeings, but also in animals and plants. If you sow a seed you see it growing and the flower comes,you realisethat this is also life. I seethis dearly in my bungalowat Dahanu,33where I grow plants,and the flowers come. It really makesyou realisethat you shoulddo somethingfor them also. So keepingthat in mind I havecreated my Trust five, sevenyears ago, in the nameof my parents. Mr Antia has a family connection with village life, as his maternal grandfathersettled in the village of Siganpurnear Surat after he retired, and Mr Antia spentpart of his childhood there. When he visits Suratin the Christmasvacation he still makesit a point to go to Siganpurand offer a machi to the village fire temple, which was establishedby a local

80 Traditional ists family who becamerich. This leadsto musingson the public spirit and generosity of previous generations, and their superiority to the materialismand self-centrednessof modemParsi youth. Suchgenerosity ensuredthat the Siganpurfire templeis well-endowedand can afford to pay its priests well. The discussionmoves on to the current general shortageof priestsand relatedproblems: I have got a solution, I have repeatedlysaid it already. First of all, in our community there are so many differences;we are more divided and less united, on any flimsy ground. Religion is one [such ground] of course,and today we concentrateon religion and our institutions. So for example,in Bombaythere are forty Agiaries, so what shouldwe do? In the larger interestof the community,and the religion, and the priestly caste,all Trusteesshould sit down and decideto maintainten Agiaries out of the presentforty. The fires from the other Agiaries should be brought to the nearest[remaining] Agiary, so they will be preservedas separatefires. The problem of the scarcity of priests would be felt less,and we would pay thembetter since there would be sufficient incomefrom the ten Agiaries. The [empty] propertiescould be used either for residential or commercial purposes, and our housingproblem would be solved .... And we mustpay our priest at leastRs. lO,OOO! Then,in the long term, we musthave a policy how we treat our priests. They should be trained properly, they must be enlightenedwhen they preachour religion. Thosewho are intelligent canthen become B.A. and Ph.D. So we'll get a new categoryof priests. And there should be a schemeto protect them, from [Le. run by] the community. For our sake,for the community'ssake. The community should provide; their salary should be Rs 10,000 at least. Then only therewill be a life. Housingshould be provided.If we do it that way, sure they will becomepriests. Mr Antia then gives examplesof suchcases and mentionsone instance where a man gave up a well-paid job knowing full well that he would not be paid much as a priest. Mr Antia himself belongsto the Bhagaria lineage34 and therefore has the right to offer boy [fuel] at the Navsari Atash Behram. Until now he has never done this, but he would very much like to do it when he has more time. Asked if he follows any religious practices other than Zoroastrian ones,Mr Antia replies that his social position sometimesobliges him to attendHindu functions and that he likes to seethe holy placesof other religions when travelling, but that he would never initiate or actively participatein non-Zoroastrianobservances. I never disrespectother religions, all religions take one to God. God hasput me in the Zoroastrianreligion so I will follow it till my dying

81 The Interviews day. That is my principle. God is in the centre and all religions take you there,but I am in the Zoroastrianreligion so I follow that line. I am clearin my mind, I haveno disrespect,I don't say, 'Zoroastrianism is the best religion in the world,' I would never say such arrogant things. My religion is good for me, other religions are good for them, [let] everyonefollow [their own religion], they ultimately lead to God, [who is] in the centreof all. Asked abouthis feelings when he underwentthe Bareshnumceremony35 as part of the process of becoming a Navar, Mr Antia says that he understoodthe meaning of the rituals and therefore did not find the proceedingsstrange. He had severalteachers, the most influential being the famous Dasturji Khurshed Dabu,36 who had explained the deeper meaningof this ceremonyin one of his publications.Mr Antia continues to readbooks on suchsubjects: I never found it meaningless,I never found it humbug. I've always found our prayersand our ceremoniesof greatsignificance, including bareshnum. So today if you got the chanceto give boy, you would not mind going through the purification rituals? No, in fact I may tell you, sincethe last three,four, five yearsthe ideais storing up in my mind that during the vacationI go aroundthe world andeverywhere - why shouldn'tI go to Udwadaor Navsariand have the nahn for nine days[i.e. undergothe Bareshnumpurification ritual]? Quietly, just pray. When the Bareshnumis to be taken, for nine days thereis no talk, nothing, and [one sits] in a comer. I mustgo andpray. One day I am going to do that. But I'll go to Udwadaor Navsari,not Bombay. For Bombay is so commercial, you cannot resolve your things. Asked abouthis observanceof the rules of purity, Mr Antia saysthat he prays regularly and doeshis kusti at appropriatetimes, at least at home; at the office there is not enoughprivacy. As to haircuts, Mr Antia tries to keep the laws of purity as much as possible.He would never go straight to the office after a funeral, but goes home first to have a bath. That is a must. I may tell you, onceI did not follow it, and I found the answer:I camehere and immediatelyfound someproblem. 37 Mrs Munshi then asks if Mr Antia, as a leading member of the community,has a messagefor the youngergeneration. Mr Antia begins by expressinghis indignation at the way some younger Zoroastrians ridicule ancient customswhich are hallowed by tradition, such as the funerarycustoms and the fire cult, whosegreatness and significancethey 82 Traditionalists do not understand.He then quotesthe philosopherWilliam J. Durant, whom he describesas 'the world's greatestphilosopher': I strongly recommendall our young people and reformists, and whatevertheir nameis, to try to understandand appreciatewhat the greatest philosopher has said about traditions and institutions generally: 'Intellect is thereforea vital force in history, but it can also be a dissolventand destructivepower. Out of every 100 ideas,99% or more will probablybe inferior to the traditional responsewhich they proposeto replace.'This is a very important sentence:'No one man, howeverbrilliant or well-informed, can comein their lifetime to such fullness of understandingas to safely judge and dismissthe customs and institutionsof his society,for theseare the wisdom of generations after centuriesof experimentin the laboratoriesof history.' I rely upon the last sentenceand repeat that our institutions, the Agiaries, the Dokhmas [Towers of Silence], or our traditions, are not from my generation,they have been followed by my father, my grandfather, and generationsafter generationssince thousandsof years. And nowadaysI feel rather disgustedthat a young generationcomes and tries to ridicule it. So this is the first thing I want to say for posterity, that we must respect our religion, religious customs, religious traditions,and we exist today becauseof them. One other tradition which I wish to [recommend?]is to marry within our community. It is very important,very crucial. If you want to survive as a community you have to follow this. Nowadayssome people don't want to follow this, and as a result you see that the communityis dying. Thesemixed marriagesstarted at the beginning of the century,and people began by sayinga father could be Parsiand a mother non-Parsi.At the end of the century you see that they are saying that the children of a Parsi mother who is married to a non- Parsican also be Parsis.You cando any suchdamn thing, but you are killing the community! Mr Antia then sumsup his messageto posterity as follows: Follow your religion faithfully, truly. To achievethis there are three requirements.First of all Dedication,to your religion; then Discipline, self-discipline;and Determinationto survive. We are passingthrough a very critical time. What is our population, among 80 crores [800 million] we arenot even80,000, so we arenot even0,001 percent.It is a very critical time. So we canonly survive if thereis a determinationto survive.

83 The Interviews

MR HOMI P. RANINA Mr Homi P. Ranina is a prominentlawyer and companydirector, who spendsmuch of his time and wealth on charitable pursuits. He is a Trusteeof a largenumber of Trusts,a former Trusteeof the BombayParsi Punchayet,and has been the main contributorto severalprojects, such as the restorationof a fire temple in Bombay and the constructionof the Kookadarufire temple at Sanjan.Mrs SarahStewart was presentat the interview. Asked about his childhood, Mr Ranina says that he grew up in a nuclearfamily. His father was traditional and very religious, his mother less so. There were often tensions,as his mother felt that keepinga fire and doing loban made the house dirty, while his father insisted on keepinga householdfire. Mr Raninahad no specialreligious education, which he saysis the rule rather than the exceptionin Parsi families. He deploresthis, however: I think the greatestproblem we face in the 20th centuryis that we got too westernised,the Parsisas a community. Somehowthis ridiculous feeling crept in that they have to be modern,they have to be liberal, they have to be what they call broad-minded.So all this meansthat they have to be secular, not bothering about religious customs, traditionsand so on. This is very unfortunate;it only happenedin this century.It happenedbecause of, I think, wrong leadership,which was given by the elders of the community - the members who were respectedby the community, like the industrialists,the businessmen, who becamequite powerful, who becamequite wealthy in the early part of the 20th century. You know, you must haveheard of the Tatas and the Wadias and the Petits.38 Now these persons were very traditional, e.g. the original Sir DinshahPetit, he was a baronet,Sir Jamse*eJejeebhoy, and ... we have a whole string of baronetsin our community.Now the original baronetswere very verytraditional, but their childrenobviously had the benefit of going abroad.Most of them went to the West, to England.But as a result of that they becamevery secular, very broad-minded. Many of them married local British women,and naturally thereforethey camehome with different ideas, started propagatingthose ideas of Western secularism,liberalism. These people being the leaders of the community - or being consideredthe leadersbecause they were rich and powerful. And at one time they were really leadersbecause they had establishedthe Atash Behramsand the Agiaries, so they were really looked up to by the laity. And when these people came and started propagating Western ideals, secularism,and trying to show that they were very broad-minded, liberal, then obviously the people down the line

84 Traditionalists startedbehaving in the sameway. They said, 'If they can do it why cannotwe?' This is how it started. Asked how the religion was explainedto him, Mr Raninasays: My father was not a very educatedman, therefore I don't think he really explainedanything. His view was that this was time-tested- thesecustoms have passedthe test of time; one should acceptthem. Obviouslyhe himself did not haveany fundamentalideas from a basic knowledgeof why it was so. So he traditionally followed the customs - customsin the sensethat the Parsisdo not really havemany customs or rituals exceptfor things like wearingthe sudreh and kusti. The only things they would tell us was that, say, smoking is not good in our religion becausewe worship fire and it meansshowing disrespectto the fire. That is the explanationgiven: smokingamounts to disrespect to the fire. So theseare the fundamentalthings which were taught,you know, or things like, say, there was somedegree of prejudiceagainst mixed marriages.I think that stemmedmainly from the fact thatif you marry outside the community, then it would amount to creating problemsfor the children; the children would be tom betweentwo different religions, two different cultures,identities. And of coursethe importantfact that if you want to preservethe religion, if you want the childrento preservethe religion, thenit is muchmuch better to marry within the community, so that there are no problemsabout religious beliefs. In his early life, Mr Ranina was not particularly religious. His Navjote was performed,he usedto go to the Agiary from time to time, wherehe recited the usual prayersfrom a book; furthermorehe took part in the funerary rites of his maternalgrandparents, but none of this madeany specialimpression on him. But then somethinghappened: Well, I would say right up to 1982, right up to the time I was 36 years old, I was never religious-minded.I startedmy practice as a lawyer when I was 24, 25, and right up to the time I was 35 or so, I was never religious, never religious in the sensethat I would not go to a fire temple at all, at all ... . But after I was 35 years old, I was fairly successfulin my profession,so I don't know, for no explicablereason that I can tell you, somehowI thought I should go to a fire temple. I think I went there with a view to thank God. I believed that my successin my professionwas entirely due to God, and I thoughtwhy shouldI not go and thank Him for it? Sometimein July, if I remember correctly, of 1982, after I finished my work I had nothing to do and I wasin the Colabaarea and, I don't know for what reason,I decidedto go into Cusrow Baug.39 I just circled aroundthe fire temple there. So for no explicable reasonI just decided to go into Cusrow Baug and

85 The Interviews thenwent aroundthe fire temple.I did not enterthe fire temple,I just drove aroundin my car and cameout again. And somehow,again for no explicablereason, I went on doing that for severaldays and then, after maybeseven or eight days,I decidedto go in, so I went in. I went in and did the usual,prayed and cameout. And then I just went on doing that every day, every day thereafter. And at that time that fire temple was in a very dilapidated condition, in spite of the fact that there are a lot of fairly affluent peopleliving in the areaof Cusrow Baug and Colaba.So I remember sometime: I got to know the priest,the panthaki,Mr Aibara.40 Now my father used to know Mr. Aibara, they had known each other from 1975, '76. Now when I started going to the Cusrow Baug Agiary, naturally this panthaki was curious, 'Who is this guy who keeps cominghere every day?' So oneday he askedme andI saidwho I was, and of course he recognisedmy father. I had not known who this Aibara was,because my father had not mentionedhim to me. So then he andI becamegood friends andI kept going. And then,late August, Mr Aibara was in a very bad mood and I kept asking 'What is the problem?'He said, 'Look, thereare theseshort-circuits in this Agiary.' You know July and August are the monsoonmonths, when it rains heavily in Bombay. And water was leaking from the roof and the wiring was bad and loose and there were short-circuitsand he kept saying, 'Look, there are peopleliving here, they are so wealthy and affluent and they don't botherto do anything,and one day the Agiary will catchfire', and things like that, becauseof the neglect.So againI said, 'Fine, if the Agiary needsto be doneup, we will start the work.' So after the monsoonwas over we got down to it, and I decidedto put in the entire amount,whatever was the cost of the electrification; we changedthe entirewiring, andwe decidedto do it. And thenof course so manyother things had to be done,plastering and painting.Just one thing which comes to my mind is, these Khshnoomists,Mr Adi Doctor41 and Mr K.N. Dastur,they cameto the Agiary, they knew that we are going to renovatethe Agiary and that the fire would haveto be shifted to the adjoining room, becauseotherwise the non-Zoroastrians could not enterto renovatethe place.Now they cameand said,'Look, you cannotshift the fire', and they gave their own reasonswhy you cannotnot shift the fire, becausethey said the fire has establisheda sort of secretaura or boundaryaround it andif you shift the fire it will breakthat. Then we said, 'But how do you get things done?'I mean, you haveto do it, and of coursethe Udwadafire hasbeen shifted time and again, the main Iranshah42 ... [here Mr Ranina gives a detailed and accuratedescription of the history of the Iranshahfire], and we were only going to take it from oneroom to anotherroom to allow the work to go on. But theseguys created problems, then Aibara called the 86 Traditionalists three high priests, Dasturji Kotwal, JamaspAsaand Mirza, and they said,'No, you canshift it.' So one day quietly we shifted it, sometime in early December,and then the work startedand in April 1983, after five months,the work was completedand the fire was shifted back. Such munificence obviously became known in the community; Mr Ranina was invited to becomea Trusteeof the fire temple in question, and has remainedinvolved with religious charitablework ever since. It changedmy outlook in the sensethat after I started... once people knew that I was there, a lot of appealsstarted coming from the poor, for financial help and things like that, so I startedgiving moneyto the people and I became a Trustee of a hospital, the ParseeGeneral Hospital, which is the biggest institution we have. So there again, when I find that there are a lot of unpaid bills of the poor patients,I just pay them off, without of course... they don't evenknow aboutit. So I starteddoing a lot of things like that, spendinga lot of moneyon religious things. I think I cansay even today that I spendalmost 25 per cent of my income on charitableand religious purposes.Not that I have to do it, but I just do it. You did it becauseyou felt that it was neededby the community? Yes, that is right. I felt that it was needed.Apart from that, you see,to me thereare two or threeimportant things. One is that, whenyou start thinking of yourself, of what you are and of what possibly you are going to be, you realisethat this is all so superficial! What do you do with money?After all, you cannothave more than two mealsa day, you cannotwear more than one set of clothesat a time, I mean,what do you do with money?And I always felt that the bestthing you can do with money is to give it to those who needit more than you do. This is basicallymy philosophywhich hasdeveloped. After all you are not going to take it with you whenyou die. So why not just give away whateveryou canduring your own lifetime, and makepeople happy? Do you think you would still have had this philosophyeven if you weren't a Zoroastrian? Yes, I am surethis philosophyis thereeven among other religions. It is there among the Christians,it is there among Hindus, after all the Hindus also do a lot of charity. I think it is a universalphilosophy. But basicallyit is not what philosophyyou follow. It is what comesto you. SometimesI get the feeling that humanbeings can be instrumentsof God. Ideasare put into your mind by this divine power - what to do, how to act. That is the only explanationI can find for my own life, where up to the age of 35 I had no inclination for religion, or knowledge.Then, suddenly,this changecame over me and I have a feeling that it was Destiny. I shouldalso tell you that I am a studentof 87 The Interviews astrology,and have found a lot of truth in it. Thereare certainthings happeningin your life becauseof the movementof the stars.In 1970 or '71 I went to a Hindu astrologer,who told me that from 1980 to 1983 I would be very successfuland becomevery religious and charitable. Now that came true, and I still rememberit. I do relate all this to astrology,but apartfrom that I believe that things happenin your life at the destinedtime, whetherit is successor disaster,religion or not being religious. I have a feeling that there is a Divine Hand which guides the destiniesof people. I believe that becauseit happenedin my life: I went into the Agiary for no explicable reason,so how else could one explain that? Mr Ranina'sbelief in the role of Destinyhas implications for his views on other matters,such as conversion: I do not subscribeto the theorythat peoplechoose for themselves.[For example,there was the questionof] Mr Peterson,an Americanwhose Navjote was performed in the United States.43 There was a lot of discussionof that in the Bombay Samachar.I wrote severalarticles on conversion,and then there was a letter written by J.R.D. Tata, the famous industrialist, where he said that Parsis must now start marrying outside the community, since there had been a lot of inbreeding,and it was necessaryto havefresh blood. As I said,J.R.D. Tata was a big man and nobodywrote againstthat, but I was the only one who startedwriting a seriesof articles. Of courseI got a lot of flak from the Editor of the Bombay Samachar;after every article he would give his comments,and then again I would write. Finally after some three monthshe gave up. But I was the only one to refute Mr Tata's point of view.44 Now one of my points aboutconversion was this: at the time when Zarathushtralived there was no other establishedreligion in the world; there were things like witchcraft, sorcery, worship of idols, stones, whatever, things like the God of Thunder and the God of Lightning. People were so ignorant. When Zarathushtra lived, therefore, he gave the Good Religion: one God, Ahura Mazda, and all the rest. He offered them a choice: betweenright and wrong, good and bad,virtue and vice. Today we have five or six good religions in the world: Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, whatever,and Zoroastrian- ism. Now if you are a Christian the point you could raise against Peterson'sconversion is this: is Christianitya bad religion? And if it is not evil, what is the point of conversion, because the choice Zarathushtrabrought was that between good and bad. Are they trying to saythat Christianity is a badreligion, somethinglike sorcery, that he wants to changeto Zoroastrianism?After all, I am sure that there are lots of things which are common to both religions. For

88 Traditionalists example,Mother Teresais doing so much good. You can be a very advancedsoul following Christianity; you don't have to becomea Zoroastrian ... What I say is, you can accept the philosophy of Zarathushtrawithout leaving your own religion. The secondpoint I made was this: I think if you are a believer in God then there are certain things in this world which are the will of God. You do not decidewho your parentsare going to be, or your brothersand sisters. You don't decide what religion you are going to be born in. These things are fundamentallythe will of God, andif you area believeryou accept that being born into Christianity as the son of Mr and Mrs Peterson,is the will of God. Although Mr Raninasays he hasno particular affinity with Kookadaru, under Dasturji Aibara's influence he had a Nirangdin performed in memory of Kookadaru.45 He is also a Trustee of the KookadaruTrust, andplayed a centralrole in the foundationof a new fire templein Sanjan - the only fire temple consecratedin India in the 20th century - which was namedafter Kookadaru. Well, we had a fairly good thing in the press, there was a lot of response, a lot of Parsis came for the foundation-stonelaying ceremony,which was in 1987. And we started collecting donations from the Parsis.We boughta plot of land, land was very cheap,land was not a problem,but then the constructionof the Agiary was about two and a half million rupees.We made appealsbut we could not collect more than about Rs. 800,000 from the community. Then from this KookadaruTrust, of which I am a Trustee,we put in abouthalf a million rupees,and the balancewas put in by me - about a million rupees - to complete the Agiary. We started in November '87, we completedit in two years,and in January1990 we consecratedthe fire. The fire was consecratedby the five Turel brothersfrom Surat.Now in Surat they have the Atash Behram and there is a very experienced priest, by the nameof JehangirjiTurel, who hasperformed more than 100 Nirangdins. So we requestedhim and he said fine becauseit was the first time that he had consecrated- in this centuryI do not think that a new fire has beenconsecrated ... They all camedown, the membersof the Turel family all camedown with their wives, becausethey had to cook food for the priestswhile they were performing the rituals, they cannotgo out. Was the temple consecratedin the traditional way? Yes absolutely,collecting the four fires, including the fire of a corpse.46 And purifying it. So JehangirjiTurel from Suratand his three or four cousin-brothers,they all came down from Surat, our own priest was Dasturji Aspandiar Dadachanji. So Aspandiar went there and of

89 The Interviews courseDasturji Kotwal gavethem lots of guidance;it wasthe first time this was done,it was quite exciting .... In January1990 we installed the fire in the Agiary. ... One of the reasons[for namingthe fire temple after Kookadaru] was that a lot of peopleare in favour of Dasturji Kookadaru,so when we said we are going to set up a fire temple in memory of Dasturji Kookadaruwe did get substantialremittances. Could you say somethingabout your own relationship with Kookadaru? Well, I havea lot of respectfor him, but nothingspecial. I mean,I have this photograph.I have [photographsof] Lohraspshahand every- body,47 but ... The interview ends with Mr Ranina proudly showing Mrs Munshi photographsof the enthronementof the fire in the KookadaruAgiary.

MRS A Mrs A was born in a small village in 1935. Her father was a practising priest, so ritual purity was important and Mrs A was brought up in a strictly religious atmosphere.The family later moved to Bombay,where Mrs A went to a Parsi school. Her husbandalso belongsto the priestly class, althoughhe is not a practisingpriest. Mrs A has two daughters, who were grown up at the time of the interview, and she works with drug addicts.Mrs SarahStewart was presentat the interview. At the beginning of the interview, Mrs A describes her family background: [My father came] from a priestly family. He had done his Navar and Martab in the youngerdays, when he was abouttwelve, thirteenyears old. It was a very big family which my grandmaraised and his father, my grandfather,died at a young age, so aboutthree brothers became priests, they were ordained priests. The others did not become [priests]. He was practisingtill last year, right now he is about86 and not keepingvery good health, so ... Still, he keepson, but he is not practisingin the fire temple. Of course,because of his backgroundwe were brought up in a really orthodox and strict manner,with very strict discipline, as young children. Children of the prieststhose days did not wear sleevelessdresses, and did not go out - especiallythe girls did not go out very often, [not as often] as they liked. Even in school girls who had their periods were not allowed to touch anything, they could not even take books to school.48 ... I still rememberI used to cry a lot becausewe were not given any books,

90 Traditionalists and if I wantedto study, if therewere examsor something,very slyly my sisterwould give me a book to read - shewould hold it and tum the pages.But we were not allowed to touch anything,we were kept very separate. But your school did not raise any objections? No, no, at that time, no. Becausethey understoodthat we camefrom the priestly class and becauseyou have a practising priest, we had such restrictions. And at that time everybody was following and respectingthose norms .... The thing was,we werefeeling very much ashamedthat everybodywould come to know that we were in that stateat that time, you know. What about at home? At home of courseeverything was separate,we were even made to sleep separatelyon a steel bed and we had to keep everything separate,all our eating utensils, glass utensils and everything. And after we'd get over that thing we had to take a bath,a headbath and a nahn, which our father would give [i.e. administer]. Each time? Eachtime, yes, with nirang. We felt very muchapart and embarrassed, you know? So you did not enjoy it? Enjoy? At that time we did not understandwhy we were madeto be like that! He would tell us, 'It is to be done, it has to be followed accordingto the rituals of our Zoroastrianlaw.' So we had to obey. Did he say why? No, he did not saywhy, he saidit is the law of Asha.It is a law of piety and we have to do it. Becausehe was a practisingpriest. Actually I rememberin thosedays when we wereto sit aparthe would not allow us to go into the bathroom,because we were in a small house,with one bathroom only. So what he would do is, he would go to the bathroomfirst, get his things over, his bath and everything, and go, and pull the door. And we would hear that pulling of the door and thenI would get up to go to the toilet. Becausewe werenot allowed to touch a toilet door even; somebodyhad to sort of put us inside, and [we'd be] knocking from outside.... It was that much! Did your mother do this? My motheralso did the same.My motherwas pretty young,and I also started [menstruating] you see, so at times two of us would be together,it was very difficult. And I had three sisters,so sometimes two sisterseven were in the sameboat. It was really a trying time ...

91 The Interviews And your brothers, did they also have to follow laws of purity like haircuts and nails and everything Yes, yes, they had to follow everythingthat our Papawould say. Asked who taughther religion, Mrs A says: Papa! He used to sit and tell us history, Iranian history, even at night. He was very fond of Iranian history, the stories of Shah Jamshed,Shah Faridun and Zohak,49 and what happenedto the Iranians and how we came away from there, and how our forefatherssort of sacrificedeverything for us. And so that is why we must do everythingthat we are told to do.50 They could do it [so] why can'twe do it? So we understoodthat, given our history, if Papasaid somethingit would be authenticand we must follow the norms. So we obeyed. When your father taught you the prayers did he also teach you the meaning, or did you just learn the Avestanby heart? He gave us short meanings,and he usedto tell us you can read it in the prayerbooks, with explanationin Gujarati. Becausewe had learnt [to read] Gujarati [in school] ... we wereable to readthe prayers.And wheneverwe usedto feel puzzledor confusedwe usedto ask him. How did your family look after the hearth fire, what did you do? Therewas alwaysa permanentses, you know - the tray with the divo and afarganiyu [fire vase]. And he used to light that fire early in the morningand on certainroj the divo also,not everyday though.And he would put the loban, do his prayersand then go. And Mummy would do it after she'dhad her bath, after finishing the housework and all that. And we before going out also, we were told to do a little loban, andpray. Early in the morningwe prayedour kusti prayers,Sarosh Baj and all, early in the morning, and before going out also three Yatha Ahu Vairyos, AshemVohus, and do the [Divano] Namaskarand then go. And in the morning, were you taught to say prayers like Shekasteshekaste Shaytan? Yes, we were taughtbefore Navjote, for a little while we did that. But we didn't follow it up in our rush to schoolsand things like that. Mrs N s Navjote was performedby her father, who also taught her the Navjote prayers. Her first kusti was made by her grandmother, a professionalkusti weaver.51 After her Navjote she was made to do her kusti at all the times prescribedby the religion. She normally obeyed, althoughthe children might be a little lax when their father was not at home. The girls felt awkward doing their kusti in the presenceof their brothers,as this involves hitching up and rearrangingone's clothes, and they usually retired to their own room for this purpose. 92 Traditionalists Talking abouther marriage,Mrs A saysthat shewas the first to defy the tradition that marriageshad to be arrangedby the parents.She made her own choice, and since her husband'sfamily was also a priestly one her father did not object. The wedding followed the traditional Parsi pattern; since her in-laws knew little about such ceremoniesthey did whateverMrs A's father suggested.The Atashnu Cit was performedby family members,not professionalgoyans. 52 The question of the meaning of rituals then came up again in the discussion: Did anyone tell you why all this was done? They said it is a ritual which we haveto follow. I didn't mind, it was just for the good and the family wants it to be done, OK, fine. So there were no questions.Did you ask questionsabout the religion, since your father was a priest? I usedto, yes. What sort of questions,and what sort of answersdid you get? Only there was one answer, you see, 'You just don't have to argue about it. Becausewe are priestly class we have to do certain things, andI know betterthan you, so you haveto do it.' That wasthe answer that we'd normally get. Later in the interview, Mrs A discussesthe times she was presentat a Nirangdin ceremony: What did they do exactly, can you describe it? We listenedto the prayersand certainpots [played a role], and things weredone, and they preparedthe hom-ka pani [Haomajuice],53 andwe weremeant to drink it afterwardsafter the prayerswere over. It was a ritual, a long ritual, and all the prayers- but we didn't understandthe meaningof ritual. But it was said that it is donefor the welfare of the family and the community.54 Mrs A spent the first five years of her married life in her husband's parents'house. She found the customsand observancesmuch the same as in her own family, thoughthe atmospherewas less strict: I didn't find anything different. Being from a priestly family I was acquaintedwith all the norms,so I didn't find anythingdifferent. But the onlything is, my father was very restrictive and my father-in-law and mother-in-lawwere not. So there were no laws of purity? Nahi [No], laws of purity were there, but you can do it as you like. They were not very rigid about it becausehe was not a practising priest. So wheneverI was ... in the period,we were allowed to touch

93 The Interviews everythingand allowed to go everywhere.That type of restrictionwas not there in my in-laws' family. 55 Although this freer atmospherecame as a relief to Mrs A, shehas tried to bring up her own daughtersto observesome of the traditional rules: When they startedstaying separateI would say, 'Pleasedon't touch the cupboard,there are certain saris and certain things which are for going to the fire temple only, don't touch the ses, don't touch the prayercomer where we pray.' So they usedto feel very offended[and said], 'What is this, all the old things you are trying to apply to us, are we harijans [untouchables]that you are trying to tell us not to touch, not to touch all the time?'56 During Mrs A's first pregnancyall the usual observanceswere done, and sheprayed the Ava Yashtfor forty daysfor an easydelivery. Shewent to her mother'shouse for the birth and stayedthere for three or four months.For her secondchild she againwent to her parents'house, but the actual birth took place in hospital,where she stayedfor the first forty days: Of courseagain at that time I was to go to my father'splace so I was made to stay at the hospital for forty days becausemy father was a practisingpriest. He said, 'I would not allow you to touch anything, and for forty days to come home and do these things with a child would be very difficult for you, so it is better for you to stay in the hospital.'So that time I stayedin the ParsiGeneral Hospital for forty days. My motherwas told to make arrangementsright from the very beginning ... and [at the hospital] they said OK. They understood: becausemy father was a priest. Did your father visit you? Yes, he would cometo visit me but he would not touch, he would just stay apart.He would comeand seethe baby, he evenprayed, but not touching anybody. And he guided us on the sixth day to do the namingceremony, and also the chatthi, when they say the baby'sluck is being written on a foolscap page... 57 Was anything done in relation to astrology, horoscopesor anything? Names were also ... my Daddy found it out [deducedthe proper initials] from the astrologicalpoint of view. Rasi we call it, accordingto the rasi of the time and the date and the day.58 So the nameswere given according to the birth sign ... It is followed even up to my daughter'sdelivery also, for my grandson. As soonas Mrs A camehome, the nahn was administeredby her father and she could move freely in the house. The besna and pagladu 94 Traditionalists ceremonieswere done for the first child but not for the second,59who was just taken to the fire temple every month until she was a year old. Mrs Munshi then asked what happenedin the family in case of contagiousdiseases. No devis [Hindu ]were propitiated in Mrs A: s family, it was strictly a matter of prayer and cleanliness. With chickenpox the child was not allowed to have a bath, and had to be spongedto be kept clean. After nine days the patientwas to be bathed and taken to the fire temple. Mrs A's father prayed every day at such times, and did the pichi:60 praying the ArdibeheshtYasht Nirang while passinga white piece of cloth over the patient from headto toe. Mrs A still praysthe ArdibeheshtYasht Nirang whenthere is illness in the family. Mrs Stewartasked if therewere practiceswhich her father, as a priest, disapprovedof. Becausehe was a priest he would not allow us to follow any other things [alien practices],like following Babas or going to anybody's temples,or any other things - but to follow our own prayersand our own rituals, with good faith. What about Kali Chowdasand Dhan Teras?61 Only Dhan Teras. On Kali Chowdaswe were not allowed out becauseof people doing some magic, you know, and we might step on it. On Dhan Teras Mummy used to preparea tray, light a divo, and put her silver Lakshmi62 and any of her goldenthings in milk and sugar.But he [her father] did not object to that, becausethere is nothing alien to it. It was just done for propitiating, it was a sign of prosperity,it was nothing alien to our religion. My Mummy usedto do it in her village also. Mrs Stewart then asked what Mrs A feels about Ashishvang, the traditional Zoroastriandivinity of prosperity.Mrs Munshi hasto explain the question,ending with the words: 'We know only of Lakshmi and mostof us don't know that we haveour own Yazadof prosperity.'Mrs A knows little aboutAshishvang, though she remembers her father saying that Ashishvangplayed a role in mattersof religion, and she vaguely associatesAshishvang with Shah Faridun's nirang,63 which her father taughther when she was small. Funerarycustoms are then discussedand Mrs A describesthe funeral of her mother. As her mother was a priest'swife, everythinghad to be done strictly accordingto the rules. The family stayedat the Towers of Silence for four days, an experience Mrs A describes as peaceful, uplifting and comforting. 'I felt very good about it; it helps sustainthe spirit.' A Vendidad was done at the fire temple after four days. For ten yearsthe Muktadswere doneat the fire temple,but now her father does her mother'sMuktad prayershimself, at home.

95 The Interviews In the morning, Mrs A and her husbandfirst sayanAshern Vahu on waking up, thentouch the groundin respect,and get up. Thenfollows a bath, the kusti prayers,followed by breakfast.If it is a propitious day, especiallyon Mrs A: s favourite Meher raj, they light a diva, say some short prayers (Kharshed Meher and Atash Niyayesh), and go to the fire temple. Her favourite fire temple is Cusrow Baug Agiary, becauseshe lived there in the early years of her marriage, and she can 'see' the childrenwhen she goes there. Mrs A works all day, but in the eveningshe goesto the fire templeif shehas time, or prays at home. On auspicious days, such as hamkara days, she does the laban. This can only be done, however,if all membersof the householdare pure, which is not always the casewith two grown-up daughtersliving there. The parabs of the Fire and the Waters are observedin the traditional way. 'I feel happythat we can follow at leastsomething of our tradition and I hope our children will also follow that.' Mrs A used to go to the Towers during the month of Farvardin,but she has given it up recently. She does not follow the traditional observancesfor Bahman mahina, Bahmanraj, but for the last five yearsshe has prayed the BahmanYasht on all Bahmanrajs. Someonesuggested this to her and shedecided to do it. Mrs A hasnever done the full Mushkil Asanrites; shehas lighted divas on the day concernedbut never told the story. As her husband'shealth was not very good,a machi usedto be offered at the Wadiaji Atash Behramon his birthday. When Mr A had problems at work friends suggestedthat the couple should attend Christian Novenasor go to Sai Baba, but Mrs A would have none of this. She prayed fervently and used to have prayer sessionstogether with the children. I used to tell R [her husband],'Ahura Mazda is great, don't worry, Ahura Mazdais with us. We havedone nothing wrong so why should we worry?' But he alwaysused to question,'But how great,and when will it come?'You needpatience, you see,he is very impatient.I said, 'He is great,and He'll show you one fine day how greatHe is.' And it came off. I have great faith in Atash Niyayesh; it keepsyour flame of faith burning. In her work with drug addicts,Mrs A tells her patientsthat religion and spirituality canplay an importantpart in their recovery.Her Zoroastrian patientsshe always advises to start sayingAshem Vahu or Sarash Baj. 'Sit with you parentsand pray! And of courseI will also pray for your happy recovery.'

96 Traditionalists

DRF Dr F was born into a priestly family in the early 1940s. She lived in Bombayuntil shewent to do her Ph.D. in Pune,where she now lives and works as an AssociateProfessor in the University. Her husband,Dr HF, a medical specialist who is also from a priestly family, attended and participatedin the interview. The couple has one son, a medical doctor who hasbeen initiated as a priest. Mr KhojesteMistree and the present writer attendedthe interview. Dr F beginsby describingher various activities, including voluntary ones, and her family background.Her grandfatherwas a practising priest, but he had retired by the time Dr F was born so that she did not witnessthe routine of a working priest'shousehold. Still, the family was a religious one. We grew up in a householdwith strong beliefs. Not that we were given much detailededucation about the religion, but what we were basically taughtwas faith. And even today I don't go in so much for theology, or what I am supposedto believe,but I believe with faith. What were you taught to believe in? What we were askedto believein was basicallyan ethical way of life more than anythingelse. Educationwas the most importantvalue in life, seculareducation, knowledge. In my house,books, reading, were very much encouraged,to the extent that my father would buy me a book a day if I could get throughit, and I could. But I cannotsay that we had any religious educationas such;one just believed,it was a gut feeling. Did it give you a feeling of pride that you were Athornans? It gave us a feeling of pride that we were Zoroastrians.And secondly we were Athornans,but that was not stressed. As a child, Dr F was first taught the Ashern Vohu and Yatha Ahu Vairyo, followed by the normal kusti prayers. She does not rememberbeing given a detailedexplanation about the significanceof her Navjote which, at the age of six, she mostly saw as a 'jolly good occasionfor fun'. She religiously did her kusti five times a day during the first few weeksafter her Navjote, but then the novelty wore off. Dr F had onebrother, and Mrs Munshi asksif his Navar (first initiation into the priesthood)was performed: No, his Navar was not done. My father felt that the whole processof becominga Navar was so complicatedthat it would be a unnecessary burden.My father was not a Navar himself, and nor was . But H [her husband]and I were very determinedfrom an early stage

97 The Interviews of our marriagethat our son would becomea Navar, and we did that in 1980. When Dr F was a child severaltraditional customswere observed;no meatwas eatenfor four days in Bahmanmahino; there was often a divo burningon specialdays, but no permanenthearth fire. The laws of purity were not followed: No, even though this was a Dastur's64household, he was no longer practising.And my fui [paternalaunt] wasa working woman,so there was no ... [i.e. it was too complicated].During your period you did not touch the fire, or the divo, or the portrait of Zarathustra.Except for that, therewas nothing else. There was a big celebrationwhen Dr F first wore a sari; by this time religion meantmore to her. The family observedsome of the parabs, and prayerplayed a role: I did occasionallytake a book and pray. I believedvery strongly. I did not spendhours on my kneesI would say,but I believedvery strongly. I neverwent to an examwithout going to an Agiary, that was a must! Did you say any special prayer before you went to an exam? I used to pray the Mah-Bokhtar Yasht, but only, to be very honest, becauseit was the shortest.I just decided that that was all I could manageon the morning of an exam. But I neverbegan an exampaper without five Yatha Ahu Vairyos and three Ashern Vohus, never! And you believe that really helped you? I believedI could not possiblystart an examwithout prayers.I don't know [if it had an effect] becauseI nevertried [to do without prayers]. The subject of the Fs' wedding then comes up. This was done in the traditional way, althoughceremonies which are often donein the houses of both partieswere performedin one houseonly. Dr F clearly felt that, underneaththe fun and games,there was a serious religious element. Her husband,on the otherhand, did not feel that the weddingritual was important,although he did not mind going throughit. When describing his family backgroundhe saysthat his paternalgrandfather and one of his uncleswere practisingpriests, but that otherwisehe had little contact with priestly affairs: Dr HF: My grandmother,who did not comefrom an Athornan family, was very religious. Basically my contactwith religion was from her. She taught me prayers,Navjote prayersand so on. But beyondthat I don't think my contact with religion, from my parentsand so on [amountedto much]. Now to us, the theologyof religion did not have much meaning. The fact that we were Parsis, that we believed in

98 Traditionalists cleanliness,that we believedin education- you know, we were taught that Parsisnever lied, that sort of thing ... So it wasmore social norms ratherthan real religion. About the Navjote, all I knew was that when you put on the kusti you becomea Zoroastrian,but beyondthat I still don't know the significance. Now after your marriage, did you continueto practise what you were taught in your youth? Dr. F: I continuedto do whateverI was doing, to visit the Agiary often, which is a practicethat I havealways followed. And I began to insist that H should come to, on important occasionssuch as birthdays, New Year, and things like that - and we did the same with our son. Again he is not the type to go often, but we do sometimesgo as a family. As your son grew up, did you or someoneelse teach him about the religion. Dr F: It was me, I taughthim! Later, whenhe went to do his Navar, he was sentto a Mobed [priest] to learn. That [i.e. the Navar] was I think more a fulfilment of H's and my wishesthan his. Why did you feel it was important for him to becomea Navar? We both of us come from generationsof priests and we felt that it would give him a firm groundingin our tradition. It was importantto us. Has it made him more religious? No, he is not more religious. And that was not the aim. My idea was that this is a family tradition of which we are very proud, and we wantedto maintainit. It was a tough year for him, becausein the old days the Navar usedto give up his normal studies,but he had to do school and Navar studies at the same time. So it was tough, but eventuallythe feeling of joy and pride whenhe finished and achieved this was quite something! And does he have any inclination to be active as a priest? Dr F: No, he doesnot show any inclination. He hasbeen bludgeoned into it severaltimes, but no, he doesnot show any inclination. Dr HF: I think basicallyhe just did it becausewe wantedhim to do it. He would not havedone it of his own choice.But the thing is, he is one of thoseindividuals who, whenhe agreesto do something, he doesit properly. He did not take shortcuts,he learnedall the prayers,and he did it properly. Could you tell me anything about experienceson visits to fire temples? Dr F: When I go to an Agiary, I go when it is quiet. I feel that I have a genuinehot-line to God. I have conversations.

99 The Interviews Does this happenat any fire temple, or with a particular fire? Dr F: No, anyAgiary thatis quiet, althoughI havean Agiary which I visit regularly. And I feel a very personalrelationship, as thoughI don't need an intermediaryto talk to God. And I must say He doeshear me. H, have you had any special experiencesin your profession,for examplethat you askedfor divine assistancein prayer and you got it? Dr HF: I don't regularly pray. I am one of those cheats,I pray only whenI am depressed,when I needsomething. If I am in trouble in the operatingtheatre, having a complicatedoperation and sweating,that is the time I pray! I think it gives me a tremendousamount of solace. When I am absolutelydown and out I feel that prayerreally gives me solace. Now as a scientist, I don't know whether it really has a meaning,but when you are in trouble you do something,and this is my outlet. Now many people go to an Agiary, or to some religious leaderor a Babaor something.I just don'tbelieve in thosethings, but I feel that if I needsomething, prayer is important to me. But then, at other times when everythingis fine, I have a tendencyto forget God. Do you say just any prayer, or is there a special one? Dr HF: Usually I just pray AshemVohu and Yatha Ahu Vairyo and do a kusti, that sort of thing. Do you have any eclectic beliefs,65or is it only Zoroastrianism? Dr F: We have a prayer niche, and somebodygave me a picture of Buddhaso I put it there, and I have a picture of Ganesh,66so I put it there. But no, basically I only believe in Zarathustra. I don't understandmuch of the religion, but whatever it is, I am just a staunchZoroastrian. As you are both form a priestly background,can you tell us somethingabout what you have seenof the interaction betweenpriests and laity? What do you think the role of priests usedto be, and what is it now? Do you think there is a changesince your young days? Dr F: Yes, I think thereis a change.My grandfather,who died whenI was very small, was an immenselylearned man. If he had lived longer he might have taughtme a lot, and explaineda lot. But since then I found that the priestsare ill-educated.They are basicallypaid very badly, they lead suchfrustrated, difficult lives. And I feel it is a very importantpart of our culturethat we shouldlook after the priests.But unfortunately,the priestsare not in a position to give us any idea about religion. If you have a problem in the family, do you go to a priest for help? Have you ever gone to a priest for help and got it? Dr F: No. I askedKhojeste [Mistree] for a prayeronce and he gaveit to me and it worked. But nothing else.

100 Traditionalists 50 do you feel there has been a kind of schism betweenlaity and priests? Dr F: No, not a schism,but over the yearsthere hasbeen a lack. And that lack cannot be filled by priests who are ill-educated and so desperatelypoor that their children no longer want to go into this profession. Mrs Munshi thenasks if Dr F hasever experienced a tendencyamong the laity to avoid social contactswith priestsbecause they are supposedto bring bad luck. Dr F recalls that she once askedher grandmotherabout an expression suggesting this, and her grandmother indignantly dismissed it, saying, 'Only the Behdins say that!'. Dr F finds the Zoroastrianmethod of disposalof the dead,and the prayersconnected with it, very good and beautiful. She observes the annual Muktad prayers,and says a specialprayer on Farvardinmahino Farvardinroj. She usedto go to the Towerson that day, but hasnot doneso for a long time. She observesthe parabs of Water and Fire, and says the appropriate prayersif shehas time. Dr F doesthe Mushkil Asan ceremonyregularly, althoughthis wasnot donein her mother'shouse. Mrs Munshi asksif Dr F hasever experiencedspecial contacts with the dead,such as visions or messages. Dr F: No. Only sometimes,when you pray for somebodyto whom you havebeen very closeyou feel that maybethey are listeningand maybe they are doing a little to prod somethingto help you. I feel that rarely, but sometimesvery strongly. Mrs Munshi then asks Dr HF about a story that has gained a certain currencyin the community, namely that plants won't grow in Dr HF's office because,as a gynaecologist, he sees many women who are technically in a state of impurity, so that somethingabout them might preventplants from growing. Dr HF answersthat he is not surethat he believesin this at all, and that the story startedas a joke betweenhis son and himself. Asked aboutstories they were told as children, Dr F saysshe was not told many storiesbut rememberssome tales from the 5hahname.Dr HF heardmany storiesabout Behramshah Shroff 67 in his youth, becausehis eldestuncle was a disciple of Shroff's. Asked about prayers,Dr F says that when anyoneis ill she always prays the nirang of the Yasht.68 When she feels agitated, even when stuck in traffic, she always prays. Mr Mistree then entersthe conversationand askswhether the Fs' son is more like his motheror his father as far as religion is concerned.Dr F say that, as a doctor and a scientist,he is more like his father and pooh- poohsmany of the things she tells him. However, she stressesthat this maychange later in life. Her brother,also a doctor,was not at all religious

101 The Interviews in his youth but now visits Agiariesregularly andoften goesto Udwada. 'So I hopethat whatevermy sonhas absorbed by osmosis,it will be there in him.' Dr HF objects that visits to an Agiary and to Udwada do not necessarilyimply the sort of religiosity he seesin his wife, which seems to him exceptional.About his son he says that father and son, though both very proudof beingZoroastrians, went to the sameChristian school andnever had muchZoroastrian religious education.As a result,he feels that what is meaningfulto both them is the social side of Parsiidentity and that neitheris very religious. Dr F stressesthat her sonis immensely proud of being a Parsi, much more so than other peopleof his age. Mr Mistree askshow it is that, althoughDr F seemsto have received very little formal religious education,she has still developeda strong devotionallife. Dr F answersas follows: My mothertaught me, 'This is what you pray whenyou are in trouble'. I pray all the six nirangs everyday. I may not havea scarfover my head or face Zarathustra,69but at somestage, perhaps rushing off to college, everyday I prayall the nirangs attachedto the major prayers?OWhy the nirangs? Becausethey are short! But I like to pray them. It is a matterof faith. I have always done that, even in my college days. It was not a matterof hourseach day, althoughI go throughperiods when I do pray a lot. I mustsay - it is not very nice to admit this, but whenmy sonhas an exam,I sit at homeand pray. All throughthat paper! I mean,I don't just sit aroundand walk around,I sit there and pray. Dr HF: May I just comment?My maternalgrandmother (the Behdin) sheused to pray a lot. We usedto makefun of her that shewould go on praying, go on praying. But I havefelt that, sinceher death,when the prayersstopped, I found a change,you know. Things do not go the way they usedto go whenshe was praying. As a scientistI don't even believe in all this, but there is a gut-feeling that there is a difference since she is dead.Maybe therewas somepower in thoseprayers that is not there any more. Dr F: When this housewas built - you know we bury certain things under a new house, like a kusti, a coin, and things like that71 - I wantedto put H's grandmother'smain prayerbook underthe house, but H did not want to part with that. But she had a few other prayer books,and I was determinedthat one of H's grandmother's[prayer] books would be part of the foundationsof this house.So I did that, andI really saida specialprayer when I put it in: the houseis founded on the Avesta in a very literal sense. Dr F: I really feel that in any great problemsthat have come, I have alwaysappealed to BehramYazad, and no matterwhat, maybeafter a period of trials and tribulations,but one comesout of it. 102 Traditionalists The discussionmoves on to the currenttrend amongParsis to venerate Babas and other gurus. Together the Fs tell a hilarious story about a relative of theirs who goesto the Agiary every day and prays sincerely, but also keepsan extensive'pantheon' of imagesof gurus,, Babas, deadancestors and prominent people - including membersof the British Royal Family - in his prayerarea at home,and never travels without it. All Parsispresent feel that such syncretismis 'a very Parsi thing'. Dr F thinks that one reason for this is that Zoroastrianism is not a congregationalreligion. Dr HF is of the opinion that being a Parsi is now largely a matter of social, rather than religious, identity. He is sure that younger,Westernised people are no longerinterested in the religious side. His wife strongly disagrees,observing that one now sees more young peoplein Agiaries than formerly.

MRS Mr 5 was born in 1941. He went to High 5chool and College and has a Diploma in Interior Decoration.He works as an interior decoratorand is also active in the fields of marketingand public relations.He is a public- spirited man who sits on various committeesand does voluntary social work. His wife waspresent during part of the interview and took part in the discussionat the end. The family's religious life is not untypical of that of many middle classParsis. Mr 5 lives with his wife and two children, and with two of his aunts. He was an only child and speaks highly and with gratitude of his parents'efforts to meetall his needs.He hadlittle formal educationin the field of religion, but his mothertaught him the basicZoroastrian prayers (Yatha Ahu Vairyo and Ashern Vohu), and later sent him to a priest to improve his pronunciation before his Navjote. Mr 5 remembershis mother reciting the prayers to him while giving him his bath, and explainingthe basicteachings of the religion whenhe wasvery small. He thinks shetold him storiesin which Zarathustraplayed a role, but cannot rememberthese in detail. As a child Mr 5 lived in an extended family, with his paternal grandmotherand paternal aunt and uncle. His grandmotherwas a matriarch,and the two men of the housedeferred to her.72 When Mr 5's grandmotherdied, the two families becamemore distinct from each other. Mr 5 is not sure whethera separatehearth-fire was kept burning all the time, but efforts were certainly made to observe the usual Zoroastrianrituals. Therewas a prayercomer where all religious objects, such as the utensils for the loban, were kept. The loban ceremonywas done in the eveningand possibly also in the morning. Mr 5's maternal 103 The Interviews grandmother'splace was a hugebungalow. His motherused to go there when shehad her period, taking the child with her, becausethere was a separateroom with such commoditiesas iron beds.73 Mr S's maternal grandfatherwas a highly religious man,who alwayswore a cap,prayed in each geh whatever the circumstances,kept a hearth fire burning continuously,and had a separateprayer room in his house.Although he was a laymanhis generaldemeanour was like that of a priest.Since some of his own children were less interestedin religion, he encouragedhis grandchildrento be observant.Mr S attributeshis own religious turn of mind to this family atmosphere. Mr S describeshimself as 'one hundred percentreligious, with an unshakeablefaith in my religion', but he doesnot pray a greatdeal and doesnot know manyprayers by heart.A small room in his houseserves as a separateprayer room, and he tries to keep a fire going for twenty- four hours. The family is torn betweentheir environmentalistviews, which make them disapproveof burning wood unnecessarily,and their religious feelings which demand a fire. On the whole the religious sentiments prevail, largely becauseof Mr S's very strong sense of gratitudeto the Lord Almighty, who has always providedfor him. This part of the interview is highly emotional, Mr S breaksdown and cries more than once. The only time Mr S, whose English is perfect, uses a pronounfor God in this context, it is 'she'. He goes on to speakof his mother,who alwayscooked the typical Parsidishes on specialdays and madesure he hada bathwith milk andflowers on his birthdayeven after his marriage.Mr S's parentshad their local fire temple and visited the Wadiaji and Banaji AtashBehrams very regularlyon importantdays. The great parabs were observed according to the Shehenshahicalendar. Recently,however, Mr S's family hascome to prefer the Fasli calendar.74 Mr S'swhole family underwentthe nahn forty daysafter the birth of a child, and the purity laws about hair and nails are observed;hair and nails are nevercut on Saturdaysor Mondays.75 'Sometimesmaybe it is a little overstressed;it is based on childhood impressions,I have no rationalefor it, I have no basisfor it.' Insteadof taking laban aroundthe house,family membersoffer laban to the fire individually in the prayerroom. Coming back to his personal senseof religion, Mr S says: On the one handI don't pray for a long time, but on the otherhand I can say that the sincerity of my communicationwith God is totally complete. I am one of the fortunate few to believe that I can communicatewith God, expressmy senseof gratitude,which I know reacheshim. At the sametime I have completesatisfaction. Not that you take a prayerbook andrecite prayers for two hours- in the five or sevenminutes that I pray in a day I communicatewith God Almighty

104 Traditionalists totally. WhateverI feel I needto tell Him, I do, and He has takencare to respondon almostanything and everything.For my fifty-four years I have had a two-way communicationchannel. Mr 5 goes on to relate a number of miraculous things which have happenedto him. Once he fell off a running train and was unharmed. The first thing he did afterwardswas to go to the nearestfire temple,and aroundthis time he beganto visit the Banaji AtashBehram every 5unday. He has continuedto do this without fail, whateverthe circumstances, when he is in Bombay. His family now generally accompanyhim. On anotheroccasion he was nearly drownedwhen trying to save a friend, and he firmly believesthat God savedhim. Mr 5 praysin his prayerroom for a few minutesin the morningand at night; he performshis kusti after his bath, but not on such occasionsas leaving the toilet. About prayerhe says: I shut my eyes,I am closedto the world, althoughI havenot reached that stagewhere I do not know what is happeningaround me, but I do not like to be disturbed.No phonecalls, nothing at all! My thoughts are only of the Lord Almighty, and maybeduring that time I express my happinesswith everything that has gone past. I express,maybe, my desiresfor others.God never lets you down. Mr 5 has experiencedthis divine help in his social work. When one approachesGod on behalf of others, without ulterior motives, in his experiencethere is 'almostone hundredpercent success'. From thesekinds of things you have to believe that there is someone who cansee everything, who is witnessto all that I am doing andwho says,'Yes this personneeds to be looked after, needsto be guided.' Even when Mr 5's prayerswere not grantedsomething good hasalways come from the affair in question,which again points to divine wisdom. 'In any case, when it was important the result has always been favourable.' Mr 5 touches the ground wheneverhe leaves the house and again on reaching his destination?6'It is bowing in respectand gratitude,and acknowledging, "Thank you for all you aredoing for me".' Mr 5's wasa love marriage; thecouple had known eachother for three yearswhen they married. Mr 5's future mother-in-lawhad reservations because the horoscopesdid not match, 'But there again the Lord Almighty was working in his own way.' The adravanu ceremonyand the madav-sarowere done. Mrs 5 had a relative who knew many traditional Parsisongs, which were performedat the wedding.Mr 5 had heardthat in some families bride and groom do not meet during the four days beforethe weddingbut this was not donein his case.One Ashirvad was performed,?7and the couple went to Udwadaafter the wedding. When

105 The Interviews his first child was born Mr 5 had wished for a son and his wish was granted,which again confirmed his faith in God. Mrs 5 spentthe first forty daysat her mother'splace. As her parentslive in crampedquarters they did the bestthey could as far as the rules of purity were concerned. The chatthi and pagladu were donefor both children. No horoscopeswere made. Mr 5 believesthat all religions are pathstowards the sameGod, and that a follower of any religion canbe a good humanbeing. His religiosity has expresseditself throughZoroastrianism, but he feels he would have been the sameperson had he beenborn into anotherfaith. 5till, if he could choosean identity for anotherlife he would like to be a Zoroastrian again.He respectsall religionsand thinks it is pointlessto seekto convert others to one's own faith. He has no objections to people leaving a religion they do not feel happy with, but feels very strongly that one should be faithful to the religion one has chosen.He has no sympathy, therefore, with Parsis who remain Zoroastriansbut also venerate5ai Baba or the Virgin Mary. Mr 5's children'sNavjote was performed inside the AtashBehram. He celebratedthis eventwith a certainsplendour, and still hassome doubts as to whetherthe moneywould havebeen better spent on charity. Quiet charity plays an importantpart in his religious life. Mr 5 regardsdeath from naturalcauses as part of life, and doesnot get unduly upset over it. He does feel, however, that the funerary rituals shouldbe observed,and he had Vendidadceremonies performed for both his parents.He observedthe Muktadsfor his parentsfor a long time, but discontinuedthem recentlybecause he feels the ceremonieshave become too commercialised;78he cannot do something that seems to him meaningless. The discussion moves on to his family life, which is warm and intimate, and where the children at times admonishtheir father about religious matters. Towards the end of the interview Mr 5 repeatsthat, although his own typical prayer is just 'Help me' or 'Help somebody else',he has a deepfaith in prayer and in God, 'who will never let you down.' Mrs 5 then describesher prayer routine, which the children also follow. They do one kusti and one prayer after their bath. 'And our devotionto the religion is total; thereis no outsideBaba or anything.We find that our religion gives us completespiritual strengthin everything we do.' Her own specialprayers are a short version of the Hom Yasht for the well-being of the family, and Dastur Kookadaru's79 prayer to ShehrevarAmeshaspand, which brings successin one'sworking life. 5he hasrecently begun to pray Ava-ArdvisurNiyayesh, 'a mystic prayerwhich gives you a little internal strength.'These three prayers she recites every day, along with the kusti prayersand the Sarosh Baj. 5he also prays the

106 Traditionalists Cathas during the Catha days.80She confirms her husband'sremark that the family now follows the Fasli calendar,81largely under her mother's influence.This createsno problemsfor her husband,whose short prayers need no mention of the roj.82 It could lead to complications for the others,83but Mrs S remindsthem regularly what day it is. She observes the parab for the Fire in the traditional manner,according to the Fasli calendar.For Ava mahino Ava roj the family goesto the seabut doesnot offer dalni poris. 'It should make sense,what is the sensein putting the dalni pori into the water?I havea very logical mind and I won't do things just becausethey have been done traditionally, unless there is a logic behind it.' Since the family is largely vegetarianthere is nothing special about the month of Bahman. Mrs 5 has no specialexperiences of the miraculouspower of nirangs. One of Mr 5's auntsdoes the Mushkil Asan in their houseevery Friday, but Mrs 5 doesnot take part in this. 'I havenever done it, andI don't feel the need.I feel that the prayersthat I offer are good enoughfor me.'

MRSN Mrs N was born in a Gujarati village in 1914. When she was eight years old her family movedto a town with a largeParsi population, where there were Parsischools and other facilities. She marriedin 1942 and moved to Bombay,where she lives with her husbandand her two children,who are both unmarried. The family owns a shop selling religious articles. The interview took place partly in Gujarati and partly in English. Mrs N spenther early childhood in an extendedfamily of 36 people. The family wasvery religious, all womenwore the mathabanu(headscarf) and in the evenings the entire family gatheredfor joint prayers. The children- 18 in all- wereleft relatively free, but as they saw their elders pray constantly they learned the prayers more or less automatically. Thosewhose Navjote hadbeen done had to wear a capB4 andbow to the sunat sunrise,do their kusti, and say, 'God, pleasemake this day passin laughter and play. Bless us and keep us all safe.'8SEven the younger childrenhad to pray five Yatha Ahu Vairyos and threeAshern Vohus before breakfast.They were always madeto pray loudly; since all the children had to do this even the non-Parsiservants had becomefamiliar enough with the Zoroastrianprayers to correctany mistakes.The meaningof the prayerswas not discussed.The childrenwere also taughtmonajats, which they sangtogether before going to bed. Favouritestories included tales from the Shahnameand storiesabout King and Birbal, which are popular among Gujaratis from different religious backgrounds.Mrs N still loves the Shahnamestories. 107 The Interviews The conversationthen moveson to the traditional ways of the village. There were only five Parsi families there, the other villagers being Hindus. Mrs N's brother'swedding was attendedby various Rajas and Maharajas, who were magnificently entertained.The rnadav-saro was done, there were two Ashirvads, and the usual Parsi traditions were observed.As therewas no fire templein the village the couplepaid their respectsto the fire vase at home. In Mrs N's parents'home religious educationwas not very strict, the children were generallyfree to do as they pleased.There were no taboos: Nothing at all! Only when a persondied you must not laugh much, you must not hurt the peoplewho have lost, to have respect. Talking about death and funerals, Mrs N recalls the customs in the village. As there was no Tower of Silence the dead were buried in an ararngah (cemetery);usually the body was placed in a coffin, but some peopleexpressed a wish to be buried directly in the ground,which was normally respected.86 The ceremoniesfor Sarosh were done for one month.87 Food for the Saturn88 wasprepared every day, and the ladiesof the househad to take a 'head-bath'89before enteringthe kitchen. If no priestwas available an uncle recitedthe prayersover the Saturn offerings. Later the food was distributedto the children. Mrs N doesnot rememberhow the Muktad dayswere celebrated, for two of her uncles would go to Surat for the purposeand she did not witness it; she knows that the family had a Muktad table in Surat.90 Asked about the rules of purity in the village, Mrs N says that menstruatingwomen could not enter the kitchen, 'sat separate',and could not go out. Men could not shave or cut nails for five days, presumablythe Catha days. Navjote and birthday celebrationsfollowed the customarypattern. As far as religion was concernedthings did not changemuch for the children when they moved from the village to the town of Nagpur. They still had to pray regularly in the morning and at night, mostly reading from a prayer book. The family had an ever-burningfire in the house. Observanceof the laws of purity was relaxed,however, as her motherdid not force the children.When they were impure they did not prayand were not allowed into the kitchen (where the fire was), but wore their normal sudrehand kusti,91 andwent to schoolas usual.Mrs N doesnot believethat any Parsisin Nagpurwore a specialsudreh and kusti at suchtimes. Astrology playedan importantrole in the choiceof a husbandfor Mrs N. Her sister, whose horoscope had not been compared with her husband's,returned home as a widow after only a few yearsof marriage and her father thereforeinsisted that Mrs N should marry a boy who cameunder Mars.92 A neighbourhappened to know a family who were looking for a girl with the same kind of horoscope.Any remaining 108 Traditionalists hesitationsvanished when Mrs N's father died suddenly,because her mother was determinedto carry out his wishes. On her father's death- anniversary Mrs N moved to Bombay, where Mr N lived, and she marriedhim six monthslater. All traditional ceremonieswere performed and the couple went to Udwadaimmediately afterwards. In those days Mrs N's husbanddid not pray much, but she herself continued her establishedroutine of having a prayer sessionat about three in the afternoon,after shehad finished her work and had a bath. The parabs of the Watersand of Fire werecelebrated. These customs were discontinued when the family moved house,a few yearsbefore the interview. I don't do all this in this house,and to tell you the truth the children arenot interested.They know what hasto be donebut they don'thave the kind of instinct that we have.It mustbe my fault, I think, although there was school as well. For her first delivery Mrs N went to her mother'shouse in Nagpurand broughtthe babyback to Bombaywhen he was five monthsold. Most of the traditional ceremoniesconnected with childbirth were not done. The chatthi was not allowed in the hospital; Mrs N did not 'sit separate'for forty daysbecause her motherdid not believein it, whilst her mother-in- law felt the sameabout the besnaand pagladu. The children'shoroscopes weremade, however, because Mrs N herselfis a strongbeliever in astrology. The running of the shop, originally shared by three brothers, gradually devolved on Mr N alone; when he suffered from a slipped disc his wife had to take over. From that day onwardsshe has rarely misseda day. Sincethe shopsells religious articlesMrs N's genderwas a problem; for about eight days eachmonth she could not enter the shop becauseher touch was consideredpolluting. To solve this difficulty she had a hysterectomyat the age of 42. When Mrs Munshi asks if she did not think this a very big sacrifice, Mrs N answers,'Not at all, I loved going to the shop.' The interview thenmoves on to her family life whenthe childrenwere small. The family had daily joint prayersessions at about3 p.m., sayinga few simple prayers;then at night Mrs N would light the fire and pray, while her small son also sat with a book and pretendedto pray. Mrs N taughtthe childrenabout the religion from a book which covereda wide rangeof subjects: Everything about the Navjote, and the life of Zarathustra,and about our pehelvans[heroes] and their lives. How we came to India, and where we settled - all that was in the book. We did not know any ancient history and neither did my son, as he was at St Mary's [a Christian school]. He did not learn anything [there], so he was very interestedwhen I taughthim.

109 The Interviews What else did you teach them? Never to tell lies. That they should ask us for anything they might need,and that we would provide it. Not to steal. On specialdays Mrs N may pray a bit more than normally, for example the hymn to the Yazad of the day, but she does not often go to the fire temple. Her favourite Yashts are those of Hormazd and Ardibehesht. About twice a month sheprays the Behram Yasht, in which her sister-in- law has greatfaith but with which sheherself has no specialaffinity.93 Later, when disscussingfunerals, Mrs N saysthat shehad a Vendidad peformedfor her motheron the fourth day after her death,and againon her birthday. Both ceremonieswere performedat Udwada. Why in Udwada, any particular reason? The priests here were reluctant to do it and they did not recite the whole Vendidad. They finished by 5.30 or 6 in the morning, whereas there [in Udwada] they continuedto pray until 8 or 8.30. Did you attend any of the ceremonies? Yes. Can you describeyour feelings at the time? If you askme, I don't know the meaningof it all. But I know that it is the Vendidad and that it is for the soul of the departed,so one feels happy. Mrs N approvesvery much of the Zoroastrianmethod of disposalof the dead, as the soil is not polluted and no wood is burnt unecessarily.94 However,she also has a very positive recollectionof the aramgahsof the village andtown of her youth, andshe describes the funeraryprocedures there. The prayersare all done at home, and then the body is taken there. The priest pray a little. A pit is dug95 and the crateis lowered into it, and we had to standand keep reciting the Yatha Ahu Vairyo. My best prayer is the Yatha Ahu Vairyo. I always recite it, whether I hear of somethinggood or bad. You were saying that the crate with the body is placed in the grave. Is the grave lined with stones? Nothing at all. Sometimespeople ask to have their body placed directly in the earth,and then that is done. But is the coffin not lined with stone or anything? No, nothing at all. So there is direct contact with the earth? If you lay the body directly in the earththen thereis direct contact.We would take flowers there ... I liked it therevery much. Very peaceful!

110 Traditionalists Moving on to Mrs N's regular visits to the Towers on the parab of Farvardiyan,Mrs Munshi askswhat Mrs N prays there. There it is mostly the priests who pray, we do not pray so much. I must tell you I love to listen to the priests reciting prayers ... [We have] two priests,C andD from Fanasvadi,where the DadysethAtash Behramis located.They recite in this melodiousvoice. C told me that he had two sonsand he wantedthem to becomeNavar. He askedif I knew of any sponsors. What is your relationship with C? All our prayersused to be done at the Wadiaji Atash Behram,Y was our priest. He was then transferredsomewhere else so we had no priest. And we went to the Dadysethfire templeand there C told us he would recite all our family prayers- and he recited them in such a melodiousvoice that I alwayslistened intently, laying my prayerbook aside.50 I told my husbandthat he neededa sponsorfor his two sons and askedif we could do it. My husbandsaid yes, so we called C and on Adar roj, my mother-in-Iaw'sdeath anniversary,we all went to Udwadaand had the Navar done for his first son. In Udwada? Yes, they are from Udwada and only if the Navar is done there can they give boy [at the Iranshah].And then, when his secondson was readywe had his Navar done in memory of my mother. My brothers and sistershad all come. It was so beautiful! Are those boys now practising priests? No, unfortunatelynot. The youngestgoes to pray but they also have secularjobs. The eldesthad said long ago that he would not prayor give boy. My husbandfelt very bad about it. They were only ten or eleven when their Navar was done, and the eldestjoined an Italian firm and went to Rome, so he lost touch with prayersand he told his father that he would not perform any ceremonies.But the youngerone does. Formerly Mrs N's father-in-law sponsoreda women's Gahambar in Valsad every year in honour of his paternalgrandmother. Later, when things got very expensive,this was reducedto once in two years, and when the father-in-law died it was discontinued.However, the family still gives money to a local school every year. Mrs N hasno faith in Babasor othernon-Zoroastrian spiritual leaders. From storiesher neighbourtells her she has come to the conclusionthat 5ai Baba must be a good man, 'But that doesnot meanI should go [to visit him].' For her the Zoroastrianprayers are enough.Whenever she getssome important news, good or bad,she recites the Yatha Ahu Vairyo; she did this, for example,when the house where she had previously

111 The Interviews lived burneddown. Whenpeople in her family fall ill sheputs her hand on the patient'shead and recites the ArdibeheshtYasht Nirang, but does not do the pichi.96 Her daughtercame to believestrongly in the power of prayerwhen a vulture satmotionless in a tree oppositethe family home for dayswithout moving. It finally left, and the daughtertold her mother that she had been constantly praying for this. Once, when Mrs N's husbandwas seriously ill, he recitedthe Yatha Ahu Vairyo all the time and unexpectedlygot better. 50 you have great faith in the Yatha Ahu Vairyo. Yes, even now, during the riots97 my niece'sson had a providential escape.His bus was just a little aheadof the bus that was blown up. She cameto me and askedme what sheshould do. I told her to get a Jashan doneand to tell her sonto recite the Yatha Ahu Vairyo as soonas he stepsout of the house.And not only has she told her son to do it, but her husbandnow also doesit.

MRK Mr K wasborn in 1927 in Bombay.He studiedCommerce and Economics at College and followed coursesin Catering Technology and Applied Nutrition. Until his retirementin 1986 he worked for Indian Airlines in various capacities. Both Mr K's motherand one of his teachersstressed Mr K's identity as a Zoroastrianand the importanceof the traditional way of life. There were daily visits to the Agiary. At homehe learnedthat Zarathustrawas the prophetof the Zoroastriansand that they believein one God, Ahura Mazda, and should reject any other deity. The priest who taught him religion at school told many stories from the 5hahname, and Mr K remembers that he stressed the moral side of the religion: Good Thoughts,Words and Deeds. The laws of purity were very strictly observed in his family. His mother usedto 'sit separate'during her periods,and food was ordered from a hotel on those days. His sisterswent to school, but had to keep completely separateat home during menstruation;as their touch was polluting they had separateitems of daily usefor thosedays, and evena drink of water had to be given to them by someoneelse. Everyonehad a bathafter a haircut,the hot waterbeing fetchedby someonewho wasnot impure; all the clothesthat were worn during the haircut were washed. Family membersdid their kusti after leaving the toilet. A kerosenelamp was kept burning during the day; at an earlier stageit was kept burning for twenty-four hours. On parab days the family went to the fire temple.

112 Traditionalists As a small child Mr K wasfrail andsickly, andhis mothermade a vow that she would take him to Udwada for his first haircut at the age of seven.This was done: he had the haircut, underwenta nahn, and then went to pay homageto the fire. Mr K's marriagewas an arrangedone. It was not easyfor him to find the right girl, as he was very exactingin the matterof the laws of purity. Eventually, however, a girl from a priestly family was found who was usedto thesethings. Evenso therewas friction, becausehis bride refused to comply with Mr K's demandthat she should cover her headwith a head-scarf98as well as her sari; the bride finally compromisedby wearinga handkerchiefon her head.Mr K's view is that one'swedding takes place only once in a lifetime and that it should be done 'in a completelyreligious way.' The madavsaro was donefour daysbefore the wedding and the couple was told that they should not meet from that time until the wedding;no reasonwas given. Mr K hadinsisted that they should meet on the morning of the wedding day to visit four Atash Behrams together, but the bride stayed away. Some days after the wedding the couple went to Udwada. Although Mrs K was from a priestly family she had not beenespecially trained to be a priest'swife; she had no great knowledgeof religious observancesand in fact Mr K had to teachher a numberof these. Mr K's daily routine is as follows: I get up in the morning. First I do my kusti, then have a bath, then clean all the utensils, the sabi [portrait, probably of Zarathustra]and everything. Then, after lighting a divo, I pray Sarosh Baj, [the] geh [prayer], Khorshed-Meher[NiyayeshJ, SatumnoKardo. And as far as my prayersto the fire are concernedI do them over therein the Atashkade [fire temple]99 or in the Atash Behram: Atash Niyayesh,then Hormazd Yashtni Nirang, Ardibehesht Yashtni Nirang ... I do everything over there, in the fire temple. Every day I must go to a fire temple. You said earlier that you wash the utensils. Which utensils do you mean? The glassand the vesselfor the milk. For the SatumnoKardo you must have milk and flowers. I pray it every day for family memberswho have died.IOO I drink the milk afterwards,and after a few days I removethe flowers and throw them away on a nearbyhilL Mr K then mentionsthat, beforepraying, he also bumssandalwood in a fire vase, after which he does the loban. He has five fayourite Yazads: Hormazd,Ardibehesht, Adar, Saroshand Behram. On the roj of these Yazadshe prays their Yashts. He goes to all the four Atash Behramsin Bombayon Adar mahino Adar roj; on the 'birthdayof the Waters'he goes to the seasideor to anothersource of water, and praysthe Ava Yasht. He regularly offers a machi on his birthday at the DadysethAtash Behram.

113 The Interviews When an enterprisehas beensuccessful, he sometimesoffers a machi to the fire or to Ahura Mazda.He recountsthat oncehe was planningto go to Iran but found himselfin a doublebind: the airline would not issuethe ticket unlesshe had a visa, and the Consulaterefused to give him a visa without a ticket. No solution seemedpossible, but he happenedto pass the Wadiaji AtashBehram and prayed to Ahura Mazda,vowing to offer a machi if his problemwas solved. That very day the airline gave him his ticket and the Consulateopened especially on a Saturdayto issuea visa. The machi was duly offered. When he was hoping for a promotion he would often vow to havea machi performedat all eight AtashBehrams in India, and this usually had the desiredeffect. Mr K greatly benefited from reciting the ArdibeheshtYasht after an operation.His motherwas savedagainst all expectationsafter two severe heart attacks,which Mr K attributes to the grace of Ahura Mazda; no special prayerswere said at the time, although the family prayed the usual prayersat home. At one time the Mushkil Asan was performedat Mr K's home; later he used to attend the ceremony every Friday at someoneelse's house. Eventually, however,someone told him that this was a Muslim custom and that Zoroastriansshould only venerateAhura Mazda and His son, the Fire, and he gave it up.101 Every year Mr K has the Farokhshi performed, and also the Baj ceremoniesfor the ProphetZarathustra and for Homaji. He attendsall these ceremonies.Mrs Munshi asks why he frowns upon the Mushkil Asan,which is performedin honourof the Yazad Behram,but hasa high ritual celebratedfor Homaji, who is not a Yazad. Mr K replies that it is merely a questionof paying respectto Homaji, not of worship. In any case,he is 'deadagainst' non-Zoroastrian cults like that of Sai Baba,and describeshis various fights with Zoroastrianpriests who promote or observesuch cults. He oncesmashed a picture of Christ in an Agiary. He observesall Shehenshahi,Kadmi, and Khalis Fasli102 feast days,but no non-Zoroastrianones. Mr K is the Presidentof the JashanCommittee of Nargol, his wife's place of origin, where there are some thirty or forty Parsi families. A Jashan is held there on every parab day - i.e. wheneverthe dedicationof the day coincides with that of the month.103 This meansthat several occasionsare observedthere which passunnoticed elsewhere, although admittedly few people attend the less well-known functions. Mr K has never missed a funeral when he was in Nargol. In fact he has twice servedas a khandyo - taking the body to the Tower on foot and taking it inside - as there are no professional corpse-bearersin this small community. Special clothes are kept for such functions, and after the ceremonyall those who acted as corpse-bearershave a nahn. After this they put on their normal clothes. The cleaning of the Towers is the

114 Traditionalists responsibility of the local Anjuman.104 Mrs Munshi, who of coursehas neverbeen inside a Tower, askswhether it is clean there. Mr K saysthat he was madeto take off his glassesso that he cannotbe certain,but his generalimpression is that it was quite clean.

MRT Mr Twasborn in 1938 andhas lived outsideIndia for a considerablepart of his life. He holds a B.Sc. from Bombay University and has held a responsiblepost in the Indo-BurmaPetroleum Company. At the time of the interview he was working as an EngineeringConsultant. Mr T plays an active role in Parsipublic life; amongother functions he holds the post of Honorary Secretaryof a local ZoroastrianAssociation and he is an Honorary Professor in 'Zoroastrian College'.105 Although Mr T's personal history and some of his views differ from those of most Traditionalists,he clearly has much in commonwith that group. Mr T's wife was presentduring the interview and contributedto it at the end. Mr T had what he calls a 'peculiar religious life'. He was born in Switzerland,where his mother died two days after his birth and where he wasbrought up by a Christianlady for the first sevenyears of his life. He thus grew up in a Christianenvironment. At the ageof sevenhe went to live in Africa with his father and they also lived in Bombay for some time. Then, in 1952, his father died and Mr T went to stay with an uncle in Zanzibar.He went back to India in 1955. ThereI wasexposed to religion in a very simpleway. I saw for the first time what a fire templewas. I hadbeen in Bombayfrom 1946 to 1950, and the only religious thing that happenedwas that my Navjote was performed. And that also was performed in a very hurried way, becausewe were going back to Africa. My Dad wanted to stay in Bombay,but it was impossibleso he decidedto return to Africa and I insistedon going with him. It was decidedthat my Navjote shouldbe performed immediately. So it was very hurriedly performed in the Agiary over here, with no friends, nothing that a normal Navjote would have. After that I cameback to India in 1955, when I went to College and did not take much interestin religion. In the mid-1960s one of my friends told me, 'Thereare religious classes,Sunday classes, going on in our colony,106why don't you comeand join us?'So I said, 'OK, let us seewhat it is like, if I like it, fine.' So I went andit wasthere that I first met Dasturji Kutar.107 And he taught us religion in a beautiful way. He was a no-nonsenseman, he was a good speaker,he could lecturebeautifully - I've got someof his lectureson tapealso -

115 The Interviews and it was through him that I learnedsomething about our religion. Thenafter his deathI did not proceedfurther until 1970 or 1971, when I had a motorcycle accidentand was confined to bed. At that time, havingnothing to do, I startedreading all sortsof bookson all sortsof occult subjects.And then it struckme that insteadof readingall these things aboutothers, why not read somethingabout our own religion. And a lot of controversieswere going on [in the Parsi community], peoplewere not agreedon any of the importantsubjects. That is why I decidedto take it up and go to it myself. I never joined any group, becauseall the groupswere warring with eachother. I just took up the basic books and startedgoing through them one by one. And that is how I havecome to the stagewhere I havemy own views on religion. Dasturji Kutar taught us many things, he used to lecture on various subjects;one [seriesof] lecture[s] was on the Yatha Ahu Vairyo, which went on for about twenty, thirty sessions.Then he took a very long lecture for a couple of years on life after death. And in the lectures peopleused to digressby askinghim all sortsof questions.His classes wereentirely informal, whoeverwanted to take notestook notes.And finally he used to come to the fire temple over here, and we usedto meethim in the fire templeand we usedto pesterhim with questions and argue with him. We even used to make him wild at times, you know, by asking very controversial things ... Even as I lecture nowadays,I find that somethings I could not understandat the time makea lot of sensenow. I cannotgive you any concreteexamples, but quite often as I write I find that somethingwas alreadytaught to us at that time ... Most of all, what I gainedfrom the lecturesis that they were a sort of steppingstone for me to continue further. They were very general,he was not going very deeply into the subject, he was always speakingto a very illiterate sort of crowd and thereforethere wasnot much of deeperreligion that we could learn from him, except leadinga good Zoroastrianlife. He was a Persianscholar and he used to refer to a lot of Persianquotations from the Shahname.He was very inspirational; those who had attendedhis lecturesalways wanted to hearhim again and again. What changesdid he bring about in your personal life? He told us a lot about prayers, he used to say that the Jaraziyat prayers108should be prayed.Basically we found: theseare our duties which we arenot doing, so letus startdoing them.It wasa sort of guilt complex. Actually I was praying even before that. My prayer life startedafter my Dad died. He died in Zanzibar and we don't have Towers of Silence,we have a graveyardover there. After his demise, althoughall the ceremonieswere performed,after a month or two I startedseeing him in my dreams.He cameonce, after somedays I saw

116 Traditionalists him again,and then a third time. And thenI askedmy maternaluncle, I told him, 'This is what is happening,I keep seeingmy Dad.' So he said, 'You do one thing, you pray this prayer for rememberingthe dead, which we call SatumnoKardo.'109 So I said OK, and I started praying that prayer. And ever since I have not had him enter my dreams. Mr T had to learn to readGujarati in order to readthe prayerbooks, but evenso he did not understandthe meaningof the Avestanwords. This did not matter to him, as he was happy that the prayer itself had the desiredeffect. The typical thing the Parsisare taught[is]: if you pray this nirang, this happens,if you pray that nirang, that happens.So you startwith a sort of selfish motive, without going into the depthof it. Without praying for the sake of praying, but praying for the sake of either getting somethingor warding off something.That selfish motive of prayer, that went on in my life for a long, long time. And thenafterwards, as I started studying the religion, I found, 'No, you shouldn't be so selfish!' And Dasturji also usedto teachus, 'You shouldnot be selfish, you shouldpray for the love of God, you should pray for the sakeof praying.' And then, slowly, over a long period of time, as I started studying more and more of the religion I found that prayer has different meaningsfor different people. NowadaysI try to tell people,'You shouldnot just pray for the sake of getting something. You should be grateful to God for your existence,for the state you are in. Don't just keep crabbing to God aboutwhat you don't have.' Mr T's was an arrangedmarriage. There was an engagementceremony on the day when the Navjote of his brother-in-Iaw's children was performed.The wedding followed the traditional pattern;there was no SanskritAshirvad. The weddingwas performedby ErvadKutar, who had also done Mr T's Navjote. When the couple moved into their first apartment,a Jashanwas done because relatives said it wasthe right thing to do. At that time Mr T himself did not know why oneshould have such a ceremony performed,but he compliedwith the others'wishes. During his wife's first pregnancythe agharni was done.When the first child was born his wife stayedin hospital for most of the traditional forty days, thenshe had a nahn andwent to stayat her mother'splace for a time. Mr T's mother-in-law insisted that the names of the children should be chosenaccording to the rasi,110 and this was done. I alwayshad a deeprespect for elders,and whateverher mothersaid ... Her mother was a very holy, simple, nice person,and also a very practicalperson. She was not in favour of too manyceremonies which

117 The Interviews did not meanmuch. She said, 'We'll havethe bareminimum,' andthat sort of thing. When shesaid that the children shouldbe namedas per the rasi, I said, 'OK, let's do it as per the rasi. Whateveryou say we'll do.' The family doesnot find it possibleto observemany of the purity laws. When they first married the apartmentwas too small to permit of it. Since they were not able to keep a separatehearth-fire, a diva was kept burning for 24 hours,and his wife avoidedany contactwith it during her periods.Also, when Mr T intendedto go to the fire templeon suchdays he tried to avoid contactwith his wife. The whole family observesthe rules abouthairs and nails. Mr T stressesthat he believesin the rules of purity, which should ideally be observed more stringently, but this would not be practical in his case.The family prays togetherevery day: That is one thing my maternaluncle taughtme in Africa. He usedto insist we comeback at 6.30 or 7, and then the whole householdmust pray together. He did a lot to educatethe basic instincts in me. He usedto pray a lot, andI stayedwith him for threeyears. We hada little prayerroom in the house.After my Dad'sdemise, when I went to stay with them, I was given that prayer room as my study. So we had a little lamp burning for 24 hours, and he usedto initiate that evening prayer. We used to do the kusti and the evening Atashna Namaskar prayer.And from thereI was taughtthat peopleshould pray together. During one of our functions at schoolthere was a big thing about'The family that prays together stays together,' and we had our own prayersat home.So whenmy childrencame to be of an agewhen they could talk, I startedteaching them the prayers,even thoughthey did not understandwhat they prayed.First the little one use to be on his mother'slap and fall asleep,but we usedto sit togetherevery night and pray together. Now we pray separatelybecause we all have different schedules,but for many years we used to sit and pray together.Just simple prayers,the kusti prayers.The Sarosh Baj was a little too long; we taughtit to the boys andtold themto pray it on their own. I wanted them to learn more prayers so I said, 'If I pray the SarashBaj with them they will get tired, and they will not go for it.' So then I started praying the nirangs of the Yashts: Harmazd Yasht, Ardibehesht Yasht, then Sarash Yasht Vadi, Hom Yasht and Vanand Yasht.111 We used to pray all these. And then we used to pray the Khudavind Khavind song,112which my mother-in-lawintroduced. That went on for years,that was our prayerlife. Mr T has devoteda great deal of energyto teachinghis children about the religion, teachingthem the prayersand explainingvarious matters of Zoroastrian teaching and observance.Last year a nephew came to

118 Traditionalists Bombay from abroad,and askedMr T to preparehis children for their Navjote. He is proud of his successwith these children, and is now preparinga children'scolumn to be publishedin Jam-e-Jamshed.113 Asked whetherhe has had any specialreligious experiencesor has a favourite fire temple,Mr T says: Yes, I do have a favourite fire temple. I have beenvisiting this fire temple for years now, becauseit is close by. And in the fire temple thereis an Adaryan fire114 which of courseis behindbars, and there is the Dadgah fire.11S Now the Dadgah fire was always kept in a terrible state by these people, the priests never used to tend it properly, so wheneverI usedto go I usedto cleanit up nicely, removethe old ash, cleanthe placearound it. Thatis how I got attachedto it. And I always say my Atash Niyayesh,the prayer to the fire, in front of that fire, not the main fire. The reasonbeing, not that I havedisrespect for the main fire, I have terrific respectfor all the fires. But everybodywho comes praysin front of the main fire andvery few peoplepray in front of this fire. So I say, 'Let me pray in front of the little fire, which is getting less love and attention.' Asked whetherhe visits the fire on all importantdays, Mr T replies: I'll be very frank with you. To me every day is fire templeday, I make no differencebetween a hamkaraday or Navroz or any otherday. But I have madeit a point that, in caseI cannotvisit the temple for some reasonor other, I shouldnot get a guilt feeling. Quite often I comelate from work and the fire temple closes at nine o'clock, and you just cannotgo in after that. In such casesI make it a point not to feel sick about it ... sometimesI phone home and tell the boys to go to the templeand put the sandalwood,sometimes they are not availableand the wood doesnot get offered, that is all! Do you sometimesoffer machis? Yes I do, and there is a reason.We have a register for machis in our Agiary, and someyears ago it happenedthat machis were not offered every day. So I said that machis should be offered. In the caseof an AtashBehram, even if the laity doesnot do it then the Trusteesshould seeto it, it hasto be takenfrom the Trustees'funds. But in the Adaryan thereis no suchrule. So I had a bright idea and said, 'On days when there is nobody offering a machi, you note it as my machi.' And for a numberof years,when people were not offering machis I filled the gap. That was the only reason,not that we had any businessfor it ... no favours askedor anything. And today there are so many machisbeing offered that my machi doesnot even come up now. For the last three yearsI don't rememberhaving paid for a single one.

119 The Interviews Mr T does not normally light a divo in the fire temple area becausehe keepsthree divas in his house.His wife does the loban in the evenings everyday. Mrs T now takespart in the discussionand explainsthat loban is done in the evening mainly to protect the family from evil spirits, which are felt to be powerful at night. On Ava mahino Ava roj the family goesto the seato makeofferings. Mrs T's motherused to makedalni poris every year, but Mrs T herselfdoes not do so. On the eve of the 'Birthday of the Fire' the loban ceremony(which involves fire) is done for a longer time at night and the Atash Niyayesh is recited. Mrs T says that her neighbourrecites nine Atash Niyayeshprayers and keepsthe hearthfire burning throughoutthe night; Mr T remarksthat the samewas done in Africa. On Farvardinmahino Farvardinroj the family attendsa Jashan. Mrs T's favourite Yazad is Behram; she performs the Mushkil Asan ceremonyevery Friday, which is a tradition in her family. She believes the ceremonywill ward off evil; even if it is one's fate to encounter difficulties they will be less seriousbecause of it. She tells a story about her nephew'sboss, who never prayedand did not even have a prayer book in the house.One day his daughterwent missing; Mrs T's nephew told his bossto pray the Behram Yasht and Ava Niyayeshand lent him his prayerbook. The family prayedas directedand the girl was found alive and well within a day or two. Mr T prays theJaraziyat and the SatumnoKardo in the morning; in the evening he recites the Atash Niyayesh in the fire temple when he has looked after the lesserfire there, and the Behram and OhrmazdYashts. The family makes pilgrimages to Udwada, Navsari and Surat from time to time, on oneoccasion they visited four AtashBehrams during one trip. Suchjourneys are madewhen convenient, and often combinedwith family visits. Pilgrimagesare nevermade to 'bribe the Lord' ( i.e. to have a wish fulfilled), but becauseMr andMrs Twish to do it. Mrs T oncetook her sonsto pay their respectsto the four AtashBehrams in Bombay.Since Parsiswho comefrom abroadoften do this, shefeels that Bombay-based Parsisshould not do less. Both parentsare very happy that their sons visit the fire templeregularly. As far as religion is concerned,Mr T feels that the family doeswhat it can.

Notes 1 This illustratesthe importanceParsis, and particularly Parsipriests, attach to questionsof time, and to birthdays.If one is born on the day dedicatedto a certaindivinity one hasa link with that Yazad,so it is importantto be precise in such matters. 2 The meaningof theseand other Gujarati terms is given in the Word List. 3 On this observancesee above, p. 16. 4 Sincea fire usedfor religious purposeswas burning in the kitchen,purity was felt to be very important. Non-Zoroastrian servants were therefore not

120 Traditionalists allowed into the kitchen and the grandmothermade sure that the place was kept clean. 5 Note that no fundamental difference appears to be perceived between Homaji, a historical figure who is veneratedbecause he is felt to be a martyr, and divine beings. 6 This illustrates the strict division between priestly and lay Zoroastrian families in the traditional Parsi communitiesof Gujarat. 7 This could be taken to indicate that some Parsis feel that Meher (the great YazataMithra of classicalZoroastrianism) is important,but areno longerquite surewhy, cf. above,p. 23 with n. 18. 8 i.e. they refrainedfrom eating meatin that month. 9 This customsuggests that the link betweenBahman and animals was a living reality in people'smind. 10 It is not untypical to havesuch rites performedon a day which alreadyhas a specialsignificance for the family, such as a deathanniversary. 11 Wood, being porous,is thoughtto absorbpollution very easily. 12 It is believedthat metal and glassdo not absorbpollution. 13 Anything that could be construedas direct contactbetween a menstruating womanand a sourceof water, which shouldbe kept free from pollution, was clearly avoided. 14 Note that it was the grandmother'sanger that was feared; the notion that suchbehaviour might be an offenceagainst God clearly did not playarole in the girl's thoughts. 15 Note, however, the earlier descriptionof a visit to a Hindu shrine, and the apparentlack of awarenessof any contradiction. 16 Presumablya Sufi saint, certainly not a Parsi. The preferencefor Parsi institutionswas clearly basedon considerationsof loyalty, not on a belief that Parsi observanceswere the only effective ones. 17 This seemsto illustrate the difference betweenthe priestly and lay ways of life: any member of a working priest's family would have a detailed knowledge of rituals and religious observances,whereas many lay people neither neednor possesssuch knowledge. 18 On the dron or 'sacredbread' seeabove, p. 10. 19 In Bombay this ceremony is nearly always performed in a fire temple. However, DasturDr EM. Kotwal informs me that it is indeedpermissible to do it in a cleanplace in a private house. 20 See above,pp. 35, 36. 21 It is interestingto note that suchdomestic ceremonies did not come into the sphereof competenceof the children'sfather, who is a working priest. 22 The direct touch of an 'impure' womanwould be polluting for the baby. 23 The text of monajatscan be recited without singing. 24 A training college for priests,see above, p. 57 n. 55. 25 At this stageof the interview Mr Antia said that he could not recollect much about this service. Later on he rememberedthat this was the ShehenBaj, an ancientrite intendedto further the affairs of the (Sasanian)King andhis state, which must be performed by old priests while younger priests may only watch. 26 i.e. the tendencyto concentrateon the worship of somespecific Yazadssuch as Ashishvang,who is expectedto give riches,or Behram,who bringssuccess. 27 i.e. days which are generallyheld to be auspiciousand otherswhich are not. 28 A popularincantation associated with the mythical hero Faridun. For further referencessee Index

121 The Interviews 29 See above,p. 37f. 30 The demarcatedarea in which the body is placed,see above, p. 37. 31 Sic. Presumablya slip of the tongue. 32 It is interestingto note that this staunchand traditional Zoroastrianuses the term 'meditation',which is more readily associatedwith Hinduism or Buddhism. He presumably uses the term to refer to his Zoroastrian prayers. 33 A wealthy Bombay suburb. 34 One of the five priestly lineagessee above, p. 45. 35 A lengthy and demandingpurification ceremony,which involves a retreat from the world for nine nights, with a minimum of food and sleep.See also above,p. 15 n. 29. 36 Dastur K. Dabu was also a leadingTheosophist (see Hinnells 1997: 76). 37 The implication is that the problem occurredbecause Mr Antia had gone to the office in a state of impurity, d. his earlier remarks on getting ill after attendinga cremation. 38 Wealthy and prominentParsi merchantfamilies. 39 A well-known Parsi'colony' (baug), a group of buildingsproviding affordable housing for Parsis,which are sometimesset in their own grounds.Cusrow Baug has a fire temple serving the community. 40 On ErvadNadarsha Aibara seeabove, p. 50, andthe interview with Y. Aibara. 41 For Mr Doctor'sviews on the importanceof aurassee the interview with him in Ch. 8. 42 The implication is that if it waspermissible to relocatethe oldestsacred fire in India severaltimes, there could be no valid groundsfor the Khshnoomists' objectionsin the caseof a relatively minor fire. 43 The conversionof Mr J. Peterson,which was confirmed by the authority of someU.S.-based Zoroastrian priests when his Navjote wasperformed, caused a greatdeal of debatein Parsi circles. 44 On such debateson community issuessee pp. 55, 310f. The late J.R.D. Tata was one of the idols of the Parsicommunity, and it musthave taken a certain amountof courageto contradicthim in print. 45 On the Nirangdin see above, p. 10; on Kookadarusee above, p. 50, and the interview with Y. Aibara. 46 On the consecrationof the various categoriesof fire templessee Modi 1922: 199ff. 47 Lohraspshahis one of the heroesdescribed in the Shahnamewho are much veneratedby the followers of Kookadaru.See above, p. 23 with n. 19, and the interviews with Mrs X and Y. Aibara. 48 The languageof this passagehas been slightly altered.On the rules of purity concerningmenstruation see also above,p. 39f. When Mrs A was young such rules were observedmore widely and strictly than they are now. 49 Mostly, it seems,tales from the Shahname. 50 The argumentthat one must follow and obey the tradition becauseprevious generationshave madegreat to maintain it, is often heardin Parsi circles. 51 Many Parsisbelieve that the task of kusti weaving traditionally devolved on women of the priestly class only. At the time of writing kusti weaversmay come from priestly or lay families. 52 d. above,p. 52. 53 The juice of the Haoma plant, which is extracted and consecratedduring someof the high rituals.

122 Traditionalists 54 This passageseems to sum up the attitude of many traditionalists with particularclarity. 55 It is interestingto note that in Mrs A's mind the questionof observanceof the purity laws is chiefly connectedwith the occupationof the bread-winner.The questionof sin, or of God's Will, does not arise in this context. See further below, p. 300f. 56 In other words, observanceswhich had determinedpart of Mrs A's life seem alien to the next generation,to whom their grandfather'sview that something hasto be donesimply becauseit is requiredby tradition is equally unlikely to appeal. 57 See above,p. 35. 58 The rasi systemdetermines the initials the child may have on the basisof its horoscope. 59 On theseceremonies, which are often performedfor the first child only, see above,p. 36. 60 A systemof healingby meansof prayer and 'magneticpasses', as described here. 61 Theseare festivals of Hindu origin, which are observedto some extent by many Parsis. Kali Chowdas is associatedwith magic; on Dhan Teras people wash their jewellery in milk. 62 An image of the Hindu goddessof prosperity. 63 A prayerassociated with the ancientIranian hero Faridun,on which seealso above,p. 23 with n. 19. 64 The word dastur is often usedas a respectfultitle for any priest. 65 i.e. beliefs of non-Zoroastrianorigin, held together with more traditional ideas. 66 A Hindu deity. 67 On B.N. Shroff seeabove, p. 49f. 68 A shortformula basedupon this Yasht,which is often associatedwith healing. 69 Dr F apparentlyregards it as desirableto face a portrait of Zarathustrawhen praying. It may be that shetakes it for grantedthat a flame bumsunderneath sucha picture,as Zoroastrians generally pray facing a fire or anothersource of light. 70 i.e. short prayer formulas basedon the text of the Yashts. 71 Askedfor more informationDr F mentionedthat, in additionto a prayerbook andkusti, a little gold andsilver andthe day'snewspaper are normally buried under a new house. 72 This is not unusualin traditional Parsi families. Parsi culture is remarkably free from male chauvinism,and the motheror wife of the 'manof the house' is often the most powerful personin the household. 73 On the use of iron bedsduring menstruationsee above, p. 39f. 74 On thesecalendars see above, p. 47. 75 Although the Zoroastriancalendar has no equivalentto our daysof the week, the Hindu calendardoes. Parsismust thereforehave beenfamiliar with the conceptof a seven-dayweek since they cameto India, andmany peoplenow observeceremonies on a certain day of the week: rites for BehramYazad are widely held to be particularly effective when performedon a Friday, and Mr S's family obviously has strong feelings aboutSaturdays and Mondays. 76 This is done in sometraditional families. 77 See above,p. 33. 78 d. above,p. 25. 79 On Kookadarusee above, p. 50.

123 The Interviews 80 On thesedays seeabove, p. 26. 81 See above,p. 47. 82 In theseprayers there is no needto statethe day andgeh, as may be required in longer prayer sequences. 83 viz. becausethe Fasli calendaris rarely marked on Parsi calendarsand is relatively uncommon,so that friends and neighboursare unlikely to remind one of specialdays. 84 i.e. their headhad to be covered. 85 Khodiiyjf iijno dfvas has to rarnto gujiirjo. Badhiine siirii radii riikhjo. 86 To someParsis this might seemimproper, as the deadbody directly pollutes the earth.The local community,however, clearly hadno suchfeelings, or the practicewould not havebeen allowed. 87 On theseceremonies see above, p. 38. 88 On the Saturn see above,p. 10. 89 A bath which includeswashing one's hair. 90 i.e. the family had a specialtable in a fire temple there, seeabove, p. 25. 91 Somepeople have specialitems which are only worn during menstruation. 92 Guj. rnangal. The astrological system used in the Parsi community clearly differs in manyways from that usedin the West, but noneof our informants provided detailedinformation on the subject. 93 It is interestingto note that, althoughfew Parsisunderstand the meaningof Avestanprayers, many have a strongpreference for certainprayers and feel indifferent to others. Nor is this always a question of believing that one prayer is more effective than another; in this case, for example, the only considerationreferred to was that of 'liking' the prayer. 94 Note, however,Mrs N's commentson the procedureat the ararngah, where the questionof pollution doesnot seemto playa role. It seemsfair to infer that Mrs N approvesof most or all methodsof disposalwhich are practised by Zoroastriansbecause she feels they arepart of her religious tradition, but that she is not really preoccupiedwith suchthings. 95 Mrs N literally says,'three days before the funeral a pit is dug: This seems unlikely, however,and may be no more than a slip of the tongue. 96 i.e. shedoes not make'passes' over the patient'sbody while reciting certain prayers,d. the interview with Mrs A with n. 60. 97 There had beenviolent communalriots in Bombay a few yearsbefore the interview took place. 98 Many traditional Parsi women wear such scarves,which are known as rnathubanu or rnathabanu. 99 This term is widely usedin Iran, but not amongParsis; here it is probablya conscious'Iranism'. 100 On performanceof the Saturn ritual by laymensee above, p. 10 with n. 25. 101 This is not untypical; few Parsisare in a position to be certain whether a ritual or observanceis originally Zoroastrian,or if it hasbeen borrowed from anotherreligious tradition. In this casethe customis in fact likely to be of Zoroastrianorigin, although a very similar observanceforms part of the Iranian Muslim tradition. 102 See above,p. 47. 103 On the parabs which are widely observedsee above, p. 22f. Severaloccasions when the day and month dedicatedto the same Yazad coincide are not generallycelebrated by Parsis. 104 The local Zoroastrian'Association', a body representingthe community. 105 See the interview with Dr Master-Moos

124 Traditionalists 106 i.e. in our Baug or Parsihousing estate. 107 On Ervad DarabshahKutar seealso the interview with Dr Y. 108 The 'obligatory' or basic prayers,see above, p. 17 with n. 5. 109 The prayerfor the Saturn, on which seeabove, n. 100. 110 A methodof choosingnames on the basisof the horoscope,cf. aboveW,n. 58. 111 In other words, Mr T beganto pray the shorternirangs insteadof the long hymns to various divine beings. 112 One of the rnonajats or devotionalsongs. 113 On this Parsi newspapersee above, p. 55. 114 A commonParsi term for an Adaran, a fire of the secondgrade, on which see above,p. 9. 115 i.e. a fire of the third grade,see above, p. 9.

125 Chapter Five N eo-Traditionalists

MR KHO}ESTE MISTREE KhojesteMistree wasborn in India in the late 1940s.He grew up in Pune (Poona),but studiedin Britain. After qualifying as a charteredaccountant he went on to read for a degreein Oriental Studiesat Oxford. He later returned to India, where he began to share his knowledge with the community, who started attendinghis lecturesby the hundreds.As a result of his successhe soon becamea controversialfigure, adoredby many but disliked by others. He co-founded 'ZoroastrianStudies', an active centre for teaching and explaining the Zoroastrianreligion. Mr Mistree is a prominent exponentof 'Neo-traditionalism'.The present writer attendedthe interview. Asked abouthis homebackground, Mr Mistree says: I grew up in Poona,where my mother lived then; she was a very strong-willedperson, very secularin her outlook. Thereis very little of religion really that I can rememberfrom when I was young. We used to go a Fire Templeperiodically; sometimesa Jashanwas performedat our place. I think what I rememberabove all from those Jashans is eating the chashni [consecratedfood]. I was never given a properly structured framework for the religion. My mother practised the religion in her own eclectic way; perhapsunlike mostother Parsisshe had to work with many Hindus. She was a doctor working in the slums of Poona. Therefore the earliest memories I have [about religion] are of what happenedin Hinduism. For examplemy mother had one patientwho was able to foretell the future, she had another patient who had the ability to predict anything bad that would happen.As I grew up there was anotherlady who had the amazing ability of producing holy red powder from nowhere. So more than structuredreligion I think I was exposedto what one might call the

126 Neo-Traditionalists paranormal.At a very early age, when I was about eight or nine, I discoveredmy gift for water divining. At that time, in the fifties, no water diviner in India would haverevealed his secrets.It meantthat I inventedmy own techniqueof how to find water, so one had to deal with things which sciencecould not at that stageexplain. This gave me an interestin things occult, in things unusual,which most other children of my age would not be botheredabout. It was thesesort of things that mademe realisethat life was not just about eating, going out and beingmerry - of courseI did thosethings but I felt therewas somethingmore to life. I developeda natural instinct of wanting to experiencethe supernatural.So to me, then, that was the religion; I do not recollect having been told about the meaningof the Ashem,the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayers, in fact I would say that I really had no religious input whenI wasyoung. I remembermy Navjote,which was a big occasion for me, where I was taught my prayers by my grandmother,but the Navjote ceremonyitself was not explained in any detail. I was told to do things and, unquestioningly,I did them. I was not at that stage particularly interested to know why it was importantfor the Navjote to happen,except that it mademe feel good that I was being welcomed into the fold. In that sensethere was a feeling of recognition.Otherwise all my Navjotememories are thoseof presents, food, the beautiful strings of lights which one of my mother'spatients had hung in our garden. I liked going to the fire templeand, curiously, often I usedto go on my own to the Sir J.J. fire in Poona.I havealways had a specialfeeling for that fire; it was not my mother'sfire temple,but somehowI liked to go to it on my own, often on my way backfrom school.I did not go on a regular basis, just wheneverthe spirit took me. When I had a water divining job to do I would sometimesgo to the fire templeand ask the fire to help me. So therewas, if you like, a kind of relationship I developedwith this fire at an early age. Did you say a lot of prayers by then or did you just talk to the fire, experience the fire? I generallywould just experiencethe fire. I have never beenone for excessiveprayer and thereforethe onlyprayers I knew in those days were my basic kusti prayers,nothing more, not even the Sarosh Baj. Was there a trip to Udwada after the Navjote, were things like that done? No trip to Udwadathen, at leastas far as I remember.In fact I think I went to Udwada for the first time when I was perhapstwelve or thirteen years old, many years after my Navjote. Udwadawas some 400 kilometresby road from Poona,remember, and my mother,being a doctor, neverhad a weekendto spareto go there by car.

127 The Interviews Did anything interesting happen betweenthe time of your Navjote and the time you went to England, later? Yes. A very importantthing happenedduring my last yearsat school. My mother had gone for an evening drive on a Sundaywith some other ladies. On the outskirts of Poonaa Parsi gentlemanhailed the car. He knew one of the occupantsof the car, but not my mother. He looked at my mother and he said, 'Madam,I would like to come and talk to you.' My motherinvited him, andI rememberthis mancoming, very strong,very well built. He turned out to be a strongman from a circus, by the name of BahadurGamadia. (Bahadur died four years ago now.) He was the first Parsimystic who enteredmy life. As I was told later, in his meditation he was told to make contact with my mother, and through this contacthe would make a spiritual contact with me. So he took me under his wing, and he would come to our house when he was in town. He was able to read one's mind absolutelyperfectly; he also had the ability to makethings happen,in a sense controlling people's minds. He was also responsible for perhapsopening some of my psychic chakras, in terms of making me more sensitiveto mattersof the world above. And this helpedme in my water divining activities, becausein a very short time I becamea very, very well-known water diviner; as a school-goingboy I was earningan incomethat was liable to tax. Now Bahadurjihelped me in my divining work, he would pray when I went on a difficult divining job. But he never revealed to me who his gurus were. Still, from conversationsI gatheredthat they were Sufi saints,1 some of whom wereliving andsome of whom haddied. He would go to the gravesof theseSufi pirs, andhe told me that he sometimeswent for two or three days, picking up their vibrations. And through that energy he was able to help me. I just took that for granted.So in that senseI did have a kind of spiritual disciplinewhich the averageParsi boy would not be exposedto. My brothernever developedthis sort of interestand this sort of liking, it very much seemedto be somethingthat I personally went in for. Did you discussthis at home? It all happenedquite naturally. I did not havelong discussionswith my mother becauseshe was always busy. I was closer to my grandmother,who shuttledbetween Bombay and Poona;when she cameto PoonaI waswith her. But I did not sharethese things; it was very much a personal,individual quest. But even in those school days I knew that I had to do somethingwhich would be different from what my schoolmateswould eventually do. Like I felt that I had a certain mission which I had to accomplishin mattersof the spirit.

128 Neo-Traditionalists Did Bahadur Gamadia use any of our Zoroastrian prayers? Nothing that I am awareof. All he said was, 'Continueto be a good Zoroastrian,'whatever that meant. But he did not tell you what being a good Zoroastrian entailed? Nothing! I had absolutely no formal education when it comes to religion, and specifically Zoroastrianism.I grew up in a Christian school and I supposeI knew more bits from the Bible than I knew from my own tradition. Yet therewas a naturalempathy I felt towards being Parsi. To me that was important, being a Parsi and therefore being different from other children. So afterwards, I believe, you went to Oxford to studyaccountancy? No, no, that is not how it worked. In thosedays, going to Englandwas virtually impossiblebecause of Indian foreign exchangeregulations. But some time in the mid-sixties I was invited for a water divining congressin England.The British Society of Dowsershad heardabout my work. (I think I was one of the youngestdowsers who madeit to that congress.)They invited me to TunbridgeWells to reada paperon my water divining work in India. I feel I got psychic help from BahadurGamadia, so that all the travel arrangementsfell into place whilst it wasvirtually impossiblein thosedays to leavethe country as a schoolboy! I first went to Switzerland, where my father lived in thosedays, and it was the first time I saw my father sincemy birth. It was kind of strangeseeing this man who, I was told, was my father. I remember going to his flat on that Sunday morning; I rang the doorbell and after two or three minutes this man came down in his dressinggown. I looked at him and he looked at me, and I stuck out my hand and said, 'Hi Pop!' I spenta few days with him just before going to the congress.I had practically no money. My father gave me somemoney, and then I arrived in England. I was not even 18 then, and it was very courageousof my mother to allow me to go to London, especially in those days, when Flower Power was at its height. I got off at the Earls Court Bus Depot, wherethe bus from the airport droppedus. Now Bahadurji had told me that money would come for me. I was walking down Earls Court Road when a fairly nondescriptperson came walking towardsme from the oppositeside. He looked at me and I looked at him, and there was a sort of recognition,I canonly tell you, a sort of spiritual recognition.He held out his hand,in which there was an envelope.As if it was normal, I just took the envelopefrom his handand he continuedwalking in the oppositedirection and I continuedwalking ahead.In that envelope was the exactamount of moneywhich I requiredfor the congress;that is how the money came. Then in England I came to realise that this spiritual world, whateverit is, not only existed but that it actually 129 The Interviews workedfor me! How could somebodyjust walk up to me and give me moneyfor this congress?It was just too coincidentaland too unusual. And no questionsarose in your mind, like, 'Should I take this'? Not at all, it was like meetingsomebody normally and shakinghands with a person.But Bahadurjihad taught me a certainspiritual exercise and a gesture,which is somethingI still usefrom time to time whena situationis very difficult and, for a greatergood, it still works. Somedays later I went to TunbridgeWells and the congresswas a greatsuccess for me, judging from the audience'sresponse and given that I was aboutfifty yearsyounger than most other people.I met the creamof British aristocracy;everyone was very polite and,as they had donetheir dowsingwork in the colonieswhen Britain still had its Raj, they were very happyto sharetheir secretswith me. Becausefor me water divining was not just like an English tea party; it was helping real people, it was helping farmers, industrialists setting up their factories. In thosefew days at TunbridgeWells I had certain dreams, whereI felt I was being told to stay on in Englandlonger. When I left India it wasbasically just going to be a holiday, go to the congressand comeback. But somethingtold me I had to stay, and I had to discover something for myself. I went back to London. I had a few introductions to Parsis, whom I contacted.Then, very strongly in my ... I don't want to usethe word meditationbecause I did not have any specific techniqueof meditation.However, I would just sit quietly, maybein a park or by the river, and a messagewould comethrough, and a clear indication would be given to me. I sat one day in Hyde Park and was told that I had to stay in England for some spiritual work, and so I decided to stay. Everybody in India was horrified because,as I say, I was fourteen,fifteen, and it was in the mid-sixties, in the daysof Flower Power.One could havegone totally wild. But my mother had great confidencein me and supportedmy decision. She said,'If you want to stayI will supportyou; I am not going to askyou to return to India, but you must do somethingthat will eventually earn you your breadand butter. If you want to do your other things you must do them concurrently with a formal education.' So I discoveredthat accountancywas a very good possibility to explore,as you could becomean articled clerk. They would then pay me a sort of stipend,which would help me to survivein England.So, to cut a long story short, I had to find an accountancyfirm that would give me a job. Now my grandmother'snephew, who lived in London, knew of an accountantwho was looking around for an articled clerk. I was called in for an interview, and for somereason our chemistriesclicked andhe waswilling to take me on. But I had to sit for some0 level and A level examsin order to servemy period of articleship. So I had to

130 Neo-Traditionalists study, I had to work in orderto earna living, and I had to developmy spiritual interests all at the same time. My mother was very supportive,because finances were tough. Everything,clothes, even a threadand needle,was sent from India. There were other Parsiboys doing accountancywho basicallycame from well-off backgrounds,so I was the only person,I felt, who had to strugglein that sense.But I cansafely say that I neverwent without a meal,money just trickled in. Somebodywould comefrom India; I got a grantof £5 a monthfrom a Parsi gentleman;then the Freemasonsdecided to adoptme and they gaveme £50 a yearfor threeyears. Somehow I managedto live on that budget.Ahura Mazda was truly looking after me. In any case,unlike the other Parsiboys, my interestswere more in matters of the spirit. When others went pub-crawling I went to Interfaith meetings or to a spiritual concert. So within months my network beganto develop amongsta certain kind of people,people who were in searchof somethingspiritual. This was probably one of the most spiritual periodswhich Englandhas known; everyonewho was interestedin suchthings seemedto drift there, and I had chosen to be part of that world. Did all that bring you closer to Zoroastrianism? Well, no. My closenessto ZoroastrianismI have to attribute to two or three major happenings.One was getting to know an English girl. She was maybe ten years older than me, but she was very interestedin mattersof the spirit. She beganto probe and ask questionsabout my religion, and I could not answerthem. She mademe tum inwards, to discovermy own roots, in fact my own being. So far I hadbeen exposed to everythingnon-Zoroastrian, and it was this girl who mademe focus on Zoroastrianism,which eventually led me to discover the esoteric tradition of the living faith. She used to ask me to chant the Avestan prayersand shewould sit meditating,listening to how I prayed.Going into absolutemoments of ecstasy!So then I thought, 'If she feels this way there must be somethingthere.' She could not just be feeling this for the sake of feeling it. She in tum knew of a Kabbalist, and I then came into contact with a lovely man, Warren Kenton, who was a Kabbalist in the New Age sense.So I beganto study Kabbalahwith him, and for yearsI attendedhis classes.But at the sametime I then beganto apply Kabbalahto what I beganto experiencethrough the Zoroastriantradition. Over the years I read a number of books on Zoroastrianismand I found that they seemedto be more or less superficial.What I read therewas either very scholarlyor I felt that the authorssomehow missed the point. They certainly did not give me an answerto my spiritual quest.However, through my Kabbalistictraining I beganto understandthe principles underlying esoteric philosophy.

131 The Interviews I beganto realisethat, in orderto be able to understandmyself, I hadto discovermyself asa Zoroastrian.It wasrather painful becausefor every hundredbooks one could find on New Age spirituality I could hardly find onebook on Zoroastrianism,and some of the booksI did find were boring and difficult to understand.I then cameinto contactwith more people,who askedmore questions.So it was a questionof assimilating information very quickly, and then sharing. I got in touch with the Interfaith movement,where I had to talk aboutZoroastrianism. Now I could not quite sayto thesepeople that Zoroastrianismwas about Good Words, Thoughtsand Deeds,because these intelligent people would say, 'Surely all religions talk of good thoughts,words and deeds,why do you feel yours is so special?'And suddenlyI realisedthat clearly that was not the answer, that Zoroastrianismhad somethingelse to offer the world, but at that stageI did not know what. So I readwhatever I could find on Zoroastrianism,and that meant readinga lot of trash,a lot of popularbooks. And I thenfelt that I had to undergoa rigorousformal training in Zoroastrianism.At this stageI was under the spiritual guidanceof a Turkish mystic, Bulent Rauf, who had starteda very powerful Sufi movementin England called Beshara. In this movement they studied Ibn aI-Arabi's Fusus [al- Hikam],2 which basically talks about the concept of an absolute, transcendentGod. And I found it very difficult to understandhow this conceptof an absolute,transcendent God would fit in with the Zoroastrianparadigm of Ahura Mazda, the Lord of Wisdom. And I rememberstruggling with the Fusus at Beshara,where we would perhapsread only two or three lines a day. I was doing all this while studyingto becomea charteredaccountant. By the time I qualified as an accountantI was well into studyingand experiencingZoroastrian- ism. My boss,who was a very specialman, allowed me to go to Iran for eight weekswhen officially I only had two weeks [vacation]. The Iranian experiencewas very important, as I was able to experience Zoroastrianismat the grass root level. In many ways it was totally different from the Parsi paradigmI was used to. I had a numberof religious experiencesthere which were to changeme fundamentally. When I did well in accountancymy boss offered me a junior partnership,which was unheardof in thosedays. At the sametime all these other things were happening;I met a lot of different people, Buddhist monks but also British aristocratswho were searchingfor somethingspiritual. So within this exclusive circle of friends I was seenas a sort of Zoroastrianguru. But the mostimportant thing all of themtold me was,'Khojeste, you haveto discoveryour own roots and share them with us.' In other words the common plank was to discoverour mystical roots and bring out a New Age understanding from our different perspectives. 132 Neo-Traditionalists One day a famousTibetan Buddhistteacher visited London, and I was standingin a long queueoutside the building wherehe was. He told his assistants,'There is a Zoroastrianoutside and I want to talk to him.' And they fetched me from outside.He gave me a scarf, and he was the first personto talk to me aboutKhshnoomism. 3 He said,'One of your peoplewent to Iran somesixty yearsago. You will now have to do the samething for your people.'I was completelytaken aback. I hadbegun to read somethingabout Khshnoomism, especially about Shroff. And he said, 'You will have to bring down the light for your people,who havecompletely veered away from the religion.' Now to me this was important, for here was someonefrom a completely different tradition, not part of Beshara,not a Sufi, not somebodythat I interactedwith on a regular basis,picking me up from the road and giving me this message.Of course,Shroff's zoroastrianisedTheoso- phy never appealedto me personally. Did you not ask yourself, 'Why me?' No, in thesesort of things you never ask, 'Why me?', becausein a sensethat is arrogance.In the normalworld perhapsthis false senseof humblenesscomes, but the spiritual world, I feel, works differently. If you haveto do a job you haveto do it; it is not a questionof why me or why you. I mean,how can I questiondivinity? If I am meantto be an agentfor God I just have to do it. As time went on, I could seethat I was being trained and preparedfor a particular mission. Gradually more and more people came to know me, and I was giving lectures at Universities and so forth. I was then sent to Krishnamurthi'sset-up in Hampshire,and I spent a few days with this greatphilosopher. With Krishnamurthithe experiencewas rather different becausehis whole approachwas that establishedreligions had failed, and that one had to be consciousof one'sown spiritual path through this intellectual paradigm. My philosophicalbase was beingstrengthened, but I could not carry the Zoroastriantag with me, which by that time was becomingvery important. I was also takento BertrandRussell by a friend of mine who knew him. This waswhen Russell was in his late eightiesor early nineties,a few yearsbefore he died. Somehowhe knew what a Parsi was. I was very impressedwith him, after all Russellwas a free thinker and one of the great, great intellectual giants in philosophy. He had a very squeaky voice and he said [mimics], 'Oh, you're Mister Khojeste Mystery. You're a Parsi from Bombay.' I said, 'Yes, sir, I am a Parsi.' And then he talked to me and I was very impressedwith him. Of coursehe did not believein formal religion either,but it is curiousthat thesenon-religious types have had a greaterinfluence upon me than priestsof any religion.

133 The Interviews Some years later I was taken to meet to the Archbishop of Canterbury,Dr Ramsey.He was into Interfaith and very keenthat the Zoroastriantradition should be representedin England, and I was askedto representZoroastrianism. So occasionallyI would go off to thesetea partieswith the Archbishop of Canterbury. Now whilst all this was happening,some of the Sufis in England got specifically interestedin Zoroastrianism,because for somereason they found the Avestan chants very beautiful. They found it inspirationalwhen I chantedthe Ashern Vohu or the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayers,as taughtto me by Zoroastrianmystics in Iran. And this gave me greatpleasure because I felt that spiritually I could communicate with people on the level of sound,rather than in terms of what the Ashern Vohu meansor what the Yatha Ahu Vairyo means.And because of this I was taken by my Turkish teacherto meet Pir Vilayat Khan, who wasa big Sufi namein thosedays, the sonof HazratInayat Khan. He gaveme a private audience,which I was told was a greathonour. And he shut his eyes(we were sitting as we are sitting now), and he said, 'I gatheryou are going to Iran in the next six weeks.I want you to go to Shahrud,and I want you to meetsomebody there.' I said, 'But why Shahrud?'and he said, 'You will see.' And then he said, 'In Shahrudyou will be given a book, and you will be given instructions what to do with that book.' He then sort of flattered me, and told me that he sawmy vibrationsto be very good and what haveyou. So off I went to Iran, and in those days I used to know some very rich Zoroastriansin Tehran.And in thosedays if you lived in Tehranyou neverwent to the villages, that was like the boondocks.You just lived this high life in Tehran. So when I told my hosts I was going to Shahrudthey really thought I had lost my marbles. I got to Shahrudby bus at about six thirty in the morning, and I could not imagine why I was there. It is not a Zoroastriantown, it is the back of beyond, six hundred odd miles north-eastof Tehran. I rememberthis pharmacistopening his chemist'sshop. He looked at me and I looked at him, and I suddenlyhad a flash of myoId teacher BahadurGamadia, who had shownme one or two occult things. This man invited me in and I said, 'Look, I've been given a name in England,and the namewas Khanom [Mrs] Azudin, who is supposed to live in Shahrud.'He looked at this name and he said he did not know. So I sat there and I said, 'You know I have been sent from Englandto meetthis person,there must be this person.'So, typically Iranian style, he called other people,but none of them could figure it out. So I really felt very stupid: Pir Vilayat Khan hadsent me on a wild goose chase! I was about to get up when a personwalked into the store.He lookedat me I looked at him, and againthere is a little occult practice which one does. And he said, 'You've come from England,

134 Neo-Traditionalists you are a Zoroastrian?'I said yes -I was overjoyed. He said, 'You havecome to meetKhanom Azudi.' So the othershad not beenable to figure out that Azudin stood for Azudi! It turned out that this lady was the wife of Iran's Foreign Minister in Mossadeq'stime in the 1950s,so shewas a very prominentlady. This man called up Khanom Azudi, who could speak English. She said, 'Before you come for dinner tonight, go to the grave of Bayazid Bestami.'4So off I went to Bayazid's grave. By then all my meditations and prayers were Zoroastrian.I would never go into Islamic chants,except for Ya Hu,5 that was the only non-Zoroastrianchant I might do, but even there I later discoveredthat in Avestanhu means'good' and ya is a pronoun, so it somehowhas a Zoroastrianconnection. What Zoroastrian chants did you do at this time? Basically the Ashern Vohu and Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayers,recited in a slow chanting way. Anyway, I went to Bayazid's grave, paid my respects,spent all day there,meditated, reflected, and in the eveningI went to seethe greatMrs Azudi. Shehad a very beautifulhouse, in the middle of nowhere.And at dinnershe gave me a book and,surprise of surprises,it was The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianismby Zaehner.6 For two years in England I was trying to find it in antiquarian bookshopsand I could not. So shegave me this book and said, 'Read it; I want you to travel right acrossIran, and go to Shushtar to discover the place where Mansur al-Hallaf has been.' I nearly freaked out, becausePir Vilayat Khan had also told me in London that, from Shahrud,I would haveto go to somefaraway place near Basra, where Hallaj hadonce lived. The nameof Hallaj hadfirst enteredmy horizon whenPir Vilayat Khan mentionedhim. I had not known who he was, exceptthat he was a Sufi mystic. So the next day I set off, travelling nearly 36 hoursby bus. I arrived closeto Shushtar.Now Vilayat Khan hadsaid that I would haveto find this site whereHallaj hadbeen. And Massignon,8in his book on Hallaj, has a particularstory aboutHallaj and a fire, wherehe mentionsa placecalled Tushtar.But therewas no Tushtaron the map, only Shushtar.So I had to take my divining rods (whenever I went to Iran, my rods were always with me), and eventually I felt that Shushtarand Tushtar were probably the same place.So this bus droppedme aboutfour in the morning, the sunhad just risen. I really beganto ask myself if I was going mad. What the hell wasI doing travelling to thesestrange kind of placesfollowing the hints peoplehad given me?At which point a jeep drove up to me, and the man asked me what I was doing there so early in the morning. I had to be very circumspect,as Sufis are not well respectedin that area.Anyway this guy said, 'I will take you to a very learnedman of this area;his nameis Mulla Sharif aI-Din.' So I was takento his house,

135 The Interviews and I felt a bit nervousbecause this was the first time I met a high- ranking Muslim cleric in Iran. I looked at him, he looked at me, and I just sheepishlysaid, 'I am a ,and I am looking for Hallaj.' He just laughedand said, 'Never heard of him; you'll haveto go to Basra.' Now Basrais in Iraq and therewas no way I was going to Iraq. Then as I was leaving his house,feeling despondent,I suddenlysaw two beautiful Zoroastrianmotifs. So I looked at them and I said, 'This is Zoroastrian.'He was takenaback and he beckonedme again,and he startedasking me questionsand suddenlyhe becamequite friendly. I told him about wanting to find Hallaj's place, where there was a story about Hallaj enteringa Zoroastriantemple. It is said that as he entered,the fire, which accordingto the story was lit by Zarathustra, went out and the prieststarted crying. Hallaj thentold the priest,'I am as Zoroastrian as you are,' and he raised his hand and the fire reappeared.I told this to Sharif aI-Din and he said, 'There is such a place in the neighbourhood,but there is no way you can go there now.' It was so hot that the tar on the road was melting. Peoplehad just stoppedwork at eight in the morning becauseof this heatwave, and yours truly wantedto go to find a placewhere there was a shrine to Hallaj in the desert.So I talked to him, I took out my divining rods- they often help me in strangesituations - and he took out two stone tabletsand askedme to datethem for him. I usedmy rodsand I dated them; they wereZoroastrian. (I still havephotographs of thesetablets.) He wasmost impressed and he said,'OK, I will sendmy sonwith you but you will have to go on camelbackto go to Hallaj's ... temple or whereverhe had been.'So off I went on this cameland we went into the desert.Finally Sharif al-Din's son said, 'This is where my father asked me to bring you.' I looked around and there was nothing. I thought, 'Gosh, the heatis getting to me.' The man told me to come away as therewas nothing,but I said No. So I took out my rods while sitting on the camel,and did a 3600 scanand I got a readingfrom my dowsingrods. So off I wanderedto that particularspot. Sharif al-Din's son just left me, and part of me was saying, 'Khojeste,you are mad. Apart from anythingelse, how areyou going to makethe camelstop?' Anyway, the camel went in the direction I wanted, and as we got closer to that place I saw that there was an actual structure... I walked up to the shrine, tape-recorderand all. I sat there for two hours. I cannot tell you how that time passed.For when I became conscious- that is all I can say, I meanI was consciousbut I felt as if something had hit me - two of the most powerful Zoroastrian manthras came through, and I recordedthem on myoId-fashioned tape recorder,I still have it on a spool. I knew then that my mission was accomplished.That night I took the bus back to Tehranand the next day I flew back to England, met my Turkish teacherand said,

136 Neo-Traditionalists 'Mission accomplished.I found what you sent me for.' And he was overjoyed,he huggedand kissedme and said lots of nice things.And I felt that I had achieved something, although not something Zoroastrian. But did you realise that the chant was Zoroastrian? Yes, yes, absolutely.I knew that the word was Avestan. You knew that, even though you heard it for the first time? I knew that this chantwould becomethe most importantkey for me, for Zoroastrianspiritual work. Some18 monthslater I sailedthrough my accountancyexams and I remembergoing to the Earls Court Fair in Januaryto book my sailing boat, which I had always dreamt about. Having qualified as an accountantthe world was at my feet, my bosshad offered me a junior partnershipand, from havingsurvived on sevenpounds ten shillings, now onewas talking of megabucks.One day Bulent andWarren, who were like my two teachers,called me for supper.They said, 'Khojeste, we haveto give you somenews.' So I said,'Oh, oh, now what is going to happen?'I was all set to becomean accountant.I was looking at housesin the Hampsteadarea and everything was sort of working out. Bulent said, 'Khojeste,you'll haveto give up accountancy.'I was devastated,having done accountancy,having got this super job, everythingwas made for me. They said, 'No, you will have to train formally in your religion. You havehad all the mystical inputscoming in, but now you mustgo backto your roots and discoveryour religion from its source.'And that was perhapsthe most difficult decision I had to makein my life: do I give up the high life and go back to being a student? And I said, 'How can I become a student, I am an accountantnow, how do I get into a University to study religion with an accountancybackground?' And they said, 'That will all be arranged,don't worry. You go and meditate.'They felt sorry for me but on the other hand they were taskmasters.So I thought and worried. A few weeks later a friend of mine from Besharacame to see me, and was fascinatedby my dowsing. And he said, 'My Moral Tutor at Oxford is very interestedin water divining. I have spoken to him aboutyou andhe wantsto meetyou. Why don't you comefor tea?'So I saidOK; it soundedpleasant enough. So off we went, andhe hadthis beautiful houseoutside Oxford, an old, old country house.He then mademe sit down and I jumpedfrom the chair he mademe sit down on. I was a bit embarrassed,you have to be very polite in this upper- crust English society. So he said, 'What has happenedto you?' So I said, 'Excuse me, sir, but I don't feel too comfortable sitting here, becauseI am getting theseshingles in my body, and I have a feeling

137 The Interviews that I am sitting on a streamof water.'So he burstout laughing,and he said, 'You are absolutelyright, there is water.' He removedthe carpet from his living room and there was a woodenlid; he openedthe lid and there was a well. So straightwayI proved my credentials,in a sense.He askedme to tell him more aboutwater divining, so I was in my element.Now this friend of mine told the Tutor, 'Khojestewould love to studyat Oxford University.' (I had told him what my teachers had said.) Now this man was Senior Tutor for Admissions at St Edmund's Hall, Oxford; he said, 'Oxford prides itself in having unusualcharacters, and I like you. I am willing to give you admission to my College, provided the basic criteria are met.' Without seeinga scrapof paper! I said, 'But, sir, I am an accountant.'He said, 'That is all right; just find someonewho cantutor you at Oxford; if you do I am willing to give you a College place.' So I thoughtthis was very strange,a weekago I didn't know how I could get up to Oxford, andhere a SeniorTutor offers me a place.I told Bulent, and he startedlaughing, and said, 'Do you think we're such fools that we haven'tplanned this for you?'Then I becamemore drawn to this: if doors were openingin the way they were, clearly there was somethingin it. Then I found out that the man at Oxford I had to convincewas Zaehner,9whose book I had beengiven in Shahrud. Mr Mistree goes on to say that Professor Zaehner took a lot of convincing, as he was not in favour of teaching either accountantsor those who were themselvesbelievers; nor did he believe in any link betweenZoroastrianism and . However,other SeniorMembers of the University, apparentlymiraculously, came to Mr Mistree's aid and smoothed his path. Moreover, financial support was provided in unexpectedand providential ways, so that he was able to commence his studies. Did you feel somekind of compulsionto do all this? Yes, by then I knew that accountancywas going to be a fall-back, professionallyspeaking. Look, so much cannothappen, it cannotbe coincidence!I have never said this in such detail, but by then it was very clear that, whateverI personallywanted, in termsof megabucks, a Hampsteadhome and what have you, it would haveto be shelved, becauseI had to go back to being a student. I had to learn about Zoroastrianismintellectually as opposedto what I was picking up spiritually along the way. Within a comparativelyshort period of time ProfessorZaehner, who was neververy congenialto Mr Mistree,died, andProfessor from LondonUniversity wrote to Mr Mistree to offer help. Mr Mistree went to seeher and he immediatelyrealised that shewas going to be his teacher.

138 Neo-Traditionalists A way was eventuallyfound for ProfessorBoyce to superviseMr Mistree while he remainedbased at Oxford. He eventuallytook his degree. Didn't you find it strange that all these openingscame to you from people who had no connectionwith Zoroastrianism,and yet they encouragedyou to follow Zoroastrianism? This is probably the most unusualdevelopment in my life, namely that rather than from Zoroastriansources I rediscoveredmy roots throughnon-Zoroastrian channels. But had it happenedin any other way, I would not havebeen where I am. I would not havebeen able to do a hundredthof what, perhaps,I have done. What Oxford did for me was to give me a kind of precision of thought. Spendingyears working under Professor Boyce with her razor-sharp mind and ruthlessnesswhen it cameto the written word, all this trainedme in a way which I think is incredibly good. I did not have that in my spiritual developmentwhen I went through all the Sufi bits - my mind did not havethis precisenesswhich I would like to believeI now have. So two things happened,a spiritual developmentand an intellectual one that prepared you. And then you came to India. Did your Masters tell you that you would now have to work full time in the field of religion, or did that come from within you? Well, that was a bit odd. I usedto come to India quite regularly, once or twice a year. Peoplehere in India were surprisedand curious; here was a manwith an Englishqualification as an accountant- which was seen as the highest there was - studying religion! Many people thought I was daft, or indeed possessedby some force. I basically came backto India for my grandmother.She was gettingold andI was very fond of her. I wantedto stay with her and spendtime with her. Having comeback with an Oxford degreeand charteredaccountancy, againthe world was at my feet in India. But I was very clearly told in my meditation that I was to spendtime in India, and wait and see. This was the time whenAlan 10 cameto India, andwe did a slide show [on Zoroastrianism] together, where we had to call in the police becausethe crowds were so huge; the talk had to be repeatedtwice. Soon afterwardsJames Russelll1 came. These two colleagueswere kind of instrumental,both had slightly mystical backgroundswhich, as academics,they would never disclose to the outside world. They said, 'Khojeste, why don't you stay in India and train a new generationof your own people?' And it felt right at that stage to start an intensiveclass. For perhapstwo years - my intention was to return to England,where I had lived for about seventeenyears and which by then was my home. But then after that you know what happened,I just stayedon here ... 139 The Interviews How did it feel, the initial adulation which gradually diminished? I neverthought I'd be a religious pop-star-I cantruly sayI know how it feels to be a guru or a pop-star.As you know, when I first cameto India, peoplewould haveto makean appointmentsix or sevenweeks in advanceto seeme. I was invited to on averagetwo dinnersa night. From what I canremember the whole of Bombaywas absolutely agog - here was a young person talking about religion in a clear and understandableway! But in my spiritual training I knew that this adulationwould peterout, andthat the real work wasto actuallytrain people. So yes, it was exciting while it lasted, being the talk of the town, meetingevery prominentZoroastrian there was to meet. It was unusualfor someonewho had other options to be so involved with religion. Generally, who studied religion in India then? Peoplewho werenot able to do well in their secularlives. The priesthoodwas seen as a no-govocation. And herewas I - young,from England,articulate, an accountant.I did not have to do religion, I did not come from a poor background,and yet I was doing all this! I was an enigma to most people.And of coursesome people thought I was doing this for someulterior motive, thoughI havenever understood how one could makemegabucks teaching Zoroastrianism, since our societyis closed. If I did a Rajneeshthing,12 say, of coursewe could take off! 50 do you have a feeling of 'mission accomplished'as you had in 5hahrud, or is there a senseof disappointmentafter spendingtwo decadesworking in religion? I don't know, a bit of both if I am to be brutally honest.There is part of me which feels like a granddad;given the uniquenessof the experiences Ahura Mazda has given me, I feel that, certainly, an element of my missionhas been accomplished. I cannotthink of any other comparable figure in the communitywho hasbeen through the sort of experiencesI have had. But I'd be dishonestif I denied that I now sometimeshave doubts,and sometimes ask myself, 'Is it worth it,' in termsof what I have done,with the terrible amountof painand anguish and hostility I've had to face, when all I've tried to do is to teachZoroastrianism to thosewho seekit. Of courseif I hadwanted to start a new cult that would not have been difficult, but my Oxford training and my searchfor knowledge would not allow me to do that. For me, being faithful to the texts is very important; one might think something,but if one cannotfind references in classicalZoroastrianism then one questionsit. I am sure that you get strengthfrom what you have learned. Don't you get any messagestelling you to carry on? Yes, otherwiseI'd probablykill myself. I realisethat the work I set out to do, or that I was, in invertedcommas, 'chosen for', is not a nine-to- five office job. It's an unusualjob, it is dealingwith people'sspiritual well-being. And yes, if one succeedsand one actually helps people 140 Neo-Traditionalists and one seesthat glint in the person'seye, that they found what I've said good or helpful, then there is a senseof satisfaction. Could we go back to your personalreligious life. What do you feel about going into a fire temple, about prayers? You see, my training in one senseis mystical, and thereforeI do not see myself as religious in the traditional Parsi mode. I do not for instance sit and pray as much as most ZS ['Zoroastrian Studies'] people do. To me religious experience always happens through communicatingwith the fire. I get messages,I get insights. I often understandsomething which I've never read, and one month later I may read it in a text, and wonder how I knew about it in the first instance.To me that is immenselysatisfying. So as far as my religious life is concerned,it is humdrum,quite pedestrian,being a Parsi and always feeling very comfortablewearing the sudreh and kusti, taking part in the basicouter rituals. That feeling hasbeen with me since my days in England, as I did not come from a devout religious background. I think now the ritual influence comes through my studiesand throughFiroza [his wife]; if Firoza wasn'taround I would probablybe lessof a ritualist thanI am today. But to me religion is not rituals per se, to me the greateststrength of Zoroastrianismis the intellectual paradigm,which I know somethingabout and which I believe I understandboth intellectually and, now, emotionally. So for example,take a ceremonylike the Jashan. I emotionally experienceit while the ceremonyis being performed,but I derive much greater strengthfrom intellectuallyunderstanding what the Jashanis all about: the ceremonywhich, for example,was celebratedat the moment of creation- thenmy mind beginsto think what this momentof Creation may have been, what the force of divinity may have been at that moment.In otherwords I don't think of the Jashan as 'Let's havesome malido and fruit,'13 but more as an alchemical processbetween the physical and spiritual world. So for me the ritual experiencecomes throughthe intellectualparadigm. If you wereto askme if it would be conceivablefor me to go to a fire temple straightfrom work, without having a bath, the answerwould be yes. In that senseI have a feeling of onenesswith Zoroastriansin Iran, where the ritual form has been lost, but the mystical form hasbeen retained. PK: How do you integrate the mysticalside of your experiencesand the study of classical Zoroastrianism, given that the sources tell us little about a mystical elementin Zoroastrianism? I cannot tell you how I've integratedit, I just feel comfortablewith both. I am very glad to have passedthrough what I call 'the Boyce sausagemachine,' to be pulverisedby her in order to get my mind to think in a very preciseway. I think this wasnecessary for me becauseI

141 The Interviews was getting too airy-fairy and 'mystical'. But had the mystical side not happened,and had theseamazing things not happened,I would not have been at Oxford University. Today I think there is a sort of recognitionof both, perhapswith greateremphasis on the intellectual side. Except when we go to Iran - when I see somespecial old fires there, and have now been permitted to show these fires to other people,14 that is a very gratifying, very beautiful, very emotional feeling for me. Like when I take Zoroastrianson trips to Iran - from the world above I have now beengiven the greenlight to introduce peopleto what I had experiencedtwenty-odd years ago. Which in a senseis a confirmation for me that all I've done over the last twenty, twenty-five years must have beenright. Otherwisethe doors would not have openedfor me to becomethe teacherof a new generationof people, young and old. A very satisfying thing from the intellectual side is the fact that, through the people I've taught, a new genre of children'sreligious material hasbegun to see the light of day. I think when history is written about Z5 this certainly will be an important component - people will look at the kind of material we have produced,which is faithful to classicalZoroastrianism but uses20th century teachingmethods. To me that is a very importantbalance. But there is still that mystical part of me which remainsopen. It has to be open, otherwisethese fires that we see in Iran, theseinteresting peoplewe meetthere -I don'tthink would happen,that door would be shut. But, havingsaid that, onecomes to the reality of Zoroastrianismin a diasporicsense, and that reality is thatZoroastrians follow orthopraxy without having a clear intellectual understandingwhy they do so. 50 their observanceof rituals is basedon need, whilst my emphasisis more on the intellectualstrength and beautyof Zoroastrianism,which mostof the communityseem to be blissfully oblivious of, or which they seein a negativelight. Often I am told, 'Khojeste,you intellectualisethe religion too much.' But then when you see priestsblindly performing the rituals, when you see Zoroastrianswho wear the sudreh and kusti and go to the fire temple every day, but are downright crookedwhen they come out of the fire temple, then you begin to ask what is more important,the ritual dimension- going to the fire templeand beingan absolute crook - or the intellectual conviction, which gives one the ethicalstrength of promotingharmony in the world, which is whatI see as the bedrockof Zoroastrianspirituality. 5M: In your life, do you feel that any particular AmeshaSpenta or Yazatahas had a particular role to play, or is that not part of your understandingof Zoroastrianism. To me, becauseI understandthe Amesha5pentas as key principles working togetherin all that I do, whateverI do in life I always reflect

142 Neo-Traditionalists on how the sevenAmesha Spentas are working in a given action. But if I am askedto nameone Immortal, then it would probablybe Vohu Manah [Good Thoughtor Mind]. But that is Vohu Manah as the concept of the Good Mind, I am talking of Bahmanas an Amshaspend.15Would you then place him aboveall the rest? No, becauseas I said, to me all the seven Amesha Spentaswork together.To me that is fundamentalto Zoroastrianism.I don't think that over a period of my life one AmeshaSpenta has predominated over the others- of course,some may havebeen misfiring more often than not, while somemay be working better for me - but to me it is the composite being of the seven Amesha Spentas giving me Zoroastrianinsights. And talking about fires once again, is there any particular fire which you relate to more than to others, which gives you more mystical inputs or messagesthan the rest? 0, yes, eachfire hasits own quality. Clearly I've seena lot of fires over the last twenty-five years. Some fires make me feel very devotional, othersgive me a senseof peaceand tranquillity. Other fires I feel are genuinely unhappy.They talk to me, the fires, or they communicate with me and I communicatewith the fires. But if you are saying, looking at a fire, hasany miracle happenedto me in India, the answer is no. Maybe my whole life is a kind of miracle, so I cannotdistinguish the wood from the trees. But, having said that, there are certain fires one feels more comfortablewith. On a spiritual level I would say that some fires I have now experiencedin Iran would be my spiritual beacons.In India, the Poonafire at the Sir J.J. Agiary is quite specialfor me, but maybethat is becauseI grew up in Poona.The NavsariAtash BehramFire I feel quite close to as well. The Udwada Fire I am not particularly drawnto - that may soundblasphemous, but it is just not my fire. And then, when one presentsoneself before the Holy of Holies and opensoneself spiritually, then I believe that the fire gives you a specific message.Moreover, because I do not want to fall into the categoryof being a creatureof habit as far as fires are concerned,I make a point of visiting different fires in Bombay. With certain practicalconstraints - thereare forty-four sacredfires in Bombayand I haven'tmade it a point of visiting a new fire temple every week, say. But if I have beengoing to one fire temple quite regularly, I change that on principle. I don't want going to the fire temple to becomean unconscioushabit. The experienceof visiting a fire temple has to be mystical, has to be special. Now, as I am a family man, somedays I might take the family becauseit is a hamkara day, and go to a temple whereparking is easy.I also go to the fire templeimpulsively as I feel the urge.

143 The Interviews Asked how he seesthe future of 'ZoroastrianStudies', Mr Mistree says that on the one hand he feels that much has beenaccomplished and he can leave further developmentin the handsof thosehe has trained,but on the other handhe still feels very protectiveabout it: I see religious educationas the key to community survival. If the educationis absorbed,then I do not think that issuesof conversion andmarrying out will remainvery important,for mostpeople will not want to marry out in the first place. Ironically, I am really not worked up about the issuesthat the rest of the communityseem to think are important. Conversionis not an issuethat makesmy blood boil one way or the other. What I seeas the prime, most importanttransfusion or input that we can give the communityis good religious education. If we can give that, then the businessof marrying out, the businessof conversion,the businessof housingfor Parsis,all that I believewould automatically fall into place. Becauseif we were able to produce Zoroastrianswith a vision, who recognisedtheir religious responsi- bilities, then it goes without saying that if they madea lot of money they would shareit in charity, so charitableflats would automatically be built. Religious educationwould be well funded. In otherwords, if we were all a hundredpercent Zoroastrians we would havevery few problems.And the way to get people,if not to be a hundredpercent Zoroastrians then at least to be twenty percent Zoroastrians, is throughreligious education.Not by going to the fire templeevery day, not by doing Jashans and Ijashnes and Vendidads every day, but by somehowopening people's minds through the intellectual paradigm of Zoroastrianismas versus the other way, which is that of sheerfaith and belief. For example,if one looks at the Khshnoomists,the Theosophists,or the Christian Scientistsor the followers of Sai Baba - none of these traditions or cults have a specific, recognisedideology in terms of being scripturally verifiable. Most Parsisbelieve in Sai Baba but tell me, what is Sai Baba's religious ideology; what is Sai Baba's theological paradigm?There is none, except 'God is One'. That is the only sloganI seewith Sai Baba. DoesSai Babatalk aboutdualism, or why bad things happento good people. Does Sai Baba talk about the AmeshaSpentas, or aboutthe afterlife? The answeris no! So you have Zoroastriansgrowing up with a faith-basedparadigm, which is belief in termsof what you emotionallyexperience without in any way polishingyour mind. And I believethat what is mostimportant is that we haveto polish our minds to be able to becomebetter Zoroastrians. Over the last twenty years, 'ZoroastrianStudies', with its creative teachingmethods, has trained hundredsif not thousandsof children and young adults. We think that the future of the community lies in

144 Neo-Traditionalists creatingreligious awarenessanchored in scholasticstudies. Which is what ZS has pioneered!

DR JEANNIE BHARUCHA Dr JeannieBharucha (1933) is a medicaldoctor. Shecomes from a priestly family but married a layman; she is now a widow with an adoptedson. In the courseof her life sherediscovered the importanceof religion and gave up part of her medical practice to do volunteer work for 'Zoroastrian Studies'; she is now one of the mainstays of that organisation.The presentauthor and his wife attendedthe interview. Asked by Mrs Munshi to introduceherself, Dr Bharuchasays: I practise medicinepart-time, but my real love in life is my religion, to practisemy religion and to study it. Initially I had a full-time practice till I met Khojeste Mistree, then I got involved with his lectures,took his coursefor training teachersin the religion, and since then I have never looked back. I have never beensorry for having given up my full-time practice. Dr Bharuchagoes on to say that religion hasalways been part of her life. She does not think anyone figure in her childhood was of special importancein this respect,but the fact that she came from a priestly family probablyhelped. As a child shelived in a joint family, whereher grandmotherwas the matriarch. All family memberswere devout and practisingZoroastrians: The first thing my grandmothertold me is that I wasa Zoroastrianand thereforeI hadto be extra-carefulin what I thought,in whatI saidand what I did, becauseas a ZoroastrianI had to be more careful that I always spokegood and did good. That is the first thing I remember. From then on it was more a way of life for me, seeing my people practise the religion, seeing my people teaching me the prayers, startingwith the Ashern Vohu and Yatha Ahu Vairyo ... They said that I should pray, the reason I was given was that it was for my own spiritual good; that if I wantedto know God betterthe prayerswould help me. But as a child let me tell you I was not very fond of praying, for somehowpraying in a languageI did not understandI found boring. But sinceI had implicit faith in what my peopletold me I used to pray. I acceptedit. And I was told right from the beginning, especiallyby my father, that God was like a friend to me. That if I had any troubles,God would help me, but then I must listen to what God tells me, and what God tells me is to be good. This is basicallywhen I

145 The Interviews was a very small child. I rememberthat, as a child, I usedto be afraid of the dark and I always askedmy mother to sit by my bedsidetill I fell asleep,or to leave the light on. And I remembermy father telling me once,when my motheror my auntcould not come,he told me, 'If you are afraid of anythingin your life, you havethe bestprotection of all, which even your mother or your aunt or I, no one can give you; that protectioncomes from Ahura Mazda,you just call uponHim, you just recite the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayer, and you'll be safe, your fears will go!' As a child I always believed implicitly what I was told by grown-ups,and I said, 'OK, I'd like to put it into practice.' And the next time I was afraid, I said the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayer. I musthave been five or six years old. And somehow, for whatever reason, psychologicalreason, I no longerfelt afraid. And from that day till this day I havenever been afraid of the dark. That strengthenedmy faith in my religion, and I learned to talk to God in my own way - not necessarilythrough prayers, but in my own way. If I had done somethingnaughty I would go to Him andsay, 'I am very sorry, please forgive me. But pleasehelp me, I wasin a badsituation (if I had told a lie and knew I would be in trouble for it), please help me!' And somehowI always felt that He saw me through, I always had the strengthto face whateverthe consequenceswere. Dr Bharucha'smother belongedto a well-known priestly family from Navsari, and all the males in her family had been initiated into the priesthood,her father being Navar and Martab.16 None of them actually practised as professional priests, however, as they had demanding secularjobs. Still, thosefamily rituals which could be doneat homewere performedby Dr Bharucha'sfather. Therewas a specialprayer room for suchpurposes: During the Muktads the room would be emptiedout completelyand the Muktadsused to be doneat home,all the prayersexcept for those obligatory prayers done in the Fire Temple complex, like the Baj ceremony,the Muktad prayers[i.e. rituals] were done at homeby my own people.I usedto feel it wasa very joyous occasion,I usedto help my motherand my auntto cleanout that room, to sweepit and paint one comer with whitewashand so on. I supposeI was more in the way than helping, but it was a lot of fun. Then we would string a white bedsheetacross the ceiling andin the comerwhere the floor and walls had beenwhitewashed we would put the Muktad ... it was not really a table, it was a tripod. So we would have the table under the canopyof the bedsheet,and I usedto help preparingthat table, in the senseof washingout the vases,filling themwith water,as I wastold to do it, saying Khshnaothra Ahurahe Mazdao [a prayer formula] and Ashern Vohu three times and rinsing it out three times. All that I was 146 Neo-Traditionalists taughtas a child. Of courseI could not do anythingwithout having a bath first and wearingclean clothesand, once my Navjote was done, after doing my kusti ritual. Only thenwould I be allowed to enterthat room. And we used to keep that room with white curtains on the windows and doors,and the door was more or less kept shut, so that anybody passingby who was not a Zoroastriancould not come in inadvertently,and look at the Muktad things. As a child I was very fascinated by this room, I could not understandwhy, I could not describewhy, but there was something like a magnetdrawing me to that room. If I werein the houseI would sneakup on that room when the Muktadswere on. I would just go in quietly and sit on one of the metal chairs (becauseonly metal chairs were provided in that room) and just keep on looking at the flower arrangementsand the water,and of course[there was] the fragranceof the sandalwoodand the loban, looking at the divo. Nothing else,I did not pray, I did not do anythingbut I usedto come away feeling very happy. So much so that if I got up in the middle of the night I would go to that room, just sit therefor sometime, and go back to bed. I was told that during the Muktads the souls of the dear departedcome down at that time; they are with us, they are visiting us. And my grandmothertold me the reasonI felt happyin that room wasbecause I am with peopleI know, and who know me. I never had any fear of the deadlike somepeople have. I was told that when somebodydies they do not really die, they go into the spiritual world, a world that we cannotsee but they cansee us. And if we are good andif we ask them to help us, they'll always come down to help us. That we should not grieve becausethey are not really gone. Discipline was very strict in Dr Bharucha'sfamily. Her grandmother would go around with a cane in her hand, and if Dr Bharuchawas caughtcoming out of the toilet without doing her kusti she could expect 'one whack on the shin, where it hurt the most.' She would know perfectlywell that shehad offended, but as sheregarded God mostly as a friend she would just say, 'PleaseGod forgive me. Pleaseallow me for once not to do my prayers.'She felt that was enough. I was also told that I shouldhave a bath everyday, keepmyself clean, not to walk barefoot anywhereno matter what. BecauseI was told about Good and Evil, in the sensethat Good comesfrom God, and that Evil is a monster to be feared, to be kept away and not to be indulged. That God will not be able to help me if I listen to the Evil One, to Ahriman. And that if I walk barefootthen throughthe dirt on the floor Ahriman will get into my body andmake me do badthings.17 And basically I was a coward as a child and I just said, 'Forget it, I don't want Ahriman coming into my body!'

147 The Interviews And one thing that was always stressedis that as a ZoroastrianI had to speakthe truth no matterwhat the consequenceswould be. If I havedone a wrong I mustbe braveenough to takethe punishmentfor it. Whateverhappens I mustnot lie. I was told that if I lied, sooneror later I would be punishedeven more thanif I spokethe truth andtook the consequencesimmediately. Not that I neverlied, but when I lied I would say to God, 'PleaseDadarji [Creator] forgive me this once, don't let Ahriman punishme.' I had my own internal dialogUe with God, which to this day I continuein my own way, in a different way, but in my own way. The laws of purity werestrictly observedin Dr Bharucha'sfamily, at least in the house.However, when shehad reachedpuberty she rebelledto a certain extent, and some compromiseswere found. She was no longer confined to one room during her period, for example,but it was still forbidden for her to touch anything associatedwith religion, or indeed mostthings in the house.She could not help herselfto food andhad to be served by others; she could not touch her parents except when she absolutely had to; nor could she go into the prayer room or into the kitchen,where a hearthfire was kept. Shewas not allowed to comeclose to anyone who was praying or doing their kusti and she had to use separateschool books. She was told that Ahriman hadbrought this upon her, and shewas thereforeimpure. If she were to pray the words would go to Ahriman who would just destroythem, so she should not pray. I rememberrebelling and telling my parents,'This is the time when we need protection most becausewe are already under attack by Ahriman, so why aren't we allowed to pray?' The only answerI got was,'Mazda knows you are doing itfor Him, He will take careof you.' Not a logical answer,I grant you, but still it was an answer. Asked if shewas told that shewas underthe specialprotection of one of the Yazads,whom she should venerateparticularly, Dr Bharuchasays: No, not that one was to be veneratedmore than the others.I was told aboutthe AmeshaSpentas, I wastold aboutthe Yazatasand I wastold that each one will help me in different ways; like if I wanted to be successfuland passmy examsI should think of Behram Yazad, if I wantedto learn more in my studiesI should think of Ava Ardvisur. I was told that if I kept myself clean and pure and was essentiallya good girl, then I would always be in the care of SaroshYazata, I was also told that on Bahmanmahino Bahmanroj ... therewas a particular customthat my mothermade me practise.Before putting me to bed at night I was given a bath with milk and rose petals. She would then makeme wear absolutelyclean white clothes.I was told, 'Now think of BahmanAmeshaspand and go to sleep.'Bahman would takecare of 148 Neo-Traditionalists me, take care of my mind, so that I would wake up the next morning thinking and experiencingonly what was good. My mother used to say, 'BahmanAmeshaspand will comein your dreams.But you must go to sleepasking him to cometo you and you must go to sleepwith good thoughts. For if you harbour anything that is not good, any resentmentor anger, then he will not come near you.' I have never heardof anyoneelse doing this, but this is what I wasbrought up with and I rememberit very vividly.18 WhenDr Bharuchagrew up shebegan to questionmuch of what shehad beentold. Shenoticed that good peoplewere not always rewarded,and discussionsin the community about proper Zoroastrian belief and practice made her wonder what was true. Some said that, after a brief spell in heavenor hell, onecame back again to earthafter deathsince one life was not enough to become perfect, whereasothers denied this. Again, some Parsis advocatedvegetarianism and said that meat was impure and evil; othersheld no suchviews. Dr Bharucha'sfamily could not give satisfactory answers,and she started attending lectures on Zoroastrianism,like thoseof the late Dastur Dabu.19 Dasturji Dabu,quoting from the Gathas,emphatically said that thereis reincarnation.And just as I wasbeginning to believe,'Yes, theremust be reincarnation,'in the same talk Dasturji Unvala20 stood up and challengedhim, challengedhim in no uncertainterms. So I was left totally confused!I said, 'Who is right?' So thenI said to myself, 'Drop the matter,one person says one thing, one personsays something else. If I cannotfind the true answer,what Zarathustrahas actually told us, then I am not going to acceptthe matter.'If you had askedme at that time aboutmy beliefs in vegetarianismor reincarnation,I would have said, 'I haveno beliefs, I don't believein reincarnation,I don't believe in resurrection,I believein nothing! In a senseI believethat thereis a heaven and hell, further than that I don't know.' As far as vegetarianismwas concernedI compromised.As Bahman roj was supposedto be for the animals, that day and all the days of the hamkarsI would observea vegetariandiet, and the whole of Bahman month also. So I was trying to play safe,have it both ways, [thinking]: I don't know whether there is or there isn't, at least let me do this much. That is how it was going on. Then I heard some Ilm-e Khshnoompeople talking, things that actually seemedridiculous to my mind, like whenthey said, 'Zoroastriansare the bestpeople in the world, andyou don'treincarnate when you area Zoroastrian.'21And I said, 'What happensif you are a bad Zoroastrian?How can they just go to heaven and stay there? They are still bad. They may be Zoroastrians,but ... ' And then I said, 'As far as I know God, He is a very fair God, a very just God, so how can bad peoplego to heaven?' 149 The Interviews And of courseI heardfrom various sourcesthat all religions are one. Again that would not jell in my mind. 'If all religions are onewhy do we call God by different names?And why are only Zoroastriansmade aware that there is a law of purity to be observed.Why is it that everyoneelse can go barefoot, why aren't we allowed to do it?' So thosewere the questionsin my mind, andI wastedyears not knowing aboutthem. I just basicallykept practisingthe faith out of devotionto Mazda, in my own way. But whereverI had doubtsI would leave it, for I did not take anybody'sanswer as the truth. I must havewasted the better part of my youth in that way. I was well into my thirties whenI first heardKhojeste. What he saidappealed to my reason;what impressed me most were the references he gave from various scriptures,books I had nevereven heard of. The way he spokeabout the religion was so logical. Some of the referenceshe gave I would enquireinto, and I found that he was right. So I made it a point to attend most of his lectures. But when he spoke of Good and Evil, somethinghappened. 'He saysthat God is not all-powerful, what is he talking about?How can God not be all-powerful?' That set my mind thinking, 'All right, if God is all-powerful, why doesn'the destroy Ahriman? If God is all-powerful, why is there so much evil in this world?' So all this was brewing in my mind, and then Khojeste mentionedthat he wanted to teach a batch of studentsin depth, so they could in tum becometeachers. Of courseyou had to fulfil certain conditions, fill up a form, go for an interview, write an essay... I immediatelyjumped at the chance,I went throughthe whole course, and it completelychanged my life. As a doctor, Dr Bharuchahas often experiencedthe power of prayer, most strikingly on two occasions: A patientcame to me regularly to get B-complexinjections. Shecame one afternoonand I gave her a shot. Suddenlyshe slid to the floor unconscious. She had no pulse, no blood pressure, and I was absolutely petrified! My immediate reaction was, 'Mazda help! Mazda, Mazda,Mazda!' That was all I could say. I tried all sorts of things but I could not evenpush an injection into her veins, they just would not take it. I tried cardiacmassage, nothing happened.All the time I wassaying Mazda's name, I was so panickythat I could not say any prayers,I could only say'Mazda'. Then, I knew that SaroshYazata was the Yazata for souls,22so I startedsaying, 'PleaseSarosh Yazata, give her back to me, let her live,' that sort of thing, you know. And, just like that, suddenlymy assistantsaid, 'Madam, come!' I put my stethoscopeon her chest,I heardone thud. Nothing more. After some time, anotherthud! Oh, my God, honestly,it was like making a dead personcome alive again.She had cometo me at 4.30 in the afternoon, 150 Neo-Traditionalists andby the time I heardthe first thud it was 7 o'clock. And to this day, inside me - it is my truth, people may say what they like, but me, I know: Mazda answeredmy prayers; Sarosh Yazata answeredmy prayers.If it had not beenfor them I would have lost that patient. I had a very bad heartcase who was also a cancerpatient; his heart was very erratic from time to time. One day I got a phonecall saying that he had hadanother attack and I shouldcome over. I went there, and the heart was fibrillating, that is, going so fast you cannotcount the beats,and the personmore or less passesout. The pulsewas very very fast, I gavethe usualstandard injections and so on, [but] it would not come undercontrol! I was at my wits end; it was going from bad to worse, the patient was beginning to turn blue. And I said, 'What else can I give?' I was talking to Mazda, and somethingtold me to emptyout my box of injections,so I emptiedit out on the bed. Sorting through the phials, I invariably picked up a particular phial which I knew would not work in this case,which I knew would be wrong to give. So I put it aside,went trough the phials againand picked up the sameinjection. This happenedthree times, and then somethingmade me think, 'I am taking Mazda'sname and I am picking up this phial.' And I said in my mind, 'Mazda,please take care, pleasetake care of me!' I openedthe phial and gavethe injection. Within five minutesthe heartsettled down, the patientrecovered. My prayerswere answered again. To this day I believein this: there is nothing that is not possible if one asks for Mazda'shelp (of courseif it is a good thing). That is how my faith got strengthened... Dr Bharuchawent on to talk about her internal dialoguewith Mazda: I cannotremember any time when I was indifferent to God. He has beenwith me from the time I was born, the first consciousthought I had. Since then Mazda and I have beensort of, you know ... To this day I talk to him, sometimesI get irritated and say, 'Comeon, Mazda, enoughis enough!' You know, in that sort of way. I don't feel I am blaspheming,He knows what is in my heart. I can joke about Him, talk about Him but, I don't know, I feel very close to Him. Dr Bharucha'shusband was also very religious, and he made her pray regularly: You see,right up to the time I got married my prayerswere restricted to doing the kusti, doing the Sarosh Baj, the Dinno Kalmo, the Tandorosti prayer,and the 101 Namesof Ahura Mazda.23 My excusewas -I knew I was making excuses- 'Whereis the time? I've got so much to study, there is no time.' I believed implicitly in prayers, yes, but the motivation to pray ... Basically as I said I usedto feel bored praying, and I was always told that one shouldpray with one'smind on one's

151 The Interviews prayersand invariably my mind would stray from the prayers.So I usedto tell Mazda,whenever I would praythese basic prayers, I would start out saying 'Mazda, I am praying, pleasetake it. I mean every word of what I am reciting.' Not knowing any words, of course,I had that sort of completefaith in the prayers.But I did not like to recite lengthyprayers. And thensoon after I got marriedI got anallergic rash on my skin, which would not go whateverI tried. I tried allopathy, I tried homeopathy,I tried Ayurvedic medicine,it just would not go! So finally I gaveup trying anythingat all. Now as a studentmy husband sharedhis hostel with a man who later becamea Mobed, Peshotan Anklesaria,who did a Doctoratein Avestanlater on, he was the head of the Madressain Andheri.24 So my husbandwent to seehim. In fact I had told my husband,'I am taking no more treatment,Mazda has to cure me for the treatmentis not working. You find out what prayers I shouldsay.' So he askedhis friend, andPeshotan Anklesaria told him to tell me daily to recite the Ardibehesht,Hom and Vanant Yashts.So I took his word for it, and from that day I startedreciting, and with the nirang of eachof theseYashts I did the pichi.25 I would do it on my skin, on my handsand then on my legs. Believe you me, I had stoppedall treatmentfor more than two monthsbefore I startedthe prayers.Then in a month'stime my skin beganto clear, nothing new appearedand the old lesionsbegan to dry out. By the time two monthshad passed not evena stain was left on my skin. And that somehowtold me that just talking to Mazda,just beingclose to Mazda,was not enough,I must pray! Since that day I got motivatedto pray. Initially Dr Bharuchaonly knew a limited numberof prayersbut as time went on sheoften felt inspiredto startreciting a new prayer.When asked how long it now takesher to pray, Dr Bharuchafirst gigglesand says that it depends, but later in the conversation she mentions needing a minimum of two hours each morning. She cannot pray in a crowd, though, and prefers to pray at home on parab days when many Zoroastriansmeet and pray together. When Dr Bharucha'shusband was critically ill, she refusedto accept that he would not recover.When he did die, shebroke down for a minute at first: I allowed the tearsto flow. And as I was crying I thought, 'Why am I crying? This damnedAhriman has alreadytaken a life. I'll not make him happyby crying.'26And just like that my tearsdried ... But I had that awful hollow feeling inside me, and all I could do was to say, 'Mazda! PleaseMazda, now what?'And somehow,after his body was taken into the Dakhme [Tower of Silence], that awful feeling just dropped! I told Khojeste at the time, 'I was feeling totally miserable, but now I am feeling at peace.' 152 Neo-Traditionalists So his death did not shakeyour faith? No, not at all, in fact it madeit stronger!I don't know whereI found it within myself, but insteadof becominga broken-downwreck I was able to build my life all over again, and in fact I am strongertoday than I was when my husbandwas alive ... And today I know that my religion is my backbone.Without it I would collapse. If I did not have Mazda and the spiritual world aroundme all the time, guiding me, helping me, savingme very often from myself, I would not be able to live. For me, life is synonymous with Mazda!

MS KHURSHEED KHURODY Ms KhursheedN. Khurody (1966) is a cosmopolitanParsi lady. She was educatedlargely in Britain and the U.S., but was living in Bombaywith her father and grandmotherat the time of the interview. She is well known in the Zoroastrian community for her many talents, both intellectual and artistic. Mrs Munshi beginsthe interview by askingMs Khurody to introduce herself. Ms Khurody says: I grew up here in Bombay until I was about nine years old, in a relatively internationalParsi family. My parentswere both educated overseas,though they had returnedto India. We did not particularly grow up in an orthodox Parsi setting, using the term orthodox in the senseof 'traditional', though we did observethe main Parsi festivals andholidays in a relatively moderateway, suchas a visit to the Agiary for New Year or Papeti, maybe a traditional Parsi lunch on festive days,but not much else. Soonafterwards, at the age of aboutten, my youngersister and I were sentoff to boardingschool for abouteleven monthsin India, and thenfor ten yearsin the UK, becauseour parents were transferredto the Middle East, whereproper schooling was not available.This time in Englandwas followed in my caseby University in San Francisco; then I went on to Harvard GraduateSchool in Boston. And when I had just finished that programmeI returnedto India in June1997 because my motherwas critically ill, andsadly I lost her. Since then I havebeen here in India, at least temporarily. Mrs Munshi asks how it is that, after such a long time abroadand so much exposure to Western influences, Ms Khurody still has strong emotional bonds with Zoroastrianism; she wonders whether Ms Khurody's grandparentswere influential in this respect.That, however, provesnot to havebeen the case: 153 The Interviews My grandparentsactually had very little influence, because they followed almost no Zoroastrian practices, except of course social practiceswhich are requiredif you don't want to be out of place, such as wearingthe appropriatesari at weddingsand meetingon appropriate feast days. Apart from that, there is certainly no one in my family who followed any of these things. But I think the single largest factor that mademe keepa hold on my roots weremy visits to Bombayonce a year over the pasttwenty yearsor so, andvisiting Parsifamilies for onereason or another, relatives and friends - and starting to get a feel for Parsi culture graduallyand taking to it primarily becauseof the warmth. For my sister and myself, who were strugglingin an alien country far away almoston our own, the warmthof Parsihouseholds is what drew me to Parsi-ism,if I could coin that term. And from there I startedpicking up small things, like the daily practice of putting chalk outside [the front door], and I gradually incorporatedthat in our own home - that was followed by lighting a divo, then by more frequent visits the Agiary, poppingin to seeall Parsiscongregate at the time of Muktad prayers.So little by little it grew - mostly becausethat was the environmentthat gaveloving care,which is whatchildren need, and we lackedthat a lot in boardingschool. Then it becamea matter of curiosity and interest; and then it becamean intellectual pursuit, I startedreading books, going to classes, learning the symbolism of things properly instead of just practisingthem blindly. So that is how the whole thing grew. So the search was entirely your own, it had nothing to do with parental influenceor family background? No, absolutelynothing. The other thing that helped to spark off my journey into Zoroastrianismwere the frequent questions[about my religion] - by school-mates,fellow students,professors, teachers. At first I had no idea, I was way out in the English countryside,there wasn't a Zoroastrianin sight, I never met a Zoroastrianin my ten years in England. Then in San Francisco,at that stage I was a little older and I startedto meet more Zoroastrianfamilies and I realised that, beinga Zoroastrianoverseas, I really did not know anything.So I was not much help to either my own communityor to those around me, I could not stick up for my own culture becauseI did not know much about it. And the senseof being slightly ashamedput me into gear. That is how I startedmy whole journey. Ms Khurody's Navjote was done togetherwith that of her sister, and each stage of the proceedingswas photographedby a well-known professionaland later publishedin the National Geographic. Pains were taken to ensurethat everything was done exactly right. I remember we had one High Priest and another senior priest

154 Neo-Traditionalists performing our Navjote together,in this very house,according to the old customof aristocraticParsi families, wherefunerals, Navjotes and weddings are always done at home. That was done in our sort of families, old families, it is also done in the M family who live downstairs.When old Mrs M died last year, her funeral was done at home. One of the last Parsi funerals where they walked the body all the way up to Doongerwadi. So the Navjote was done in that tradition, which gave my father a lot of control over the ceremony.There were very few guests,about a hundredis all our living room can accommodate,the receptionwas held later - and there was pin-drop silence throughoutthe prayers. My parentsprided themselveson that, becausethey believe it is a religious rite. In a Baug27 frequently everyoneis so caughtup in the glamourof the food and the music and the noise and everythingelse that follows afterwards,that they are distractedfrom the ceremony itself. None of that happenedin our home, the ceremonywas very quiet and very sacred. What impressiondid it make on you, apart from all the excitement- were things explained to you? Nothing was explainedabout the meaningof the rituals, but I was told very clearly what to do. Therewere rosepetals and I think a little milk, and we were also taught our [Navjote] prayersextremely well. I did not understandthe symbolism of the Navjote, but what was really dinnedinto us was that this was a very sacredceremony, and we were urged to keep very quiet and not to fidget. It was impressedupon us that after this ceremonylife would change,we'd be adultsin our own right and we would carry a moral responsibilityas Zoroastriansfrom that time onwards.That was rather unnervingbut it did causeus to take it very seriously. Did life really changefor you as far as religion was concerned? Not really, definitely not. Like all children we were told to do our sudreh and kusti regularly, and then when we went back to school it waned.My sisterdropped it completely,I did it wheneverI felt like it or when I cameto India and had to be in a religious setting. You have to have your parents behind you to push you, otherwise I think children tend to drop it. Fortunatelyas I said I had other reasonsto make me take it up again much later at College. So you are saying that there was a period when wearing the sudrehand kusti and reciting the prayers had no attraction for you, and that later it grew as you began to searchfor yourself? It did not have much meaning during my teens, at the time of SecondarySchool, High School, but towardsthe end of High School,

155 The Interviews when I began to apply for Colleges, it took on a greater meaning. I nevergave up sudrehs,though, that is somethingI clung to - largely becauseit was something sacred, something given to me by my Mummy, somethingfrom home. So I always wore sudrehsthough not alwaysthe kusti. So in somestrange way the sudrehdid havea hold on me, althoughI did not have a hold on what it all meant. At this stageof the interview, Ms Khurody says that anotherfactor to draw her towards Zoroastrianismwas her early fascination with the soundof the chantingof Avestan.Ms Khurody is a talentedmusician and soundsmean much to her. She used to be one of the few children who were able to sit still during rituals, becauseshe was captivatedby the soundof the chanting. So gradually that [the chanting] grew on me much as a concertoor a symphonywould grow on me, anddrove me to want to be able to sing the prayersin the sameway. When I wasa child it wasnever enough to just listen to music, I had to go and fiddle with the piano and work it out for myself, and it is the samewith Zoroastrianism,it is not enough just to sit and listen to the prayers,the soundis very captivatingand I have to take part in it. That is what I am doing now, learninghow to chant them and how to say them. Ms Khurody also appreciatesthe soundsof other religious traditions,but only Zoroastrianprayers give her the feeling that they belongto her. The discussion then turns to Ms Khurody's family history. Apart from memoriesof the many achievementsand the impressivecharity of her ancestors,there are also family anecdotes.About her maternalgrand- father Ms Khurody says: There are many storiesabout Grandpa. For example,he was in charge of the Towers of Silence,and I was repeatedlytold that - much to the horror of manypeople - he was one of the first if not the first Trusteeto physicallywalk into the Tower andto cleaneverything up - just for the sakeof hygienehe went in there.28 He was also the first, I think, who hadthe nasesalarsand the otherpall-bearers to tea,29and made sure that their basic needswere taken care of. This was highly respectedin his time and I think still is, he wasa very forward-lookingperson, though I am surealso frowned uponby many Parsiswho considerit a no-no to be in touch with peoplewho are in touch with the dead. Discussingthe differencesbetween herself, who has kept her emotional bondswith India and with Parsiculture, and her sister,who hasbecome completelyassimilated to English culture, Ms Khurody says: In my casethere is a tremendousemotional bond with India. This has kept me in contact with the smell of sukhad, which never left my 156 Neo-Traditionalists sensibility, or walking into a housewhere I knew I would be really loved simply becauseit had chalk outside, that kept me going, and kept me clinging, for I felt more threatenedby the alien culture. So I kept holding on to threads,whereas she let go. People tell me that, when we are much older, she may want to come back to her roots. I have not come to that stageof my life, so I don't know. Mrs Munshi then asksabout the observanceof the laws of purity in Ms Khurody's youth and nowadays. Laws of purity, if interpretedas [rules about] childbirth, menstruation, bathrooms - things like that were certainly not followed in my generation,though both my grandmothersfollowed that when they were young girls. But my sister and I, when we had our periodswe were just like any other child, we stayedin the samehouse and most of the time my parentsdid not evenknow. So nothingwas done in that sense,ever. Now, though,because of my intellectualgrasp of dualism, and my understandingof a very simple system of checks and balances,credits and debits,which is how I seeit - everythingthat is impure feeds the left-hand column and everything that is pure and light feeds the right-sidecolumn - so as I havea clear understanding of dualismand a strongsense of the distinctionbetween the right and the left as I see it, I myself do observethe laws of purity. But I am careful not to thrust them on my family, becausewe are still very young and it is a bit odd for me to be teaching my father and grandmotherto observethe rulesof purity, it would not go down well, and it is certainly not going to influence them. But on my own and with the servantsI do seeto it that thesethings are observed,within intelligent limits, within reason,without havingany staunchrules. For exampleone of the servantslights a divo in the morning,when she has her period shehands over to the headmaid, if the headmaid should also haveher period shehands over to me. It is the samewith chalk, and I have also introducedanother thing, at 6 o'clock in the evening the afargan30 is takenaround the house.It beganslowly with chalk, it took a year, a year and a half, becausemy parentsfelt it was making more work for the servants.But now that is established,and it was followed by the divo, which is also well establishednow, and slowly, over the pastcouple of yearsI havestarted the afargan at 6 o'clock. I am a very good diplomatin somethings, for I explainedto the family that it kept the mosquitoesaway, so they look at it from their point of view and I look at it from my theologicalpoint of view, and we are happy with things like that. Similarly with menstruation,I observeit myself and I kind of enforceit with the servantsand we respecteach other's wishes.Fortunately I don't have to imposethat on my father. When I tell him that I would rather not go to the Agiary with him, or to his

157 The Interviews CompanyJashan becauseI have my period, there are time when he scowls at me becausehe has always seenme as a rational, intelligent young womanwho has grown up in the West, and he finds it a little odd that I havegone back to what he thinks is an archaicpractice. But still, I do observethem. There is another interesting thing, my family are ultra-paranoid abouttidiness and hygiene at the personallevel. I don'tthink they have paid any attention to the fact that this is actually a very Zoroastrian thing, the senseof Orderis very Zoroastrian... chaosis the oppositeto what a Zoroastrianshould desire. So that has been establishedfor reasonsthat really have nothing to do with Zoroastrianismbut now, becauseof my knowledge,I realisehow Zoroastrianit is. Thathelps me to keep to it even more. Now keepingorder in the various aspectsof my life has a totally new meaningfor me. Having so recently returned to live in India, Ms Khurody still has difficulty with some everydayaspects of Parsi culture, like wearing a sari, speakingGujarati andeating Parsi food, but shehopes to get usedto thesethings with the help of Parsi friends. Ms Khurody then describeshow she had her first 'very own' Jashan performed when her parentscame to visit her in her first student's apartmentin San Francisco.By that time she was also beginningto feel more confident about explaining Zoroastrianobservances to outsiders, such as fellow students and teachers. She goes on to describe her discoveryof Zoroastrianism: I startedmy study of Zoroastrianismwith very basic things, history, social customs.Then I went on to theology, the theory of dualism. ThenI movedinto slightly more technicalthings, what the Gathas say, and the Vendidad, actual textual references.Now I am moving into more complexthings, like the significanceof rituals andhigher rituals - now herewhat haspersonally affected me in the last few monthsis that I haveestablished things for myself, like going to the Agiary more often. I actually make it a point to go when somethingintellectually fascinating is going on, like the Nirangdin and Ijashne ceremonies, which are so rare now. I try to attend those things. I took a great interest in the period of Muktad last August, and had my mother's whole Muktad done at home, where for the first time in my life I swept her entire bedroom,bathroom and everything.31 For a whole ten days I got up very veryearly, in the wee hoursof the morning, to be able to hold this ritual accordingto the Zoroastriantradition and as the priestswould wish, doing everythingthey would wish me to do, failing which they would not have agreedto do it in the house. A lot of that hasbecome something I don'tjust do, but which I now am. 158 Neo-Traditionalists What about prayers, do you say any special prayers? I say my kusti prayerstwice a day normally, in the morningsand in the evenings.I have also adopteda specialkusti for the days I am having my period, and Mummy's kusti for the other days. I do say my kusti prayers.And, out of my own interestand my intellectual love of the logic of Zoroastrianismand its rationalismand dualism, I have taken all this as my own and wish to use it by becoming India's first para-mobed.32 So I work on chaptersof prayers,and I am about to graduatefrom a coursetaught by ZoroastrianStudies, by Jeannie Bharucha, which is an academic course on rituals, customs, theology, history, etcetera.From there I'll move to the Madressa33 and actually physically be taught how to do the ceremonies.How to tend the fires, how to recite the prayers,how to coordinateboth. Now that I have the intellectual backing and I know what I am doing, I'd like actually to take part in our rituals insteadof just being an observer. That is very interesting,about you becomingthe first womanpara-mobed. Do you really see this happeningwithin, say, the next two years? Well, I seeit happeningwithin the next few months,if I canget my act togetherin sheerterms of homework.I do a fair amountof dancing, am training to dance professionally;I play the piano, which I also hopeto do professionally;I love to write; I am running my Mummy's business- apart from all thesedifferent things if I can give enough hours to my Zoroastrianstudies, as I hope to do, then maybeby the late summerI'll have finished the course.My goal is to take part and perform during the next Muktad period; I hope to be able to do the Satumprayers, and I havestarted asking around for families who will employ me to do their prayersnext August. Have you had any response? Oh yes, I havehad people asking me to do Navjotes,and to do Jashans, which I have gladly acceptedbecause a Jashan is somethingI am technically allowed to do. Some people have said I could do their Satum prayers,but I haven'tyet had the confidenceto say yes to a Navjote. First of all becauseI am not sureit is within the realm of what I will be allowed to do, and secondbecause I am not even sure I'll finish the homeworkfor it, in terms of knowing how to perform the ceremony.But I am pretty sure I will have finished Baj, Satum and Jashans.34 If I can even do that much, and the basic Muktad prayers, the Afrinagan and Farokhshi prayersthis summer,that is a quarteror half the battle won, and then I can take the rest little by little. Since I am the only girl and there are no formal courses[for girlsl, I am structuringmy own course.

159 The Interviews Are you learning the prayers by rote? No, I will not learn the prayersby rote, for it would take a very very long time. And consideringthere are a lot of little boysat the Madressa today who read from a book, I think I will do the same,because it is more importantfor me to masterquantity at this point, to masterfour ceremoniesinstead of just one. I don't want to be a pianistwho plays only Mozart, I want to playa fair repertoire, and the same in Zoroastrianism.I'd like to be able to do the Farokhshi, Afrinagan, Jashan all by the summer.If I haveto graspall that on top of what Jeannieis teachingme aboutthe symbolismand meaningof Zoroastrianism,as well as all my other activities, I think learningthings by rote comesat the bottom of the list. I don't think thereis any sin or crime in looking at the book if I needto. Have you had any personal experienceswhere prayer helped you at difficult times in your life? That is an interestingquestion. I am not sure I can answerthat; I am told that this is becauseI am still young, that the experienceof what personalprayers can do is somethingthat comeswith age.Maybe that is true, becauseI cannothonestly say that at times of stress- exam time or crisis time, or even during the worst time of my life, when I was graduatingfrom Harvard,trying to have a careerand watching my Mum die of cancer all at the same time, when nothing really seemedto help -I cannotsay that saying prayersall day long was somethingthat really helpedme, or even that I went as far as saying prayers all day long, becauseI didn't have faith enough that that would help me. But thereare people,like Khojeste [Mistree], who say that thereare rituals during which you can actually transformand you experience another state of being - the ,the paranormal,that is somethingI haven'thonestly experiencedas yet in my souL I have experienceda lot intellectually, and it hasnot just stuckin the brain, it has certainly flowed to the heart in the sensethat my prayers and rootednesshave given me a strong senseof confidence.I have never toppled [broken down], for instance,and I know that peoplelike me, who are highly emotional, artistic and very highly strung, tend to topple oneway or another.I cansafely saythat this hasnot happened becauseof a deep senseof faith, so yes, up to that level I have experienced something deep down in my soul, but no other paranormaltransformations. Mrs Munshi then asks if Ms Khurody is particularly attachedto any special fire or fire temple. Ms Khurody answers that she began her explorations of fire temples in much the same spirit as she would approacha new museum,being guided by a senseof atmosphereand 160 Neo-Traditionalists beauty.She thereforedoes like somefire templesbetter than others,but for aestheticrather than devotional or spiritual reasons.Ms Khurody saysthat shehas never 'seen something in the fire' that gaveher a special feeling about a fire temple. She has, however, had some experiencesat Udwadawhich, shesays, may not havemeant anything at all but which shefeels were supernatural.Once she went there to pray for a manwho meansmuch to her; her parentswere with her and she had alreadylit fifteen divas on their behalf and her own. When she came to light the sixteenthfor her friend, however, she sustainedslight burns in exactly the sameplace where her friend had oncespilt hot coffee over her wrist. Somethree weeks after that, acquaintancestelephoned to askher to come to Udwadawith them; normally Ms Khurody is too busy to acceptsuch invitations, but this time she acceptedwithout hesitationalthough she did not know why. When she arrived at Udwada a friend of Ms Khurody's friend, aboutwhom he had often spokento her, walked into the Atash Behram. Becauseof those experiencesthe Udwada fire is specialto her. Do you have a special affinity with any of the Yazatasor AmeshaSpentas? Not at all. The AmeshaSpentas and Yazatasare still somethingvery intellectual for me; I haven'tyet evolved to a stageor level of being able to feel them, and make them somethingof the soul - like my friendship with Ahura Mazda,which I feel is very strong.But as far as the AmeshaSpentas are concernedI am still very much concerned with the intellectual side, the structure [of the group of Amesha Spentas],their functions in Zoroastrianism,how they are represented during a Jashan andhow we invoke them at the time of prayers.But it is still very muchan intellectualinterest, it hasnot yet filtered through to the personal. The conversation then turns back to Parsi customs and traditional observances.In that context Ms Khurody mentions her downstairs neighbours, in whose household many of the old customs are still faithfully followed: P is for me the archetypalParsi lady; there is always chalk, and it is exactly proportionalto the daysof the calendar,very festive on festive days,and very soberfor a whole year after her mother'sdeath. They eat exactly the right kind of Parsi food, she won't even step into an Agiary unlessshe has washed her hair. She doesher divo two or three times a day, praysfor many hours - they are very loving people,and as my father is home so little they have had a huge influence on my sister and me. A year and a half ago P's motherpassed away at the age of ninety. I rememberwaking up one morning and my Mummy said, 'M Aunty

161 The Interviews was very bad last night, she is sinking'. Being very young and never having dealt with death before I kept well away, though my grandmotherwas down all day long, and I was aware that people were coming in and out of their apartmentall any long to be by her bedsideas shedied. So againI observedall the things going on down there purely from an intellectual viewpoint, but it was amazing for me. At about3.30 in the afternoonmy father took my sisterand me out to do someshopping and when we cameback we were informed by the watchmanthat shehad passed away. A little later furniture started coming into our house,chairs, dining tables, our entire living room was full becausetheirs was being emptied. Parsi servantsand staff werebrought in to cleanthe floors, a divo was lit, a priestwas brought in. I rememberthat the area where they were going to lay her body was scrubbedand a marble slab was put there and the body must havebeen put on it, thoughI did not witnessthat as I did not havethe courageto deal with it (I watchedfrom a window while all this was going on and I could seea little). Then the priest startedpraying. The following morning at six I got up for my usual walk, only to be confrontedby a truckfull of plastic chairs, they were laid out not just in the housebut in the entire driveway of the block of flats and part of the roadhad also beencordoned off for this funeral. At seven,I think, people had startedarriving. As I was there, I helpedwith the proceedingsand watchedthe whole thing with a greatdeal of interest.The funeral finally happenedat 8.30 or 9 if I am not mistaken,because there were other funeralsat Doongerwadi.Then the priest came,and I sat in the driveway with the men becauseI was too afraid to seea body. The housewas full of women;the prayerscould be heardright aroundthe block, therewere cars all over. It was a really aristocratic funeral, with all the old Parsi families of Bombaygathered. After the prayerspeople lined up to seethe body, and then the hearsefrom Doongerwadi came, but it was only broughthere to bring the pall-bearers,35they were not going to take the body in the hearse.So after they took up the body and put the cloth on top of it, they walked out of the house with the entire congregation following. The traffic in the neighbourhood practically came to a standstillto watch this; nobodyhad seena Parsiceremony on the streets for years. They marchedall the way to Doongerwadi,with all the male mournersand someof the womenfollowing. I rememberseeing that procession,and wondering about it. I see.Then, once the body had beenmoved out of the flat I had more courageto go into it and I sat with P for a while. She observedthe customsextremely strictly; there was not a non-Parsiperson allowed anywhere near that household; Parsi servants had been hired as substitutesfor the regular ones.

162 Neo-Traditionalists What fascinatedme most of all was the Uthamna ceremony,which took placeon the third day. I think they hada group of twelve Dasturjis, with Dasturji Kotwal at the head.It wasan amazing Uthamna, with high- quality loban - the only way I can describe it is 'sensuous'.It was sensuousfor the ears,the soundof twelve priestspraying in harmony;it was sensuousbecause of the senseof smell, the smell of loban had spreadover the entire building. There was pin-drop silence, since the prayers were at home; there were huge numbers of Parsis all in traditional Parsi dress.All the custom were followed, rose water was sprinkled on everyone'shands by Parsi servants.Everything was done accordingto the tradition. I rememberthinking that I too wantedto have my weddingand my funeral in our own home. Only later I heardthat one can only have a funeral on the ground floor and we are on the secondfloor. But fortunately I can have my weddinghere. The downstairs neighbours' home is almost a second home for Ms Khurody, and she was very much taken aback when she found that Zoroastrian tradition could bar her accessto it. One of the family's servantshad a babyrecently and sinceshe had no relativesto takecare of her, Ms Khurody and the other servantsfulfilled that function. What she had not reckonedwith was that, in the eyesof her neighbour,this made her impure for the first forty days after the birth, and she was not allowed into their house. I nearly died when she told me that. And religious as I may seemto the community, and interestedas I may be in being a para-mobed, rules like this still cameas a thunderbolt.It becamea greatamusement for many Parsis in the community, becausethey said, 'On the one hand you are going to be a para-mobed,and on the other hand you wear these jeans with holes in them, sneakers,tank-tops with no sudreh underneath,you do a number of things that are so very American.' Theyfind that very hard to reconcile. This was probably the first time in my life that I was faced with a hard-and-fastParsi householdrule which I simply had to obey, and it was extremely difficult for me. This is where I slipped back into what I call the Zoroastrianrebellious youth mode. I madeevery possibleattempt to argue,fight, I could not fathom how I could live forty days without my dear neighbours.P finally gave in to the extent that she said I could sit on my own in a separatearea of the houseand not walk into the main part of the house.Then shesaid, 'Every time you touch the baby, even if you do not touch the mother, you have to bathe.' The interestingthing is that her husbanddoes not observeany of these customs.So they were torn and I was torn. I am still stumbling through theseforty days, and the way we are doing it now is that B [P's husband] comes up to me to watch 163 The Interviews television, and on days when my hair is washed and I have not touchedthe babyI cango down. On dayswhen I havehelped with the baby or touchedthe mother, I do not go down. Interestingly I have now almostpulled throughthose forty days, observingmost of these things. I haven'ttaken to it kindly, I cannotsay that I liked it. Thereis still a lot of rebelliousnessin me. Mrs Munshi expressesher astonishmentthat someonewho hasbeen so deeply influenced by Zoroastrianism still regularly wears tank-tops without a sudreh. Ms Khurody says: Oh yes, well, that is somethingthat I don't think is going to change. This is somethingthat a lot of older Parsisfind fascinatingin my case. Becausein most families you are either one way or the other. For exampleX's wife, a young girl my age, a modemgirl, but she won't evenwalk aroundwith her hair uncovered.On the other extremeyou have the averageyoung, Anglo-Indian or American-Indian36 youth who observe anything but Zoroastrianism,who blatantly flout all Zoroastrianrules. And then you have someonelike myself, who am very American and English in my thinking, in my clothing, in my approachto things - but curiouslyalso follow quaintpractices like not lighting the diva for my Mummy on daysI havemy period,not going downstairsunless I have washedmy hear. But at the sametime I cannotsee myself wearinga priestly outfit all the time onceI am a para-mobed.I love the priestly clothes,I think it is a extremelysexy outfit for a girl, but ... What about the sudreh, Khursheed? The sudreh and the kusti I wear everyday,but as a dancer-I do about four hours of intensive classicalballet training every day, and those hours I can never wear a sudreh. And often in summer,in bikinis, swimsuits or short tank-tops I am unable to wear one for practical reasons.But at all other times I wear one, and I wear it during all religious ceremonies.I certainly will wear priestly clothes when I perform ceremonies.I think having a girl's face coveredby a padam37 andhaving only hereyes peep out is very sexyand very appealing.I'll wear that gladly but I am also a modemgirl who has had a modem upbringing and who wearsminiskirts and backlesstops, and I think that will continue. But I'd like to evolve a system for myself and maybefor others,to showthat the two cancontinue in tandemand not clashwith eachother. It is not easy,as I realisedwith the babyrecently, when as I said I had a huge shock and I still have not got over it. I must tell you, if I had known about it, I might not have come for the interview till the forty days were over. Just to show you that there are more people like your neighbour. 164 Neo-Traditionalists This is a very fascinatingphenomenon for me, becauseit is really old- world practiceof Zoroastrianism,and a direct clashwith [the ideasof] a modemyoung girl - but a modemyoung girl who is interested,that I must say. In the caseof a girl who is not interestedit is a blatant, overt clash; but for me it is more subtle, in my heart my religion mattersso much to me. But at the sametime hereis a classicexample of a youngperson clashing with the older [systemof values].But how I rebelled,I was actually amazedat how stronglyI rebelledabout this rule!

MR NOSHIR DAD RAWALA Noshir Dadrawala(1961) is a professionalconsultant to philanthropic organisations,but he is bestknown in the Zoroastriancommunity for his journalistic activities. He writes for the weekly Jam-e-Jamshedas a special correspondent,and is the General Editor of the very conservative monthly Deen Parast. The presentwriter attendedthe interview. Mr Dadrawalabegins by telling about his youth in Balsar, where he wasborn. His parentshad married late becausehis motherbelonged to a priestly family andhis fatherwas a Behdin, which led to fierce opposition to the marriagein his mother'sfamily. There was this feeling in the family that if a girl from the Athornan marriesoutside the priestly fold, thereis darknessin the family. But I think tempers cooled after ten, fifteen years and finally they got married. I am the productof a late marriage. Mr Dadrawalalived in Balsar with his maternalgrandmother until he was about five years old. The family lived in an area where only Parsi priestslived at that time. Mr Dadrawalaremarks with someregret that his grandmother'shouse is now owned by a Muslim. He has many memories associatedwith this house; there was an Agiary directly oppositeand he remembersthe traditional ways of the community,such as doing loban in the evenings.His traditional upbringing he attributes mostly to his mother,who was a very 'prayerful' woman. His father did not recite many different prayers, but he had a strong faith in the religion, reciting the Yatha Ahu Vairyo evenwhen walking homefrom his office. He usedto tell his sonhow reciting this prayerhad protectedhim from various dangers: I have a very clear memory that he said he was walking in the Fort area[of Bombay] oneday, andhe wascrossing the road,and suddenly felt that someoneliterally picked him up and threw him aside,and a

165 The Interviews car came whizzing by. And when he looked around he said he saw nobody over there. Now fantastic as the story may seem,he madeit seem verybelievable to me. It madea very strongimpression on me as a child. He had a strong belief in Yatha and Ashern, and he used to recite that all the time. I have never seenhim hold a book and recite from the Avesta, which is what my mother used to do, but he had implicit faith in the religion. He believedin believing in Zoroastrian- ism alone, he would not tolerate any other religious beliefs; he was very averseto that kind of thing. Mr Dadrawalawas taught to do his kusti, and this was strictly enforced, but otherwisehe had no religious training. No explanationswere offered, which causedhim to lose interestin the religion for a time later in life. Both Mr Dadrawala'sparents died of cancer when he was about seventeenand, being an only child, he felt very alone. I just had to take the situationas it came.I had tried to be prayerful in their sickness,but I did not have a strongreligious baseat that time. I was in this state of mind when I was not a firm believer in the religion. I hadcome to that stagebecause I wasgoing to Collegewhere I was readingScience, and my educationwas turning me more and more atheistic. I had a number of religious questionsto which my parents had no answer because they had no formal religious education. They had faith but as to fundamental questions as to why we weredoing certainthings, they hadno answers.And eventhe local panthaki had no answers,he would just say, 'This is our custom.' To a personwho was in the Sciencefield this madeno sense;if I asked a logical questionI wanteda logical answer.I felt we were just doing this becauseit wasa tradition, and tradition did not meanmuch to me at that age. I tried to be prayerful, prayedto God to savemy parents and things like that, but it just did not work, they died. One of the consequencesof his parents'deaths was that Mr Dadrawala was forced to give up his studiesand take a job. By coincidencehe found a job microfilming rare books on Zoroastrianism.Whilst doing this he had a certain amountof free time, and he beganreading the books he was microfilming. This was stage-managedby Mazda, things were falling into my lap. I was looking at the meaningsof the Avestan texts and things were beginning to unfold. I began to appreciatemore and more of the religion, and gradually started attendingclasses. At that time there were K.N. Dastur'sclasses which I used to go to, and Meher Moos was giving some classes.38 Of course I have outgrown all that stuff now. At that stage,when I had no kind of religious knowledge,they did answermy questions.And they did inspirefaith in the religion. So 166 Neo-Traditionalists I started getting more and more religious. I found that there is a meaning to everything we do. I realised that fire is not merely a symbolof our religion, thereis more to it thanthat. I startedlooking at how fires are consecrated,39now that is a lot of time to spend on creatinga meresymbol! Thereis somethingmore to it; it is a living and consciousentity before whom you prostrateyourself. 40 GraduallyMr Dadrawalabegan to adoptvarious religious customs,such as having a divo and going to the Agiary, and he becameincreasingly involved with community projects,which led to contactswith religious leadersand to an increasedknowledge of the faith. Talking about the developmentsin the religion and the community, the first thing Mr Dadrawalamentions is that evenin the late 1970sand early 80s there were no books on Zoroastrianismavailable in Bombay, but suchbooks are availablenow. Also Zoroastrianyouth now seemsto be taking a real interest in the religion, which was not the case some fifteen years ago. He feels that many young Zoroastrians are very traditional, which he welcomes.Asked what he meansby tradition and why he thinks it important,Mr Dadrawalareplies: Let me put it this way, the kusti prayersand the Jaraziyat should be done; regular visits to the fire temple; observing the tarikats of the religion, like keeping your head covered (I don't keep my head coveredall the time becauseI have a secularjob - perhapswill one day - but I do keep it coveredat home), not intermarrying. Some years ago Mr Dadrawalawas himself afflicted by the illness that killed his parents,but he made a completerecovery. He did not recite specialprayers for health,but doesfeel that the illness hasbrought him closer to God. A Jashan was performedwhen he finished his treatment. Talking abouthis journalistic work Mr Dadrawalasays: The mainstay of my work over the last ten, twelve years has been voicing my feelings about intermarriages,conversions, which I have alwaysvery strongly opposed.In the less orthodoxpress you usually find a lot of propagandafor intermarriagegoing on. I, in my own way and in the light of my own studies,have always opposedit, and I try to arguemy caseas logically as possible,based on traditional doctrinal line. So that has been the main focus all these years; it has been a battle, upholding the traditional values of the community. BecauseI feel we as a community in India survived mainly becausewe never encouragedconversion in India, and until the turn of the centuryno one evendreamt of intermarriage. Also, before I forget, there has been this propagandaagainst dokhme-nashini[exposure of the body in a Tower of Silence], which is the traditional disposalof the dead.I think it is one of the bestsystems

167 The Interviews even today, it is the most eco-friendly system.It is the best system availablein times whenpeople think of ecologyand things like that. It doesnot pollute any elementsof nature.It is somethingthat shouldbe preserved,as vigorouslyas we can! It is eco-friendly,and based on the traditions of the religion. Mr Dadrawalagoes on to say that he regardswords like 'orthodox' and even'fundamentalist' as positive, epithets to be proudof. Asked whether he thinks of the banon conversionsas primarily a 'religious' matteror as a questionof tradition, he says: But I think tradition is part of the religion, so it is a tradition that is part of the religious way of life. Take dokhme-nashini,that is a tradition which has its roots in the religion, for if you bury a body you pollute the earth.So it is not merely upholdinga tradition, it is upholdingour religion, that is how I perceiveit. Mr Dadrawala goes on to describe the circumstancesthat led to the foundation of Deen Parast. During the Roxan Shah affair41 those who representedthe traditional point of view, especially Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal, were reviled in the liberal press while the more traditionalist Jam-e-Jamsheddid little to defendthem. As a reaction,a numberof Dastur Kotwal's sympathisersfelt the need to have a separatepaper of an entirely traditional stamp.The magazineis 'unashamedlyorthodox, and proud to be orthodox.Orthodoxy to me meansfollowing the right path.' Asked what he meansby 'the right path', Mr Dadrawalasays: The paththat hasbeen followed by us thesethousands of years.This is a very deepsubject; you haveto realisehow andwhy our community has survived. You have to look at the groups who went to other countries like China and the Punjab after the fall of the Sasanian Empire - thesecommunities have just disappearedbecause they have not been orthodox and traditional in the sensewe perceiveit, and thesecommunities are now completely lost. The only stock that has survivedis the one that landedon the shoresof Diu [in India], andwe have survived becauseof our traditions, like not converting, not intermarrying,believing in systemslike dokhme-nashini,and so many other things. Mr Dadrawala does not believe that the situation of the Zoroastrian religion is deterioratingany faster thanit did in the past;the real problem in his view is liberal propaganda.He concedesthat intermarriageis on the increase,but denies that there is a decreasein the numbers of Zoroastrians.He claims that those Zoroastrianswho migrated to the West havenever been counted, and that it is a questionof redistribution, rather than diminution, of the community.

168 Neo-Traditionalists An event that deeply moved and influenced Mr Dadrawalawas his recentvisit to Iran, on a tour led by KhojesteMistree. Seeingthe ancient monumentswith his own eyeswas a 'high you cannotdescribe', but the spiritual side of the journeyhad an evengreater impact on him. Visits to variousfires in Iran led him to developa morepersonal relationship with fires than was the casebefore: I began to empathisewith fire, have a different feeling about fire. Before, I was a believer in fire, now I am not just a believer -I have cometo empathisewith fire. I havea different feeling aboutfires now, becausewe haveseen some absolutely miraculous things in .42 At two placesat leastwe haveseen these fires that bumwithout fuel, and I think there is no logical or scientific explanation as to how it happens.We havejust seenthese miracles and that is it! It defieslogic, it defies science,you just seeit and you are stunned.And to narratea very personalexperience, one of the first fires we went to was in the village of Cham.It is a very secretfire ... but we wereallowed to seeit. And the brilliance of this fire that I saw -I mean, spontaneouslyI beganto cry over there,and that's something that hasnever happened to me in my life. I havebeen to the Iranshah,43I havebeen to all the Atash Behramsin Bombay, but I have never beenmoved to tears. In Cham, as everybodycould see, I cried like a baby. I was so moved I was sobbingon the bus.Whenever I am in difficulty now my thoughts go to the Chamfire. Ever since I have come back to India I have moved away from community politics and have concentratedmore on religious topics and religious education. Because politicians will come and go, Trusteesof the Punchayet44 will come and go, but what is important is to educateour youth in the valuesof the religion, andwhat it hasto feel so proud about. Let the community know what it meansto be descendedfrom Cyrus the Great. Who Cyrus the Great was, who Dariusthe Greatwas. 45 And this hasaffected even my twelve year old son; he is tremendouslyimpressed by thesespecial fires of Yazd. And he is more religious and learnedthan I was at twelve. So I think it is wonderful, very positive

Notes 1 i.e. Islamic mystics. On earlier links beweenIndian Zoroastriansand Islamic and Hindu mystics seeabove, p. 55 n. 6. To modemParsis such connections may seemsurprising. 2 A leadingIslamic mystic, who died in 1240 CE; the Fusus a/-Hikarn is one of his works. 3 i.e. Ilm-e Khshnoom,on which seeabove, p. 48f. 4 An early Sufi.

169 The Interviews 5 An Arabic formula widely usedin Sufi practice,meaning 'Oh (Thou who art) He (i.e. God).' 6 A well-known book on Zoroastrianism. 7 A greatearly Sufi, who was executedfor his seeminglyex~avagant claims in 922 CEo 8 A prominentFrench Orientalist and author of the best-knownstudy on al- Hallaj. 9 The late Prof. R. C. Zaehner. 10 Dr Alan V. Williams, now of ManchesterUniversity. 11 Prof JamesR. Russell,now of Harvard University. 12 i.e. found a religious movementwhich was open to all, as 'Bhagwan'Shree Rajneeshdid. 13 i.e. food consecratedduring the ritual and later eaten by those who have attendedit. 14 See the interview with Mr Dadrawala. 15 It is interestingto note that, for Mrs Munshi, the two are distinct. 16 i.e. he was a fully qualified priest; for the terms seeabove, p. 52. 17 It is interestingto note the associationof dirt with evil, and of non-traditional behaviour,such as walking barefoot,with both. 18 The custommay go back to the idea that one can makean AmeshaSpenta or Yazatapart of one'sbeing by internalisingthe qualitiesassociated with him or her (on the Cathie origin of this belief see Kreyenbroek1985: 10-30). 19 Dastur KhurshedS. Dabu, High Priest of the Wadiaji Atash Behram (1948- 1977), who interpretedZoroastrianism in the light of Theosophistteachings; for further referencessee Ch. 8, nn. 30, 80, and the Index. 20 Dr Jamshedji M. Unvala, who was critical of Dastur Dabu's theosophist teachings(see Mistree 1990: 242). 21 This refers to the opinion that the reasonwhy the Zoroastrianscriptures do not appear to teach reincarnation is that Zoroastriansare spiritually so evolved that their souls have no further needof rebirth. 22 The Yazad Saroshis thought to watch over the soul of the deadfor the first three days after death,and subsequentlyto take it to the Chinvad Bridge, on which seeabove, p. 6. On Sarosh(Av. )see Kreyenbroek1985. 23 Well-known prayers. 24 The M.P. CamaAthornan Institute, seeabove, p. 57 n. 55. 25 A ceremonywhich consistsin passingone's hand over a patient, or over a part of one'sbody, while reciting certain prayers;d. the interview with Mrs A, above,p. 95 with n. 60. 26 In classicalZoroastrianism crying for the deadwas disapprovedof as it was held to strengthenthe powersof evil. 27 i.e. in one of the more usually venuesfor Navjotes 28 Traditionally only khandiyasare permittedto enter the Towers of Silence (see above,p. 38). That a Trusteeof the Towerswould go into the Tower to cleanit up probably seemedrevolutionary to one section of the community, and revolting to another. 29 The professionalactivities of such functionaries are consideredextremely polluting and they are shunnedby many other Parsis. 30 i.e. the fire-vase, presumablywith laban. 31 Rooms that are to be used in connectionwith ritual purposesmay not be cleanedby non-Zoroastrians. 32 i.e. a lay personwho performssome of the tasks of a priest. 33 A training college for priests,see above, p. 57 with n. 55.

170 Neo-Traditionalists 34 On theserituals seeabove, p. 9f. 35 Normally a hearsetakes the body to the Towers. In this case,however, the processionwent there on foot. 36 i.e. Indians who have been deeply influenced by English and American culture. 37 A piece of cloth covering the lower part of the face. 38 Both areprominent representatives of the Ilm-e Khshnoommovement; see the interview with Dr Master-Moos. 39 On this long and laboriousprocess see above, p. 9. 40 For Mr Dadrawala'sview of fire as a personalentity seefurther below. 41 The remarkrefers toone of the most traumaticincidents in Parsicommunity life in recent years. In January 1990, Mrs Roxan DarshanShah, a young woman from an upper-classParsi family who was married to a non- Zoroastrian,had a fatal car accident.While her family wished her obsequies to be held at the Towers of Silence,members of the traditionalistwing of the community, notably Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal, argued that she was to be regardedas a lapsedZoroastrian and thereforenot entitled to the use of the Towers. The affair receiveda greatdeal of coveragein the Parsipress. On the community debateson the subjectof marrying out seebelow, p. 311£. 42 A town in Iran. 43 The Atash Behramat Udwada. 44 On the Bombay Parsi Punchayetsee above, p. 52 with n. 48. 45 Both are early kings of the Achaemeniandynasty, on which seeabove, p. 12.

171 Chapter Six Modernist Views

MRSH Mrs H (1948) is the wife of one of India's leadingindustrialists; she has two children. She was a promisingpainter in her youngeryears and has a deepinterest in the arts. About her childhood, Mrs H says that her mother saw to it that religion played a role in the children'supbringing. We were encouragedto go to the Agiary from a very young age. My sibling is eight yearsyounger than I, and it was my responsibility to encouragehim to comewith me. We usedto enjoy going therebecause the priest in chargeof the Agiary always had a twinkle in his eye and was always interestedin what we were doing as children, and never pressurisedus into doing our kusti, or praying,or anythinglike that. It was a lot of fun, going to the Agiary. That priest lived all his life literally on the benchof that Agiary, I think. He did not teachus our Navjote prayers;that was done by a distant relative of my mother's. Silla Aunty also taught us to read Gujarati, so we could read the prayer book. I feel very grateful to her today - after so many years whenI usedto fight with her, becauseshe used to comeon a Saturday afternoonor a Sundayafternoon, and if we weregoing to an afternoon showit wasmy responsibilityto tell her to comeearly. If I forgot to tell her, then I just missedthe movie, I had to do my prayers.It is only now when I look back ... She also taught me Parsi cookery, which interestsme. Learningprayers was all by rote, no meaningswere taught. I had a small prayerbook, I still haveit today - of courseI know the prayers by heart,but I still refer to the book - and severalyears ago, when I was in the US for a long time, I found that there were many explanationsin that book: about the calendar,and what each day

172 Modernist Views signified, what eachmonth signified, andalso the meaningof the gehs. We alwaysskipped that part of our prayersas children. So it was only in the 1990sthat I saw that it was all there,and that is when I started taking an interest in what the days symbolised,what the calendar meant. You mean, till then you were just doing it blindly? By rote, by rote! I was not evendoing itwith blind faith, I just said the prayersby rote. Now my father hasblind faith; he also praysby rote but he has a blind faith. I was doing it for different reasons... maybe the chantingof the versesgave me somesolace without my realising it. I think with children it startsthat way, it really does! I thoughtmy son had an inclination towards prayers, becausehe never rebelled whenhe was madeto learnhis prayers.(My daughterdid!). I thought he would go on to build on that strength,but he hasnot. At least not so far, but I never give up! If I hadsat down with a seven-yearold, I don't think he would have listenedto me. Today I think he probablywill listen to me, becausehe knows he is going away from home and he knows that this is what is going to makehim unique.In someof his collegeapplications we have written that what makeshis applicationdifferent from thoseof other children is that he is a Zoroastrian! Do you think that senseof uniquenesshas helped you? It definitely has.You know, we hearthat all Parsisare followers of this Baba or that Mata,l or go to a particular mosque,or fervently attend someHindu festival. I just look at it this way, that I am unique! And when you look, especiallyat the last 200 yearswhen we havebeen an important economic force in India - we have given, we have given expecting nothing in return! That, that form of charity is unique amongstus; I have really not seenit consciouslyin any other group. Even though you have travelled so widely, and been in touch with so many people? Yes, you know it is very special! And I try to practiseit in my own life. Becauseto me, when you give you have to give with love; if you can give with love, any charity is charity well done. But if you give grudgingly, or wondering if your name will be on the plaque, you really have to rethink your values.Sometimes you may not evengive in termsof money,but just by your presence.If you give with an open palm - evenan ordinarycitizen from a low economicstratum can give with love - andif you do that, what more canone want? This is what I have learnedthrough my religion, through my parents. Returning to her religious upbringing, Mrs H says that few of the traditions were observedin her parents'house. When Mrs H wantedto

173 The Interviews light a divo, her mothertold her that once she startedshe would haveto light it every day ('you cannotswitch your God on and off), and she acceptedthat it would be betterto give up the idea. As an adult shenow feels: Maybe, when I am driving by [an Atash Behram] and saying my prayers,and I am just thinking of the Atash Behram,maybe that is a bettersort of divo. The laws of purity were not followed very strictly when Mrs H was a child, although her mother felt that one should not touch the sandal- wood for the fire templewhen one was not in a stateof purity. Mrs H is skeptical about such views, since one cannot tell who has handledthe sandalwoodbefore it cameto the Parsihome. She respects other people's attitudes,but her own approachis pragmatic: I respectit. I would not flaunt it [a non-observanceof the laws of purity]. But sometimes,in times of happinessand in times of death, sadness- supposeyou haveyour period andit is your father who has died! Your body might just have reactedto the shock. And so, if you have your period, what are you going to do? Should one insist that sucha lady be thrown out of the place,or do you just keep quiet, say your own prayerto God for forgiveness,and carryon?I think I would do the latter. I am not encouraginggirls to do that, but everyonehas to make their own decisions.Or supposeit is your daughter'sNavjote, are you not going to go to the ceremony?On the other hand,I would say, don't go to the fire temple,because that you can avoid. Theseare all very very personalthings. Our religion says you have a choice. Exerciseit judiciously, and decideaccording to the occasion. And did no one explain to you why we have those laws? Of coursethey did, of coursethey did, but as I say, you havea choice. If [another] womandoes this, frankly I would not evenwant to know about it. And if it is a sin, it is betweenher and her Maker! Mrs Munshi then asks about parabs and other festive occasions.Mrs H answersthat someof the parabs were observedto someextent, and other festive occasionswere and are observedwith greatenjoyment. The day of the interview happensto be the birthdayof her niece,and the family is going to celebratethis in the traditional Parsi way. Since her niece's father is not a Parsi, this leads on to a discussionof the question of 'marrying out', which beginswith a remarkby Mrs H: I am suremy sister-in-lawhas already gone to the Atash Behram- no, to the Agiary. She doesnot want to go to an Atash Behramwhere she is not welcome,2so she goes to an Agiary.

174 Modernist Views Since there is this in your family, how is it reconciled? On the one hand one has given up part of the religion ... [Politely, but with somevehemence.] I don'tthink my sister-in-lawhas given up her religion at all! Not in the senseof practising it, of course, but oneforsakes something of the religion when one takes that step, and yet everythingabout the religion ... I don't think so! That may be the difference betweenwhat you are saying and what I am thinking. I don't believe my sister-in-law has forsakenanything! As a matterof fact both my nieceshave had their Navjote done togetherwith my children, and therewas a Zoroastrian priest who taught them their prayers. All the children go to the Agiaries. I don't think my sister-in-lawhas forsaken her religion at all - shehas just married out of the community. And I think that seeing how well and diligently my sister-in-lawobserves her religion, as she was taughtit, hasalso madeher husbandsee the good in his religion. The dilemma is going to come if these girls - if they marry ZoroastriansI'll be the happiestperson. But if they don't - of course I'll be happyat the time of their marriage,but I don't know what sort of Zoroastrianismthey will be handingover to their children. Becauseeven though they see their mother practising the religion at home and they take part in all Zoroastrianactivities and festivities, and they have this great anchorof Zoroastriangrandparents, uncles, aunts, nieces - still if they marry non-Zoroastrians,I don't know. It is that generationwe should think about. In India, at least in Bombay, they'll still see it, we havea strongpresence here. But what aboutthose places where there are just four Zoroastrianfamilies, or evenforty? Thosekids are being reared in a totally different environment,and they are with children of very different backgrounds.They are not even going to find a Zoroastrian spouse... The interview then returns to Zoroastrianobservances. At the time of Mrs H's wedding, her future mother-in-law did not think such things necessary,but her husband'sgrandmother insisted that the madav-sarobe done. Mrs H says that she usually doesnot understandthe meaningof rituals. She has recently witnessedthe Nirangdin ceremonyfor the first time, and merely found it interestingfrom an intellectual point of view. About rituals she says: For me, religion is somethingvery personal,Shehnaz. I respectwhat, in invertedcommas, I call the 'hocus-pocus',and if someoneelse does it I'll let them do it, but whetherin my personallife I would be able to do it - as I said that is basically up to me. Essentiallyit is like wearing the sudreh and kusti: so many people don't wear it; so many people wear it and don't show it; so many peoplewear it and flaunt it. I wear it, I've always worn it.

175 The Interviews And what does that mean to you, why do you wear it? I am a Zoroastrian.Why was I born into this faith? My faith demands that I wear this, I think it is an integral part of Zoroastrianism.Other things mayormay not be essential-I give it individual thoughtwhen the needarises. And if it was necessaryand it was explainedto you why ... If our religion said that we had to go to the Agiary every SundayI would go. You mean that, the way things are, everythingis nebulous? Yes, sometimesthings arevery woolly andyou haveto [find your own solutions]. Of coursenowadays there is a lot of work being done. You are bringing out this book.3 Maybe thesethings were therein Gujarati and nobodybothered to readit, or it was in sucharchaic Gujarati that you could read it but would not understandit. 4 You have to communicatein languagethat is understoodby the majority of the people. Even training for the priesthoodis now getting easier.It is a changefor the better, definitely for the better I think. As the H family is a priestly one, Mrs H is hoping that her son will eventuallyundergo priestly training. Mrs Munshi thenmentions Mrs H's father, who prays a great deal, and asks what influence he had on his daughter'slife. I've nevergone to him with any querieson religion, becausehe prays by rote. I have never really askedhim much, I keep on telling him, 'You pray for us, you pray for all our souls.' I believe that sometimes,when you don't want to face reality, you immerse yourself in your prayers. You are never going to solve anything by just praying. Work is worship for me. I see my mother working - shecould easilybe prayingas well, but thennothing would function in that household!So maybeit is good that one of them prays and the other works. Any Zoroastrianstories, myths or legendsMrs H knows shehad to learn from bookslater in life. Sheis very glad that more and morepublications now appear in English so that Parsis have access to much of the information they need. Mrs H stayed at home for forty days after the birth of both her children - the first time becauseher mother insisted,the secondtime becauseshe herself wanted to. Shehas alwaysmade her children wear the sudreh and kusti all the time but her daughter,who is studying abroad,now only wearsit when she is back home. Mrs H has dinned the significance of these symbols into the children when they were young.

176 Modernist Views Mrs H goes to the fire temple regularly, sometimes taking the children. When shewas youngher mothersaw to it that prayersfor the family'S well-being were performedin her favourite Agiary and Mrs H continuesthis practice,having prayers said even when she herself is not in Bombay. Mrs H endsevery day with prayers.She likes all prayersand she saysthem all. Shehas no favourite Yazataor temple fire; shelikes the Wadiaji Atash Behram because one hears no traffic noise while praying, and she is attachedto one particular Agiary partly because she likes the priests.The family had a bad experienceat the Iranshah at Udwada,where a priest insulted her father becausehis arms were not fully covered. Also, there were massesof beggarsoutside the Atash Behram,and Mrs H feels that there are better ways of taking care of the poor. She has never returnedthere and has no wish to do so; shemuch prefers the Atash Behramsof Navsariand Surat. There is a non-Zoroastriansanctuary in South India that is specialto her, but when she goesthere shesays her Zoroastrianprayers. If there were a Zoroastrianfire templein that location, Mrs H saysshe would visit it every year. Whenher husband'sfirm wascelebrating its centenary,the family had thought of trying to assemble100 priests to hold a Jashan.5 To their amazement,217 priestscame: It was really a magicalmoment, I don't think it canbe repeatedvery easily. It was the numbers, the incredible response,the way the prayerssounded. Basically the jashan is betweentwo priests,6the rest are on the periphery.In this casewe could not hearthe voices of the two main priests. We had not anticipatedso many people coming, but when all of them, all 217 came ... the prayers had a special vibration. All our prayershave a specialvibration I am told, but to hearso many praying! It was not only a visual spectacle,it was also very soothingon the ears.Only I wish they would not pray so fast, as if they had a train to catch,but that is my complaintall the time with priests. The interview endswith a detailedand animateddiscussion of the need for a better education for priests, and the crucial importance of the priesthoodfor Zoroastriancommunity life - showing that for Mrs H working and planning for the good of the community are indeed essentialparts of religious life.

177 The Interviews

DRY Dr Y wasborn in 1942 in Bombay,where she has lived all her life. Sheis a medical specialist. Both Dr Y's parentswere religious and she went to a Zoroastrian school,where she was taughtreligion by Ervad DarabshahKutar. Ervad Kutar taughtreligion by meansof stories,and his classeswere so popular that even non-Zoroastrianpupils obtainedspecial permission to attend them. Ervad Kutar stressedthat religion is more than ritual alone. Ritual and religion are two different things. You may fall prey to rituals, but unless you know the meaning of each ritual you don't practiseit, becausethen you becomea slave of religion. He said that religion shouldbe a guidanceto you, you shouldnot be a slave to it. A simple story which I still rememberand which I told to my own children is that a Zoroastriangentleman used to go to the fire temple every day, but he would pray in a hurry, he would tie his kusti in one minute, a few minutes; he would bow half-heartedly,and then run backto his office. And one day the head-priestcalled him, 'This is not the way to way to worship your fire andyour religion. I will teachyou how to pray beforeGod. Now take your kusti properly in your hand, seethat it doesnot touchthe floor, you haveto hold it in this particular manner.'And thenthe priestasked the gentleman,'Which prayerwas better,your coming hereevery day in a hurry and walking out, or the way I taught you today? Which prayer had more impact on your mind?' And the gentlemansaid, 'The first prayer,which I usedto do every day.' The head priest was very disappointedand asked him why. He said,'Whatever I waspraying was from my heartand mind, I was really concentrating.And when you taught me thesedetails, all the time in front of my eyeswas how to hold, how to do it, how much time shouldI take. I was not concentratingfrom my heart ofhearts. So my first prayerwas more effective.' And [Ervad Kutar] told us, 'This is what I want to convey, when you grow up you may becomea very busyperson .... you may not havetime to go to the fire temple.When sleepingat night, you can fall asleep,pray one or two prayers,pray whilst driving. Your head need not be covered ... ' And we were alwaystaught in our religion, by our parents,that whenyou pray your headshould be covered.But I still follow it, when I am driving I am praying, just before sleepingI pray. My headis not coveredbut there is full concentration. Ervad Kutar told many stories from the Shahname,and whateverDr Y learnedabout religion she learnedat this schooL In Medical School she felt totally cut off from her religion; her ideaschanged and shebegan to think that all religions were the same. 178 Modernist Views Dr Y's grandmothernever beganthe day without prayers;she said Shekasteshekaste Shay tan as soon as she got out of bed, and rubbedher handswith taro. After that she went to the kitchen, fed the hearth-fire with sandalwoodand prayed. The children were not allowed into the kitchen, wherethe hearthfire was,before they had hadtheir bath. When praying they had to stand still in one comer. Dr Y's parentswere not quite so religious as her grandmother,but she remembersher father lighting a diva every morning and praying for at least half an hour. Her mothernormally got up at 5 a.m., muchbefore the others,saw to the fire and prayed. Dr Y notes that one hardly ever seesthis nowadays.She tried to havea separateprayer comer with a fire in her own house,but it proved too taxing to observethe necessaryrules of purity. Dr Y was taught her prayersby her mother; her grandmotheralso listened and correctedany mistakes(for a short time there was a priestly instructor). Her parentsprayed silently and did not use taro; they knew the prayers by heart and did not read them from a book. Dr Y thinks that her grandmotherknew the meaningof the prayers,but sheherself does not. Dr Y's elder sister and brother were more religious-mindedthan she was; her brother,who hasnow died, usedto pray continuouslyand her sister prays at least for an hour a day. Dr Y's Navjote was performedtogether with her sister's,when she was six and her sister nine years old. She feels she was too young to understandthe purposeof the ceremony,and thinks the differencein age at this time may be one of the reasonswhy her sister is more religious than she is. Dr Y's grandmotherwas a strong believer in ritual and tradition. Onceout of bed,one was not allowed to sleepon it againuntil the following night. If her grandchildrentried to have an afternoonnap shewas upset and orderedthem to washtheir face, do their kusti and say their prayers.The children also had to do their kusti before lunch and dinner, and in the evening when the lamps were lit. The grandmother tried to makethe childrendo this whencoming out of the toilet; Dr Yand her siblings found this unacceptable?'and she gave up,' but other childrenin the family did observeit. In any case,such rules were strictly observedonly when the childrenwere in their grandmother'shouse but muchless so at home.At her grandmother's,a menstruatingwoman had to sit in a comer, was not allowed to touch anything and could either sleepon the floor with only one sheetand and one pillow, or prepareher own iron bed.8 Even to go to the toilet Dr Y had to ask her brother to openthe door for her at suchtimes. Dr Y usedto feel indignantabout this treatment,'as if we wereuntouchables.' Later ErvadKutar explainedthat theserules were intended to afford a womana much-neededtime of rest, and this convinced her. Her grandmother, however, said this was nonsense.According to her it was well known that pickles would spoil, and flowers wither, if they were touched by a menstruatingwoman,

179 The Interviews which showedthat evil rays emanatedfrom a woman'sbody at such times. Becauseof all the restrictions- which includeda banon bicycling - it wasobvious to everyonewhen a girl hadher period,and Dr Y recalls the embarrassmentthis caused.Dr Y's own mother, a working woman, was less strict but still 'carried it too far.' Dr Y herself, living in a small house with two young girls, finds it impossible to follow all the traditional rules of purity, althoughher motherinsists that one can do it if the will is there.She does, however try to keepa specialsari for visiting the fire temple. For Dr Y's weddingher motherinvited gayansto sing the AtashnuGit and religious songs.9 On the wedding day a Fareshta ceremonylOwas performedin the fire temple,which the coupleattended. Her mother-in- law, although she belongedto a priestly family, was very modemand allowed her to move freely in the houseand to touch everythingduring her periods.Dr Y's husbandis a qualified priestwho hasundergone the Navar, but he no longer practisesbecause he has forgotten much of his training. Her son is Navar Martabll and enjoys practising from time to time, especially during Muktad.12 'I often ask him, "Do you pray properly or do you skip certainwords you cannotpronounce?" He says, "No, I take my own time but I pray sincerely".'Her sonwould rathernot acceptany money for his priestly serrvicesbut it is often forced upon him; someof his colleagues,on the other hand,are mainly interestedin the financial gains. Dr Y, herselfof Behdin origin, married into a priestly family from the same area and social background. At her wedding she refused to participatein suchceremonies as the pithi charvani rit,13 becauseshe did not understandthe purpose of it. The madav sara was performed; normally only womenwhose husbands are alive take part in this, but all the women close to Dr Y were widows, and she proudly tells that she insistedthat they should perform theceremony. So I broke anothertradition or rule of our Zoroastrianfamily. Right from childhood, if I did not understandsomething I had a habit of asking people, so much so that sometimespeople got irritated. My father usedto say, 'Keep quiet for five minutes.'What doesnot satisfy my conscienceI don't do; evennow I don't do it. During Dr Y's first pregnancythe panchmasyuand agharni ceremonies were done, but she did not allow sweets to be distributed to an extravagantnumber of neighbours,and offendedher mother-in-lawby refusing to acceptthe gift of a jewel. After her first child was born her parentsdid the chatthi ceremony;Dr Y herselfwas not involved in this, although she does not object to such rituals as long as they are not wasteful. The nameswere not chosenin accordancewith the traditional rasi system,but for personalreasons. Dr Y's first two childrenwere girls, 180 Modernist Views which was fine with her since her father usedto say, 'When you have a daughteryou get Lakshmi in the house.'14Her elder sister, however, hopedthat the next child would be a son; she prayedto Ava Yazad for forty days and a son was born. When anothersister remainedchildless, the elder sister insisted that prayer would help. No child was born, however,for: ... in betweenshe lost faith in our Zoroastrianreligion. She used to say, 'I pray so religiously, but somehowor other I neverget anything.' So we used to tell her, 'Don't pray with the idea that you will get something.Prayer is for mentalpeace, prayer is for thankingGod that we [Le. our circumstances]are better than others.' So we used to consoleher like that ... Dr Y loves to pray. She intendsto pray more when she retires,and jokes aboutthis with her family. Shereads the prayers,although the words are familiar to her by now and she can pray very fast.IS She doesnot know the literal meaningof what sheprays but sheknows the purposeof each prayer, which is enoughfor her. In the fire temple, Dr Y prays the geh, Khorshed Meher and Atash Niyayesh, Dua Nam-setayeshne,Mah Bokhtar Niyayesh.16If shecomes on her dayoff, sheprays longer. Sheobserves the parab of Adar roj,17 in the traditional way, but no other parabs. Her childrenpray lessthan she does, saying that work is true worship. Asked abouther opinion of the role of prayerin curing illness, Dr Y says: Yes, I have experiencedthat. When I was in tenth standard,the last year of school,there was a big epidemicof smallpoxand I was one of the victims, for I had not beenimmunised, the secondaryimmunisa- tion had not beendone. So I sufferedfrom smallpox,and the doctors had given up hopecompletely, my blood reportswere very bad and I could not seewith my left eye; the ophthalmologistsaid, 'She might lose her left eyebecause there is a pox in the eye also.'And at that time my grandmothersat and prayed continuouslynear my bed, and I certainly feel that her prayershave helped me. She prayedArdibehesht Nirang. My eldersister also hasa lot of faith; if one of my childrenis ill and has a high temperature,103, 105°,she comes and says,'Come, let me pray.' And she prays ArdibeheshtYashtni Nirang.18 And I see that the momentshe prays, it may be coincidencebut immediatelyI find that the childrenare lessill andmore cheerful.It works, it works! Even as a doctor -I have seenso many critical casesand when my mind comesto a deadend, if I havedone everything and I don't know what more you can do for this dying baby, that time I just standin a comer and I pray, 'Just give me clarity, if I missedsomething, please God, help me out!' And suddenly I get an idea, 'Why not give this particular drug, or could it be that I have missedthis investigation?'

181 The Interviews And I suddenlyask them, 'Do blood tests ... ' Therehave been many instances,not just one or two! Of courseGod cannotlisten to me every time and grant my prayer,but I have rarely lost a child becauseI did not do something.I immediatelykeep on getting ideas,'Why not try this, why not changethe treatment.'When a babyis on a ventilator, or when thereis anothercritical situation,I pray continuouslyfor two or three hours, Ashern Vahu, Yatha Ahu Vairya, Kern-na Mazda, whatever comesto my mind. I don't know much orally, most prayersI have to readfrom the book, but theseare the kusti prayerswhich we know by heart. I keep on praying and I keep on saying, 'You strengthenmy arms.' [Here follows a detailed description of a recent case where prayerbrought a solution.] So many times, with diagnosis, I think it is due to prayers, for medicalknowledge is becomingso extensivethat it is not possiblefor one doctor to know everything. And I suddenlyget an inspiration, 'Why not open this book, or why not wake up this personand find out?' And I get the answerbecause I get clarity in my mind when I pray. Dr Y feels, however,that her work has priority over religion. Supposeif I had a patient'sphone call, I would stop my prayer to attendit andthen come back and continue. But I havebeen taught that once your prayer is interrupted,you again [have to] start with kusti, which I don't do. BecauseI feel, how many times should I keep on doing it, peoplekeep on ringing me up. My husbandoften says,'Shall I tell them you are praying?'But I tell him, 'No. My work is first and prayeris second.'And if I have done somethinggood, say there is a seriouslysick child and I have beenwith that child for three hours, thenif I don't pray I feel my religion is that. I give more importanceto work than prayer. My whole thinking has changed. Dr Y's brotherdied two yearsbefore the interview washeld, and because of this shehas been going to the fire temple more often than usually. At one time she usedto go as often as eight times a month to pray19 for a recentlydeparted soul, becauseher motherbelieved very stronglyin this. In the long run this proved incompatible with her duties as a doctor, sinceone hasto wait one'stum beforea priestis free to pray for one,and she tendedto be late for work. She complainsthat no considerationis given to the fact that she is a doctor; in fact she feels that people who come after her are often servedearlier if they give large tips to priests. Her visits are now limited to three days in the month to pray for her brother (including Behram raj, when she particularly likes to pray), the other daysshe prays at home.Almost every eveningbefore going to her consultingroom Dr Y has a bath, lights a diva, puts milk and water into

182 Modernist Views place, and prays the Satum for all her deadrelatives, praying Cheragno Namaskar, Dinno Kalmo, and Tandorosti; if there is time she adds Sarosh Yasht Vadi. When her brother died the whole family was shaken.Over two yearshave passed since then, but althoughDr Y feels it is wrong,20 none of the family have yet come to terms with his death.Holidays are not plannedbecause there would be too manymemories, and evenvisits to the cinemausually prove painful becauseof suchassociations. Dr Y's sister-in law condemnsthis, saying that the family is trying to pull the soul backby praying and remembering.21 However,when things get too much for Dr Y she feels she has to pray for her brother. In fact the only thing that gives comfort is prayer.When she prays in the fire temple,she feels her brother is with her, though she doesnot know whetherthis is becausethe living aretrying to I dragthe soulback', or becausethe soul is really there. About life after deathDr Y says: We were always taught that in the Zoroastrianreligion there is no rebirth, and that is why we pray for the dead. But I always felt that there is rebirth, I don't know for what reason.Sometimes I look at people and we get along very well, but there are also people I just don't like to talk to, I feel that I would waste my time. I always feel that this mustbe relatedto pastlives. Also I am very muchattracted to North India, to the Himalaya mountains,but the South has never attractedme. I alwaysfeel that thereis somethingfrom a pastlife that attractsme, I may be wrong. I often readin the papersthat somechild recollected what his previous birth was, so I feel there must be somethingthere. But we were taught that whateverthere is, is in this life. You do good things and you get a reward;you harm somebodyand God will definitely makeyou realiseit. It is in this generation- after deathyour soul progresses;if you havedone your duty well thenyour soul keeps on going further and further. The prayer which we do after death helpsthe soul to progress.Then you are free of your duties,that is the explanationwe are given. But if I don't do my duty well then I might haveto comeback. But Zoroastrianismsays no, you do it hereonly. So that is always in my mind, but I have never understoodwhy some people,I don't like their faces,I don'tlike this, I don't like that. What is this? Dr Y has never got around to performing any form of pilgrimage, althoughshe has long meantto do things like visiting sevenfire temples on a single day. She hasnever been to Udwadaon the parab of the Fire, although she would like to do this. She goes to Udwada sporadically (unlike her elder sister who goes some five times a month); she had planneda visit recently but her daughterpointed out that this would involve leaving her elderly mother alone for four days, which did not 183 The Interviews seema pious thing to do, so shecancelled the trip. In any case,Udwada doesnot attracther much,perhaps because of somebad experiences with priestsfrom there.When she was small the priestwho wasto prepareher for her Navjote, andwho was from Udwada,showed her andher friends pornographicpictures; later, a priest in Udwadaaccepted money to do a long ceremonybut came out after five minutes, claiming that he had done the entire ritual; another time she caught priests joking and laughingduring a servicein memory of her father. Askedfor a recentsignificant experience, Dr Y recountsthat her sister- in-law cameto Bombay from abroadand askedto be taken to a Hindu Ashram. Dr Y accompaniedher there and was struck by the luxurious and worldly feel of the place, which made her appreciatethe serene atmosphereof fire templesall the more, in spite of shortcomingslike the onesmentioned earlier. Dr Y likes to go to the Christian mela [fair] at Mount Mary Churchin Bombay to offer candles,and she hasbeen to seeSai Baba. She learned from her father to keep images of various divinities, prophets and religious leadersin her house.He usedto say, 'Be faithful to the religion in which you were born, try to understandthe teachingsof your own faith, and bow before all the gods before you leave the house.''So I do have feelings of respectfor other religions also. And many times we are told that Zoroastrianismis the oldest and the bestreligion, but I always tell peoplethat it is not like that. All religions are the same,they all teach you to be good humanbeings.' However, Dr Y would like to learn more aboutthe teachingsof Zoroastrianism,because she often feels inadequate when trying to teachthe religion to her own children. Whateverbooks I havebought [on Zoroastrianism],they only discuss rituals, how to do thekusti - or they are aboutthe Gathas. I find them very hard to understand. I have not come across a book [on Zoroastrianism] which can enlighten ordinary people, like for example [in] Buddhism, the Eightfold Path, which lay people can understand.And it is becausethere is too muchof detail that thereare so manycontroversies in the religion. If it was simplified more people would acceptit.

MR DINSHAW K. TAMBOLY Mr Dinshaw K. Tamboly (born 1945) holds degreesin BusinessStudies from Indian and British Universities.He is a successfulbusinessman but also devotes a large part of his time to community affairs. He is a Member of the Managing Committee of the World Zoroastrian

184 Modernist Views Organisation(W.Z.O), and Chairmanof the Bombay-basedW.Z.O. Trust Funds. In this capacity he has led a team which, over the six years preceding the interview, has rehabilitated nearly three hundred impoverishedParsi families in rural India, and also extendshelp to a largenumber of urbanParsis. At the time of writing Mr Tambolywas the most recently elected Trustee of the Bombay Parsi Punchayet,22an influential and highly prestigiouspost. He holds severalother Trustee- ships. About his childhood Mr Tamboly says that he comesfrom a middle classParsi family. He describeshis early yearsas follows: [It was] a very regular, ordinary Parsi type of upbringing. We have neverbeen an overly religious family. My father praysevery morning for an hour but I think that is more from force of habit thanbecause he understandsthe true meaningof the prayers.Whilst we went to the Agiaries and Atash Behramsregularly on festive days, religion was somethingthat was well beyondour comprehension.In fact it still is, very much. While I do believe,very much,in the powerof prayer,the Almighty, Ahura Mazda,still what I personallyhave always felt [to be a pity] is that the prayers have never been made known to us in layman'slanguage. If you read the Bible it is in a languageyou can understand.I realisethat this maybe dueto the languagein which our prayerswere first spoken,the very fact that oursis the oldestrevealed religion and all that. A very importantturning point for me was that, in the year 1982 ... by a strangeset of coincidences,I met KhojesteMistree. He waskilling time at the Tata GuestHouse [in Navsari] and I also had time on my hands(I was not into this welfare work then), and I just spentmaybe half an hour to 45 minuteswith him. That wasthe initial turning point in my attitude towards welfare work, and it has got me where I am today. Khojeste told me to read his book, Zoroastrianism, an Ethnic Perspective- a book I havenot just readonce but probablyhalf a dozen times and which I have given to twenty, thirty people.Because it was somethingthat really mademe understandwhat Zoroastrianismis all about. For that I am eternally grateful to Khojesteand to 'Zoroastrian Studies'. At that time the community became something very meaningfulto me, until then I was mostly interestedin corporations, I had no specialinterest in the Parsis. Mr Tamboly goes on to say that his wife, who is his first cousin, was brought up in the family tradition, where social and community work had alwaysbeen regarded as important.From the time of their marriage in the late 1960s,the couplehad alwaysplanned to devotetime to social work when they were financially secureand could spendtime on things other than their careers.These plans took shapein the 1980swhen, apart

185 The Interviews from his meetingwith Mr Mistree, Mr Tamboly and his wife also came into contactwith Mr S. Captain,one of the leading figures in W.Z.O., a meeting that led to Mr Tamboly's involvementwith that organisation. Thenin 1989, Mr Captaincame to India and informed Mr Tamboly that a report had beenpublished on the lamentablesocio-economic position of many Parsisin rural areasof South Gujarat. He invited Mr Tamboly to come with him to Gujarat to investigate.When it becameclear that the SuratPunchayet did not intend to take active stepsto improve things, it was decided that W.Z.O. would step in. The Surat Punchayetlater decidedto join this project and a Committeewas formed, 'the Federation of ParsiZoroastrian Anjumans of India'. Eventually, however,given the magnitude of the task and the bureaucraticprocedures involved in committeework, it was decidedthat things could be bettermanaged by settingup a Trust - the W.Z.O. Trust, which beganwith a sumof no more than £1000. The more Mr Tamboly saw of the conditions of poor rural Parsisthe more convincedhe becameof the needto help. He got more money from various sources, and the Trust began its work, which consistedin suchthings as offering training in agriculturalmethods and improving farming conditions,rather than handingout dole-like gifts of money.Mr Tambolystresses the importanceof makingpeople self-reliant rather than dependenton charity. When the beneficiaries of Trust schemesbegin to earnmore, they are expectedto give back a percentage of their additionalearnings as contributionsto the work of the Trust, so that they themselvesbecome donors. Mr Tambolygoes on to describethe - spectacular- successof the Trust. Returning to the topic of his early religious life, Mr Tamboly fondly describesthe traditional devotional life in Navsari, where part of his family lived and which he visited frequently. At the time of writing he still tries to attendone traditional Gahambarevery year. Mrs Munshi asks what he felt aboutsuch traditional festivities as a young man. At that time it did not evokeany specialfeelings; it was just fun time. But with hindsight,having come into this areaof activity, I believeit is a very rich heritage,which we will continueto supportand treasure all our lives, andwill passon to our children. It is our culture, it is our heritage,and it is somethingwe are all very proud of. As a child I neverlooked at it with thoseeyes. Today I look at it from a different angle. Mr Tamboly's wife, whose Navjote was performed in Navsari, was taught the meaning of that ceremony, but he himself had no such instruction. There is an old family tradition that all family members gather once a year at a place near Udwada, and there are usually 'pilgrimage-cum-picnic'visits to that place. Another family tradition is that, whenevera child is born, machis are offered to the fire.

186 Modernist Views As to the rules of purity, Mr Tamboly says that one did not have a haircut on Saturdaysin his family and, although he cannot defend it rationally, he would still hesitate to do this. His wife was made to observeall the rules of purity in Navsari right up to the time of their marriage(on the other hand her brother'swife, who objectedstrongly, was allowed to do as shepleased although she lived in the samehouse). Mrs Munshi asks whetherMr Tamboly himself, who grew up in a less 'orthodox' atmosphere,had disliked suchpractices: No, that nevercame to mind. First of all we hadalways been trained to respect age, and secondly we had been taught that whatever our eldersdo, they do with our best [interests] at heart. There may have beensome questions in our minds,but they werenot strongenough to be voiced. All Mr Tamboly'saunts and uncles have now passedaway, andelaborate rituals were performedfor the sakeof their souls. The Navsaripart of the family were very veryorthodox people and we had a Nirangdin performed for my father-in-law when he died, and later also for my mother-in-lawwho had died earlier in 1982. We had the Hamayasht23 performed. It was a beautiful ceremony,as far as I rememberit [consistedof] sevenVendidads and 144 Ijashnes.However, at this point somethinghappened. For lay peoplelike us thereare a lot of confusionsbecause we get conflicting advice. In this particular caseI had askedDasturji Kotwal at the Wadiaji Atash Behram,and he had told me that all the ceremonieshad to be completedbetween the New Year and the next Catha days,24otherwise the whole ceremonywould haveto be repeated.I hadsaid, 'It is absolutelyfine by us.' Whetherwe could attend the ceremoniesor not, he should just go ahead.At first things went along beautifully but then, as always happens,the tempo slackened,breaks started to occur, andjust beforethe Muktadscame [at the endof the year] we found that oneor two Vendidadsand about 20, 24 Ijashneswere left. It wassomething that was way beyondour control. So I went to Dasturji Kotwal and said it was all right as far as we were concerned[to repeatthe whole ritual]. But it was very surprising,he said it was all right and the remainingceremonies could be doneafter the New Year. WhenI pressedhim further he just told me not to worry. When a personin suchan exaltedposition, you know [contradicts himself in such matters], when such directions are [inconsistent],it becomesvery confusing for the laity.25 ... It [Avestan] is a very difficult languageand we don't get enough things to depend on. Whenyou readthe Bible you probablyknow aboutChristianity, but in our religion, whenyou want to learnand this type of signalscome out then it is confusing.

187 The Interviews But do you think things are improving, comparedto the time when you were young. Yes, definitely. In the last twenty yearsor so awarenessof the religion has increasedenormously. I rememberin my youth, in the 1960s,we were never really botheredabout religious matters.In Bombay there wereno religious classesin thosedays. It is fantasticthat our children are now taking advantageof suchclasses. It will ensurecontinuity of knowledge,and continuity of our religion and rites. Why did you have those ceremoniesperformed? As I told you, Khojeste'sbook had a very profoundeffect on me. That is why I went to seeDasturji Kotwal. I wantedto do a Nirangdin for my mother-in-law,but Dasturji saidthat for ladiesit wasbetter to do a Hamayasht,so we did that. Apart from this problem, did it give you satisfaction? Immensesatisfaction! I used to make it a point to go visit practically every time the Ijashneswere held in the morning, to spendan hour or so there. Did it give you a senseof fulfilling a religious duty, or of being closer to God? Mostly beingcloser to nature,being closerto God. It was not a matter of fulfilling duty for the sakeof fulfilling it. You felt that senseof inner peace,of inner calm, of inner satisfaction,that you are at peacewith the world. Have there beenany other times when you havefelt this senseof oneness with the Creator? Yes, I feel that I am blessedto have the opportunity to do positive constructive work which I genuinely believe is changing people's lives. That is a sourceof immense,immense pleasure. I feel we have donesomething good with our lives, we may not haveachieved name and fame like others,but whateverwe havedone has been well worth the effort ... What is your mental image of God? I don't imagine God in any particular form, I have never wondered whatGod would look like. The way I look at it, whenwe havefulfilled our destiny on Planet Earth and go up, that is the time when everything is going to be judged at the Bridge. That is what I am alwaysthinking about: 'Am I doing somethingright?' For manyyears I havehad this habit of analysingwhat hashappened in the daybefore I go to bed, and try to think about right and wrong decisionsI have madethat day so that tomorrow I won't makethat mistakeagain. So I do this little bit of soul-searchingbefore retiring at night and that has helpedme a lot.

188 Modernist Views Do you recite any special prayers at night? No, I just do the kusti. When Mr Tamboly had just come under the influence of Khojeste Mistree's book he kept a vegetarian diet throughout the month of Bahman,but in the long run this proved impossible to keep up. The family keeps most of the parabs in the traditional way. The Amesha SpentaArdibehesht is particularly dear to Mr Tamboly, but he saysno special prayerson Ardibeheshtraj. Mr Tamboly has no special affinity with a particular fire; when he visits Navsari he is sometimesacutely awarethat he oughtto visit a fire templemore often, but the pressuresof ordinary life generallycause such feeling to recedeto the background. Since Mr Tamboly has strong links with Navsari, Mrs Munshi asks him about a phenomenonwhich is much in evidence in that town, namely the venerationof dargahs - small shrines originally associated with Sufism. Mr Tamboly answersthat such places are indeed much respectedby NavsariParsis and that his mother-in-lawused to take him to sucha placewhen he cameto visit her. Whenshe died the practicewas discontinuedin his family. The custom,he says, is connectedwith the tendencyto think in terms of 'auspicious'and 'inauspicious',and older Parsishave learnt it from their parents.Mr Tamboly doesnot believethat suchpractices are in any way detrimentalto the religion, or indeedhave much to do with it; his mother-in-law,for instance,was a very staunch Zoroastrian.He calls such practices'additional insurance'. Mr Tamboly has no affinity whatever with Baba-cults.There is a photographof Sai Babain his office becauseone of his father'serstwhile partnerswas a devotee,but it has no religious significance for him. A discussion of the work of the Bombay Parsi Punchayetfollows. Mr Tamboly stressesagain that charity shouldnot lead to dependence.In the course of the discussionMrs Munshi asks whether the Punchayet could do somethingagainst the growing phenomenonof strangecults of Parsi origin such as that of the Nagrani, which she describesas very influential amongpoor Parsis.Mr Tamboly agreesthat the phenomenon is worrying, but doubts if the Punchayetwould have the means to addressthe problem. Mrs Munshi then remarks that in the course of the interview, Mr Tamboly has repeatedlydescribed his uncles and aunts as 'orthodox', and askshim what he meansby that term. I mean that, becauseit [the religious tradition] was there, they acceptedit, believedin it, and followed it blindly. That generation,the one beforeours. My generationwas the time when we startedasking questions,and did not acceptthings just becausethey were told to us. They [the older generation]did not know the answers,so they could not answerus. And that is why I call them orthodox,I don't consider 189 The Interviews myself to be an orthodox person, or a Reformist, I see myself as a pragmatist.I like to ask questions.There are so many questionsone seeksanswers to. At the time of my election to the Punchayet,all sidesasked me so many questions[about the religion]. I said, 'Look, you are asking me my views on things aboutwhich nobody has beenable to give clear guidelines.There are so many questionswhere one can only ask why. What do my views on religious issuesmatter, don't judge me on those things - don't bring in religion in the caseof a personwho doesnot really understandthe religion, althoughhe would like to understand it. Judgeme on what I can do for the community.' They all voted for me in the end, but I had to convincethem that I was not such a bad guy really. At the time of his election someParsis suspected Mr Tamboly of being againstdisposal of the deadin the Towersof Silence,which he saysis not the caseat all. About his views on the afterlife, Mr Tamboly saysthat he has never thought much about such things. 'Why think about the next life when there is so much to do in this one?'

MRSE Mrs E was born in 1946 in Bombay. She is married to a Parsi business- man, has two children, and is director of a school. The family movesin upperclass circles. Both Mrs E's motherand the presentwriter attended the interview. Some discussionabout religion took place as soon as the interviewer reachedthe house,before the recorderwas switchedon. Mrs E went to an English missionaryschool and then to a convent school, and was thereforemuch exposedto Christianity. However, her paternal grandfatherhad told her many stories about his life, which always had a religious content. He taught Mrs E that in order to counteractthe workings of the devil (whose Zoroastrianname Mrs E cannotremember), all one had to do was to pray Yatha Ahu Vairyo. And to this day, if thereis a problemit is alwaysYatha Ahu Vairyo. And I must say it has helped.It has always savedme in the nick of time. I have had some dangerousthings happento me. Like two or three yearsago I was walking on a beachin Goa. It wasmy last eveningand it was so beautiful, and I was walking and walking, and it got darker and darker,and suddenlythere was this man. I thought,'Oh my God, now what?'The only thing I had was my prayer,and I kept sayingit with a vengeance.The man probably thought, 'What is she saying?' But I kept sayingit, andhe tried to attackme but somethingwithin me

190 Modernist Views mademe howl like an animal. And sureenough, he went. So I really believeso deeplyin our prayers.If I was a Hindu I'd probablybelieve in their prayers,but this is what I know. I rememberwhen I was in America, everyonesaid I should not go to a particularplace because there had beenso many rapes.But I would sing that Christianhymn, 'The Lord is my Shepherd,I shall not want.' And I really have never feared anything. [Laughs] But now I have begunto think, 'You had better look after yourself, it is not fair!'26 The family always went to the Atash Behram on Pateti and Khordadsal. Mrs E had a strong bond with her paternal grandparentswho were observantZoroastrians, and who inculcateda senseof religious tradition in her. I loved their traditions. My Mummy had no traditions. Always there would be Grannypraying with her beads,and my grandfatheralways telling us how to pray towards the light. There was a divo; they did loban. Then I went to this missionaryschool where they stressedthe Christian religion, but I usedto pray my own prayersin translation, they allowed you to do that. And I sawmy father pray every morning, and he usedto do charity, which must have madean impressionon me as a child. But my religious educationwas practically nothing, it was zero becauseof the way we werebrought up, very Anglicised and all that. But I was very attractedto the religion, I had that feeling for religion. And when I got married, my husbandis not at all religious but his family is very religious. My sister-in-law goes to the Atash Behram practically every other day if not every day, and my mother-in-law goesas often as possible,on all the important days. [Mrs E struggles with the word hamkara.] You see,everything I know is from books,so the pronunciationis not there, and my husbandmakes fun of it. You see what he took for granted,for me was an awakening.I was so excited: 'So that is how you do it.' Now I could know thesethings. So I took to it like a duck to water, I loved it all. But of courseI have my own way of doing it. You know how someevents in your life make you suddenly believe, like your children not being well. So this happened,and I decidedto pray the ArdibeheshtYasht. I had learned about it from my mother-in-law. So that stuck, and now I pray the ArdibeheshtYasht every day, evenif it is the last thing at night. That is the time when I pray, that is the only time I get when I am quiet and ready. On weekendsI try to get Behram Yasht said, once a week, and I believein that. And if possiblethe KhorshedYasht andMeher Yasht over the weekend. There is a very strong search,a very strong longing in me, but unfortunately,as they say, the flesh is weak. I would like to do much

191 The Interviews more. My in-laws have grown up with all these traditions. My husbandhas always known all thesethings, and he doesnot do them. But for me it is all, 'Oh theseare nice things to do.' And I am basically a traditional person.I am an old-fashionedwoman. Mrs E's wedding followed the traditional pattern,with the madav sara, althougha numberof rituals (suchas the suprani rit and pithi chorvani rit) were not done becausethe family did not know about them. The symbolism of the madav sara seemedobvious, but otherwise Mrs E regardedthese ceremoniesas 'just customs'. Asked if she had both Ashirvadsdone, Mrs E confessesthat she doesnot know. Facedwith the choice betweena short and a long ceremonyshe remembersshe chose the long one, but she knows little aboutthe technicalities. Mrs E has always followed the laws of purity to the extent that she would not touch a diva when she had her period. My grandparentslooked on every woman who had her period as a sort of witch, or as bad, and this horrified me. Those[were the things we observed],basic, very basic.If I was in any other [social group?],I would be consideredreally like a foreigner or something. Because Mummy did not believe in it [and did not teach me]; her mother believedin everythingbut she did not. Asked about favourite Yazads,Mrs E says: Behram Yazd, I believe very strongly in Behram Yazad. And my mother-in-lawbelieves very muchin Ashishvangraj, and shebelieves in Meher raj. She believesvery much in visiting the Aslaji Agiary.27 I have been there, but I don't go like she goes on every Meher raj. I believein my religion. I havenever really neededto go to a particular Agiary on a particular day. I believe so strongly in BehramYazad, I put all my eggsin one basket. In such a traditional background I don't expect there would be scope for things like Sai Baba or anything like that? Well, she [the mother-in-law] does have pictures. I think that she believesvery stronglyin Ganesh,28but only as an outsider,not as part of her.29 She says it is lucky, Lakshmi is [also] lucky. I think lots of Parsisbelieve in that kind of thing. At school the children want to do puja andI am the Director of the school,so I allow themthe freedomto do that. It makesno differenceto me, I respectit but I do not pray. At the most I would say 'Blessus'. I certainly would not pray as I would pray to BehramYazad. I have a great respectfor Kookadaru, again from my husband's tradition, very much. And I haveheard of Jal Baba, the recentBaba. 30 You know, you don't pray to them, you veneratethem. If somebody

192 Modernist Views told you that someonewas specialyou would want to give them the kind of respectthat is due to them, that is all. On Ava mahino Ava roj Mrs E's mother-in-law always sendsher a dalni pori, and Mrs E takesthe children to the seashore,making offerings and sayingthe appropriateprayers. The 'Birthday of the Fire' is celebratedby scrubbing and decorating the fireplace and saying prayers. Mrs E's mother-in-lawis 'into that', and remindsher of such parabs. The Hindu custom of washing money in milk on the thirteenth day of the Divali festival,31 which many Parsisobserve, also appealsto Mrs E Sr., but her daughter-in-lawresolutely refuses to do it. On Bahmanmahino Bahman roj the family eatsvegetarian food, at least when Mrs E remembersthe day; there is no question of observingthis throughout the month. On hamkara daysthere are alwaysgarlands in the houseand Parsidishes are cooked. All the customs for pregnancyand early childhood (such as the panchmasyu,agharni and chatthi) were observedbecause Mrs E's mother- in-law insisted. The chatthi took Mrs E by surprise; she had known nothing about it and had to choosea namefor the child quickly. Forty daysafter the births Mrs E underwentthe traditionalpurification rituals. On the upbringingof her children, Mrs E says: They have seenme pray, and pray longer at weekends,but I have never forced them into it becauseyou see what happenedto my husband.He was forced to spendhours in the Atash Behram,and it really put him off. And I had to slowly bring him round. Now he is coming back. He has come full circle, and he believesvery much in prayer,but in his own quiet way. It is not the ritualistic way at all. But he remindsme to do things. About the children I feel I havenot done enough.When they were little I usedto readthem storiesfrom books about our religion, and they would sit and listen. But slowly they decidedthat it was not that much fun, and they wantedto do other things. Thereare so many other things to do and I supposeI was too preoccupied.I feel I failed themin a sense,I did not havethat muchto give, I don't have enoughknowledge. When my husbandwas young,every Behramroj they would all sit and do this ceremonywith chana [chickpeas] on a sheet[the Mushkil Asan],32and they would recite the whole story of Mushkil Asan.So one day I said to my mother-in-law,'Why don't we do it so the children can experienceit?' So we did it once and the kids enjoyed it, but I haven'tdemanded it every time, becauseof courseit meanseffort for her to organise it. So they have learnt a little bit from their grandmother.Basically the whole environmentin my mother-in-Iaw's family is very Zoroastrian,Parsi. Every aspectof it, the good and the bad. 193 The Interviews As to death,Mrs E says that her mother-in-law,like many Parsis,has a horror of even thinking aboutit. Mrs E herselfhas a bath and gives her clothes to the dhabi immediately after coming back from any function connectedwith death. She learned this from her mother-in-law, her parentsdo not do it evenwhen coming back from a funeral. Mrs E hasno strong negativefeelings about death, thinking of it as a transition. She observesmany traditional customs,such as attendingJashans and doing the Saturn. I feel tradition is important. If we have no tradition, slowly nothing will matter,everything will disappearinto 'Why do this, why do that?' So I feel thesefew things are like hooks for you to identify what you are. Sometimeswhen I am lazy, I say, 'It is not really important.' My father, who was a very orthodox Parsi, has suddenly become [negligent]. I am very disappointedin him, I say, 'Daddy,why haven't you done this, you should have!' It is not that he is old, but he has suddenlyvery much gone into Hindu philosophy,he readsa lot of that. And he hassome very interestingbooks; I myself havebeen very attractedto MaharishiRamana's philosophy. He says,'First of all find out who you are. Who am I?' That is more important than anything. And I have tried, but I haven'tgot anywhere. Mrs Munshi then asks Mrs E about her understandingof Ahriman, the Evil Principle: It is funny you should ask. Someonehad said something[negative] about my son yesterday,and the first thing I did was, I took an egg, wavedit aroundhim, and chuckedit away.33 That againcomes from my mother-in-law,my motherwould neverdo somethinglike that. It hasnothing to do with the achu rnichu,34 I just did it becauseI wanted the najar [evil eye] off my son! It is not that I really believe in it, but sometimesdesperate people do desperatethings. Mrs E's in-laws are againstwearing black and for a long time Mrs E did not wear it, 'But now black hasbecome so fashionable!But I won't wear it on my birthday or on Papeti,35 and try not to wear it on New Year's day.' Mrs E regretsnot knowing any of the traditional Parsi songs,which sheliked very muchon the few occasionswhen shehas heard them. She feels the lack of traditions: 'We seemto have moved too far away from everythingthat was part of our culture, becometoo sophisticated.' Mrs E's favourite fire temple is the Banaji Atash Behram, and she loves going to Udwada. Such trips are part picnic, part religious observance.The family usuallygoes along when others are going, anddo not go on a specialdate. On a visit to Navsari,which wasundertaken for other purposes,the family also visited the Atash Behramthere. 194 Modernist Views Before the interview began,Mrs E had said that the meaningof some Avestan texts, including the Behram Yasht, made no senseto her. The interview, however,revealed Mrs E's love of prayer,and in particularof the BehramYasht. Mrs Munshi askedher aboutthis apparentdiscrepancy. I know! I know the meaningpartly, andit makesno senseto me really, but I know it [the Behram Yashtj36 standsfor victory and power, and thoseare the things that I am askingGod for. In everythingwe do we need that little push from somewhereelse. Now that we discussed that [just beforethe interview], I can say it to you, otherwiseI would not have been able to expressthat. I don't know, you do so many things without realisingexactly why. You do a lot of things intuitively, don't you? Somepeople do not needreligion so much, othersneed it muchmore to lean on. I think, maybeMummy's not stressingreligion so much mademe want it more. I do loban everyevening. I am not quite surewhy I do it, apparently it is to drive out evil spirits which hatesmoke. This is what I gleaned from somebody... [laughs] apparentlythey live especiallyin comers, so I makesure I take it to all the comers.There are little things like that that we do every day. About the issueof conversionand marrying out of the community,Mrs E says: It is just common senseto me that Zoroasterwanted to convert the people to good, what he felt was the best for everybody. So why would he want to exclude some people, 'No, you are not fit for my religion, you are not fit for my thoughts!' I don't think that anyone with any intelligence or goodnessin him could do that, and I really don't see that it should be even an issue. We are supposedto be the charitablereligion, andwe arebeing so exclusiveand stupid.It makes no senseto me, I am sorry! Here Mrs E's mother intervenes to say that marriage to a non- Zoroastrianseriously affects the vibrations: 'Maybe they are happy, but we all have our own vibrations, and when you marry outside your communitythen you mix up the vibrations. That is not a good thing for you, not a good thing for the soul.' Mrs E is not surehow to approachthe matter in the caseof her son: I was thinking, should I tell Y [her son], 'Look, you must not even think aboutmarrying outside the community,'or shouldI think, 'Well, as long as he gets a really good human being? Isn't that more importantthan getting a jabri [domineering]Parsi wife or something?' But then I thought, 'God, therewould be no tradition to handdown!' But then, think of the Jews, they have managedto preservetheir

195 The Interviews tradition. And take me, for instance,I came from a non-observant background,came into this family andI havetaken to it like a duck to water, whereasmy husband,who grew up with all thesetraditions, has no time for them. But you told me that, now that you are working on him, he is already coming back to the religion. There was already that knowledgeof the tradition. He is coming back to the spiritual path, not to the traditions. He does not believein traditions,he is not that kind of person.There are certain peoplewho believe in rituals and there are peoplewho do not. I remember,R [the husband]and I were discussingY: 'How should we handlehim? Shouldwe just tell him that he'll be betteroff marrying a Parsi, or shall we do what our parentsdid to us, terrorisehim?' Terrorise? [Laughs.] It was not even discussedby my father, it was my mother who translated[the family sentiments].There was this whole thing in the family, you know. There was my grandfather, when his son marriedan Americanhe said,'Can you imaginethe shamethat I feel?' It was very much a part of our upbringing: this was not even to be thought of. I rememberwhen boys who were not Parsiswanted to court me, my mother giving me this terrible picture of my father jumping up and down and killing me almost, and throwing me out. And I think R was the same.When he was abroad,his grandmother would write in everysingle letter: 'Hasto ramto kumaro avje' [come back happy, and as a bachelor].Every single letter endedlike that. What I am trying to see is, in the final analysis what is more important?I feel that eventuallythe soul hasto be pureand good, the other things are extrasin a way. How do I know that if he married a wonderful girl who loved the religion, why should she not want to follow our religion? And supposinghe married a very sophisticated money-grubbingParsi womanwho did not care for any of this? You cannotbe really sure.

MRS V Mrs V (1948) was born in Bombay but spentmost of her childhood in Ootacamund('Ooty'). At the time of the interview Mrs V, who hasbeen married to an American, was living in Bombay with her ll-year old daughter.She is a free-lance designer,works in a furniture shop, and doescharity work. Mrs SarahStewart was presentat the interview. The interview beginswith a discussionof Mrs V's childhood.She was an only child; her parentslived in Bombaywhen they were first married

196 Modernist Views but soon afterwardsMrs V's mother moved to Ooty, taking the child with her. The mother was not religious and Mrs V went to a Christian school,so that shewas taught very little aboutZoroastrianism. At the age of seven Mrs V becameseriously ill and was taken to England for treatment. On her return to India her grandmotherinsisted that her Navjote should be done, as she was not expected to live. Mrs V remembersbeing taught her prayersby a 'hugeDasturji', who despaired of her lack of interest.She returnedto Ooty soon afterwardsand since shewas the only Parsiat schoolshe soon gave up wearingher sudrehand kusti. Mrs V continuedto fall ill in May of eachyear, and every year her grandmothersent her a new kusti, which her mother generally lost or mislaid. Her only contactwith Zoroastrianismwas during her holidays in Bombay with her grandmother,who was very religious and always tried to make her speakGujarati. Her father had a soundknowledge of the religion and occasionallywent to the Agiary. He was thus able to guide her in religious matterswhen asked,but he never forced her to acceptthe religion. At the end of her school years Mrs V beganto questionall forms of religion. After schoolshe returned to Bombayand eventuallyjoined Air India, whereshe worked as stewardessfor fourteenyears. In the course of time she becameinterested in 'the Zoroastrianreligion as a religion, rather than as the Parsiswere actually practisingit.' She startedreading books on the subject. She also cameinto contactwith Khojeste Mistree, who was then living in Oxford, and under his influence became interestedin various esotericsubjects, such as vibrations and numerol- ogy, but shenever specifically discussedZoroastrianism with him at this time. Mrs V was living in Englandwhen her father died in 1982, and she could not return in time for the funeral. I was here for the Uthamna prayers,37 which were in the early morning. And my aunt took me for a walk up, in the [groundsof the] Towersof Silence,to showme wherehe hadbeen taken. I felt very sad missing my father, though actually I was happy that I had not seen him dead,for purely selfishreasons. I rememberwhen she took me for that walk, at four in the morning, it was the mostbeautiful sensationI have ever had. The vibrations of peace were very strong, and of holiness,a feeling like whenyou go into an old church... I remember feeling very peacefuland slightly confusedabout my own emotions, not having beenthere ... but also very happy and wanting to know more about what happenedthere, becauseI had never really been there before. And looking out over Bombay in the early morning, it was all very beautiful. Mrs V thenbegan going to somelectures on Zoroastrianismorganised by 'ZoroastrianStudies'.

197 The Interviews We got into a lot of arguments,because he kept telling me that the child of a Zoroastrianwoman married to a non-Zoroastriancould not be ... [hesitates],38and I could not understandthis. Anyhow, as it happened,I did marry outsidemy own faith, I married an American. But beforeI had donethat, I told my Dad that if I shouldmarry a Parsi I would like to have some Dasturji or someonecome and teach me, what my prayersmeant, and why there were all theserituals ... Mrs V and her husbandlived in the US. Shehad a daughterin 1983, and returned to Bombay around 1986. In America she was not directly in touch with other Parsis. She read Parsiana, but felt alienated because children from mixed marriageswere not acceptedif the mother was a Parsi,while the children of a male Parsi were more easily recognisedas Zoroastrians.A turning point came when her five-year old daughter, having been to a Navjote, showed a great interest in the Zoroastrian religion and insistedthat she wantedto have her Navjote done. And I kept saying, 'You cannothave a Navjote, and you must not tell anyoneyou are a Parsibecause you are not a Parsi.You cansay you are a Zoroastrianif you are allowed to do the Navjote, but you are never allowed to say you are a Parsi.'Now that was really difficult to explain to her. I kept saying,'You are half Indian and half American.'Anyhow, she got more and more interestedand more and more keen, so the thought startedgrowing in my mind, and eventuallyI fished out my prayerbook andI gaveit to her, andI got a tapefor her. It wasamazing, shesat listening to that tapeall on her own for hoursin the afternoon. What tape was that? This tape that hasbeen done by the ZS ['ZoroastrianStudies'] people about the Navjote ceremony.She listened to it a lot and for me, just listening to these prayers going through my house, it was a great feeling! Anyhow I started trying to learn my prayers to teach her, which of coursewas not successful,for I could saythe AshernVohu and that was aboutit. EventuallyI went to my aunt, two of my aunts,and askedthem to say the prayersto me. I would recite after them, and I would thencome home and teach it to her. We went on like this for the next two or threeyears, and finally I got a Dasturji for her, for shesaid I was teachingher wrong. So now I havegot a Dasturji for her and she is having her Navjote! Now a lot of people- and I am talking about my family members- havesaid 'How canyou? Why do you makeher do what you want, why do you put pressureon her?' And I explain that it is not me. Then they say that an eight-year-oldcannot make sucha choice. I disagree,because she has! I am not a practisingParsi, but through this child I havebecome more aware,and learnedabout it, and it is really interesting.

198 Modernist Views In fact I had a discussionwith a Dasturji in London aboutthis, who cameto do a Jashanin my friend's house.And beforehe knew who my daughterwas he said, 'I sensethis child's eyes boring through me.' Like, her vibrationswere very strong.And I said,'Would you like this child to have a Navjote?' He said, 'Why?' I said, 'She is half American.'He said, 'No, I would not do it, but I would find someone for you.' But even he said that he felt a great presencecoming from her: Most peopledo not believeit, but shehas been a greatcatalyst for me. I do believe that we chooseour parents,and I believe she chose me to teachme to go back on that path. BecauseI suddenlyrealised that our religion basicallyis so simple and so pureand so easy. In the sensethat it doesnot tell you a million times, 'Don't do this and don't do that, come and confess... ' It is so basic, it is very pure, I realise, and I want to know more now, it is a naturereligion. Asked how she would feel if her daughter lost some of her present interest in the religion later on, Mrs V says that she hopesshe would understandif her daughter stopped wearing her sudreh and kusti at boardingschool, but: I hope she would not drop her prayersthe way I did. I think saying your prayersis the most important thing, thesethings like the sudreh and kusti are more symbolic things, trigger-thingsto help us, to guide us ... To me the most important thing is that I would like her to say her prayersas far as possible,and to try and live by what shehas been taught,like Good Thoughts,Good Words, Good Deeds.Which I have been teaching her from the beginning, from the time she was tiny: what you put out comesback to you. She has beentaught that since she was very small, before the religious aspectcame into the picture. And I certainly would like to havehad a more traditional upbringing. When I seemy cousinsand my aunts,when they go abroador when they have their birthday, and I see the traditional patlo39 and the garlands,I love that, andI havealways felt I havemissed out. Because I do think we sometimesneed a little bit of ritual or symbolismto keep us in touch with what is going on. It is not like going to churchevery Sunday,you know, going to the Agiary is a thing you do by choice... I would like to try to be more traditional, and one thing I would really like to do -I haven'tyet figured out how to go about it -I would really like to havelaban in my home.It is somethingmy grandmother always did, and the lady downstairs,every morning when I smell it, instantly that memoryof my grandmotheris triggeredoff. I'd love to do it, but I don't know what prayersto say, and how to go aboutit. Asked what it is that pulled her back to Zoroastrianismin spite of her upbringing,Mrs V says:

199 The Interviews BecauseI just feel it is a very wise and simple religion. I know all religionsbasically teach you the samethings, but what I feel is that, if I could try and follow the basicteaching of Zoroastrianism- which as I said earlier is so simple, there is nothing like Ten Commandmentsor millions of laws to follow - that would improve me as a person,and my life, and what I can do for other people. Mrs V goes on to describehow the superficial piety she experiencedin her Christian school madeher feel disenchantedwith Christianity later in life. She feels that all religions have somethingbeautiful in them, and would not hesitate to visit a church when travelling. 'But I am not necessarilysaying Our Fatherany more,just sayingmy own words.'She feels that Zoroastrianismis less demandingthan Christianity. Asked about her feelings concerningthe rules of purity in this respect,Mrs V answers: I mustsay I am confusedabout some of those.I don't really agreewith outsidersnot being allowed into the Agiaries. I understandthe point of view but I don't necessarily agreewith it. Yes, the inner sanctum shouldbe kept pure,with only Parsisgoing in, but at somepoint I feel thoseoutsiders who are interestedshould be allowed to comein. Like they do in a churchor a temple,in manytemples they don't allow you into the inner sanctum,in churchesyou don't go up to the altar. But I do feel that it would be nice if one could have a little more openness there. And this childbirth business,4oI don't know enoughbecause I did not go through it. If you have your period you cannotgo to the Towers of Silence,and you cannotsay your prayers.These things are all basedon very old traditions and perhapsin thosedays they were important. I don't think they are important today. Would you like to learn more about the tradition? Yes, I wish there was more interaction, where people could sit and discussrather than be lectured to. You know lots of people told me that they went to these lectureswhich Mr Mistree had, and people gavelectures, which were interesting... But I think, if we could have small discussionslike this, I don't meanthree of us,41 an openhouse let us say, twice a month. Whoever wishes to come can come, and things could be discussed:you have more knowledgethan I have on this point, pleaseexplain it to me. If I don't agreewith you don't shout at me and condemnme, but I am opento explanations. A lot of the youngParsis today are quite lost. A lot who arebrought up very traditionally, they go throughall the rituals of the Navjote but they haven'ta clue what they mean.They say their prayersand think they are very good as Parsis,but actually as to why they do it or what it means,not many peoplecan tell you.

200 Modernist Views Mrs V remembersfilming a traditional Parsi weddingand not knowing anything about the rituals. She would like to learn more, but objects to doing things blindly. She believes, however, in the vibrations of the Zoroastrian prayers, which are very old, and as she does 'a lot of alternativethings', suchas positive thinking, she realisesthe importance of vibrations. So I do believe that if you say the prayerscorrectly, out loud I mean, not just in your mind, I feel that they will help you, providedyou are sayingthem - you may not understandeach word, but you are saying themwith your heart,with meaningand good intentions.Then I think they will benefit you. That is the holistic way of looking at it, it is the vibrations, it is the thought, it is the hearingof the prayer and your faith in that prayer. So yes, I do believe that. But in my prayer-bookI havea translationof the prayers,which is very nice, so I can look at it .... I tried to explain to her [her daughter]when shewas very young; theseprayers were very difficult to explain even with a translation, but she seemsquite wise in her own little way, shehas understooda lot more. Sheis readyto tell me that I don't understand,and that I am wrong! The child has a very happy and open relationship with her religious teacher,and Mrs V is confident that she is well taught. She feels that children should be given a choice in religious matters,such as in the questionof doing a Navjote. She rejects the criticisms levelled at her by thosewho feel that her daughter'sNavjote is inappropriate: I believe that religion is a very personalthing, I don't think anyonein this world has the right to tell anyoneelse what religion they should be! I explainedto my daughteralso: 'If you chooseto be a Zoroastrian nobodycan deny that to you, but you cannotcall yourself a Parsi or a Chineseor whateverit might be, for thoseare man-maderules. But if you chooseto say your prayers according to the Zoroastrianfaith, thereis nobodywho can stop you from sayingthem. Nobody can tell me or you or anybody what religion they should follow.' It is somethingI feel very strongly about; I talked to Khojeste [Mistree] about it also. I don't know a lot, but I feel that now with the community dwindling and the faith maybe not being practisedas it should,we needto absorbthe youngerpeople more, have discussions ... Let us understandwhat our religion is telling us, what it means, why we are doing this and not doing that ... be a little more open about acceptingchildren of mixed marriagesinto the faith. I don't understandthis whole big tamasha [to-do] that is going on, children who cancome in from the father'sside but not from the mother'sside. In most religions in the world, when you think about it, it is the

201 The Interviews womanwho teachesthe child the basicsof the religion, any religion, so I don't understandwhy there is this huge divide on this issue. Becauseof her daughter'sNavjote Mrs V herself has acquireda sudreh and kusti again, and invited a priest to come and give her a 'refresher course'in the properways of handlingthese items. It is almostlike a secondinitiation for me. And I know one thing, I am certainlygoing to respectmy sudrehand kusti muchmore thanI did as a child, or thanmy motherdid. It is somethingmuch more precious to me today. I am certainly going to usemy sudreh and kusti much more than I used to ... But the most important thing to me is to learn my prayers,and I also want somemore knowledgeabout the religion as it was originally taught, the philosophicalside. Mrs V regrets that she was taught practically nothing about the Zoroastriantradition. She recalls that when she came home with her child it was her cousin, not her mother, who did the traditional welcoming ceremony,and that she herself grew up without any such customs.She feels religion will give her daughtera much-neededsense of belonging and identity, and she herself has always felt the lack of 'anythingtraditional or symbolic' in her upbringing.The fact that for the last few years she has put chalk-marks outside her door in the Zoroastrian way gives Mrs V a sense of satisfaction and identity. Memoriesof the laban and other ceremoniesin her grandmother'shouse come up again, and Mrs V describesher love of fire: I have always loved fire; it is just the ritual of it, the whole thing of lighting thoseembers and putting that [hesitates]sukhad? ... laban and sukhad [incenseand sandalwood].And also when I go to an Agiary I always standfor a while, alone, in front of that big fire. As long as I can without disturbinganybody. With my eyesclosed, I do not really watch it, but thereis a greatsense of peace.It is a wonderful feeling. And also, wheneverI watch prayersor religious functions I do know that I am transfixedby that afarganyu [fire vase],I nevertake my eyes off it, ever! Always, always staring at it throughoutany prayer; it is somethingvery strong in me. Mrs V's aunt organiseda Muktad ceremonyfor her father the first year after his death,and every yearon his deathanniversary she put a diva in her father's room, with flowers, as a way of remembering him. Otherwise, since she was not taught any traditional mourning rituals, she mournedher father in her own personalway by frequently playing his favourite music. Sinceher return to India, Mrs V hasmade a point of wearinga sari in the specialParsi style. 'That is anotherthing I do; theseare all my small

202 Modernist Views little ways of doing the things that I want to do for identity. Not what someoneelse would tell me to do or what I feel I should do. I am very much my own person.And that is about it.'

Notes 1 'Mother', a feminine spiritual guide. 2 viz. becauseit may be known that sheis married to a non-Zoroastrian. 3 The remark refers to the presentbook. 4 Mrs H means that until recently she had not seen many publications on Zoroastrianismthat were helpful to most Parsis. 5 See above,p. 10. 6 i.e. the ritual is basically performedby two priests. 7 Many Parsisfeel embarrassedabout this, perhapsbecause it usually involves looseningone's outer clothes and the processis relatively conspicuous. 8 On the use of an iron bed during menstruationsee above,p. 39f. 9 See above,p. 20f. 10 See above,p. 10. 11 i.e. a fully qualified priest. 12 On the needfor extra priestsat this time seeabove, p. 25. 13 On this ceremonysee above, p. 32. 14 Note the referenceto the Hindu goddessof wealth, which illustratesthe way in which symbols and idiomatic expressionsof Hindu origin are used by Parsisas a matterof course,and may thus imperceptiblyinfluence their views on many things. 15 In other words, Dr Y doesnot know the Avestantexts by heartbut they have becomevery familiar. 16 A moderatelylong prayersequence. 17 The 'birthday of the Fire'. 18 A slightly longer name for the prayer mentionedearlier, which is widely recited in casesof illness. 19 'Praying',as the term is usedhere, may refer to the act of getting a priest to recite prayersor perform a ritual. The original versionsof severalinterviews show that no fundamentaldistinction is perceivedbetween purely verbal prayer and rituals accompaniedby liturgical formulae. See also below, p.295. 20 On classicalZoroastrian attitudes to mourning seeabove, p. 170 n. 26. 21 The appropriateperiod for keepingup prayersand rituals for the deadis a much-debatedissue in Parsicircles (seee.g. the interviewswith Mr Antia and Mrs Q). 22 See above,p. 52 with n. 48. 23 A combinationof Vendidad and Yasna (Guj. Ijashne) ceremonies. 24 i.e. within one religious year. 25 Dastur Kotwal's decision may have been based on the authority of such sourcesas the Pahlavi Dadestani Denig (DD. 81, seeKreyenbroek 1987b: 188), whereit is said that if moneyfor a ceremonyis paid to a priest in good faith the merit accrues to the person ordering the ritual in spite of any shortcomings.It is interesting to note, however, that for Mr Tamboly, who relies on priestly authority in religious matters, the apparentcontradiction

203 The Interviews probablydid more to shakehis confidencethan a further requestfor money (for more ceremonies)might have done. 26 i.e. you cannotleave all to God. 27 On the custom of visiting this fire temple on Meher mahino Meher raj see above,p. 22f. 28 A Hindu divinity. 29 In other words, Mrs E's mother-in-law believes that such divinities have power,but her loyalty to Zoroastrianismforbids her to worship them as part of her own religion. 30 See pp. 50, 308f. 31 This festival is known as Dhan Teras. 32 See above,p. 20. 33 viz. to removethe evil. Mrs E clearly associatesthe idea of an evil powerwith superstition. 34 On this ceremony,in which an egg is also passedaround the head of the recipient, seeabove, p. 19. 35 On Pateti or Papetisee above, p. 26. 36 In fact, in classicalZoroastrianism it is the YazadBehram who standsfor these things, the hymn being merely a way of praying to him. 37 i.e. the rituals of the fourth morning after death,on which seeabove, p. 38f. The actual disposalof the body in the Tower would have taken place a few days earlier. 38 The remarkrefers to the view of many 'traditional' Parsisthat the child of a non-Zoroastrianfather and a Zoroastrianmother cannot be regardedas a Zoroastrian.See also above,p. 58 n. 67. 39 A small woodenplatform used,among other things, for the sagan; seeabove, p.18. 40 i.e. the rules of purity affecting a woman during the first forty days after a birth. 41 i.e. Mrs V herself, Mrs Munshi and Mrs Stewart.

204 Chapter Seven Eclecticism in Religious Views

MRS X Mrs X was born in 1935. She holds degreesin English, French and Geography.She has worked as a teacherand later becamePrincipal of her school. She is married with two children, and is interestedin 'all contemporaryreligions and Yoga.' Mrs X has always lived in Bombayand has no roots in a village. She wastaught about the religion by her mother,who wasvery religious. Her father was not religious at all, but madethe children learn their prayers nevertheless.At the age of six or sevenMrs X was taughtmore prayers by Mrs Nusservanjee.1Her Navjote was donewhen shewas six. Shedid not realise the significanceof the sudreh and kusti at the time; once her kusti slipped off at night, and she tells with an embarrassedgiggle that she let it hang over a chair all night.2 About her early religious developmentMrs X says: I had a lot of faith in Zoroaster.To me the Lord Ahura Mazda was Zoroaster;I did not know a lot about the Lord Ahura Mazda. My Mummy saw to it that we did go to the Agiary on different roj, like Hormajd roj, Behramroj, Saroshroj, and kneel down and pray to the fire. And respectthe Waters,respect Plants, respect Fire - therewas no smokingin our house.And apartfrom that I alwaysfelt an awe and a love, for God wassomething awesome to me. Zoroasterwas my God; I did not understandAhura Mazda as I understandHim today, as the one cosmic,big shining Light. And there was a lot of faith in Behram Yazad, such a lot of faith! Even as a child I rememberthe Mushkil Asan.3 And I remembermy motherhad a lot of faith [in this] .,. When my Mummy was in her mensesshe would ask me to do it. I was so small that I could hardly reachthe table but I could recite the Behram Yazad story with blinding faith. And the chana [chickpeas]was not for

205 The Interviews yourself to eat, it was to be given to the poor in the nameof Behram Yazad, the mighty, victorious Fareshta [angel] who'll get rid of all the evil. Maybe I was a bit clever, I understoodthat this was a Fareshta who would help. Later, after my marriage,I gaveup this practice,but I still believein it in a way, becausewhen we take the nameof Behram Yazad,we always say Mushkil Asan Sahib [Lord Problem-solver],that meansthe Fareshta who will get rid of your troubles. Mrs X was taughtto recite all the normal Zoroastrianprayers and could also recite severalmanajats as a child. Later, at school,she was taughtby Dasturji DarabshahKutar,4 whom she describesas a very inspiring priest. Dastur Kutar told storiesfrom the Shahname,and from that time onwardsMrs X beganto read books about ancient Iranian mythology. The question of dakhme-nashini5 was also discussedin class; it both frightenedand fascinatedMrs X at the time. Later DasturKutar died and was succeededby his brother,whose teaching did not appealto her, and shelost interest.'So I firmly believethat it is throughstories and love and music that one can learn about religion.' Ava Yazad also fascinatedMrs X; shewas born on Ashishvangraj, which is connectedwith Ava Yazad,6 married on that raj, and has a specialaffinity with it. 'I usedto love the Waters,I still love the Waters.'Her motherused to give the childrendalni paris to offer to the Waters,together with flowers, sugarand coconuton every Ava raj. Later Mrs X studied Yoga and Vedanta with a teacher whom she adoredand who greatly respectedthe Parsisand fire. At aboutthe same time, in the early 1980s,she met KhojesteMistree,7 whose teaching had a profound influence on her. I think that was the revival, for me and for the children in the school! I don't know why, maybe because Khojeste was young and charismatic. His oratory was very beautiful, in English. He spoke from his heart, sincerely; it was laity talking to laity, there was no priest involved. And then I was taught by JeannieBharucha. 8 ... At somestage I had given up wearingmy sudreh and kusti, only because it camein the way of my dressing,for no other reason.It was Jeannie Bharuchawho told me, 'Wear the kusti!' And I think after I began wearing the kusti a lot of my difficulties went away. What I have learnedof my Zoroastrianreligion is through Khojeste and through JeannieBharucha. And mind you, Jeanniedid a coursewith us, not for one or two days, but for ane full year, every week! And then we introducedit in our school ... and we have not repenteda moment. Asked if she still doesYoga,9 Mrs X says: Yes, I do my Yoga, and it was thus that I found that you can be spiritually inclined and not religiously inclined, or religious and not 206 Eclecticism in Religious Views spiritually evolvedat all.lO So it was so good to be spiritually evolved and at the sametime religiously evolved.And thenI found that, if this is Yoga, then Zoroasterwas the greatestYogi of them all! I found that what is Yogic is all in Zoroaster.It is so nice that our religion teaches aboutbeing happy: you be happyand make others happy, you eatand make others eat, you earn and make others earn. There is no selfishness.And prayeralso ... I'll be honest:if I were to say a small Hail Mary, I would not hesitate;if I were to say the Gayatri Mantra [a Hindu formula], I would not hesitate. But I would not worship.ll Whateveris universal,just say it if you like the meaningof it. I now have Vispe Humata [an Avestan prayer formula], translated into English. Everyonesays it is universal,we don't say it in Avestan,we say it in English. It is the same as the Gayatri Mantra, becausethe Gayatri Mantra is also beautiful: 'Lord, bring us from darknessinto light, from hatred into love.' Like St Francis Assisi's prayer, it is the most beautiful prayer! And to me my Sarash Baj is the bestprayer! Although Mrs X's mother was religious the family did not have 'this problem of untouchability' (during menstruation)in their house.When the womenhad their period they would not touch the diva or the table on which it stood,or go to a Navjote or a fire temple,but they were allowed to do their kusti and say their prayers.Menstruation was regardedas a naturalphenomenon and Mrs X is still glad that this was the case.She is willing to respecttradition in this matter, but does not believe there is anything intrinsically evil aboutmenstruation. When Mrs X was a child the family had a diva burning continuously, later this became inconvenient and incense sticks were used when required.Laban was doneat onetime but it was stoppeda long time ago, as it becametoo expensiveand in any casefamily membershad no time for suchceremonies. Parabs werenot observed.The first time Mrs X went to Udwadaon pilgrimagewas when her daughterwas born. As a child, Mrs X usedto sit nearthe fire in the fire templeand look into it, and she remembersloving the fire. She saw the Atashnu Git performed in the houseof a neighbourand liked it. At some stageshe gave up praying becauseshe did not understandthe meaning;she read some translations and explanationsbut they did not appealto her. Later, whenshe took up Yoga, Mrs X's Swamiadvised her to 'Go to God with your heart,not with your intellect ... the vibrations are important.' During her second pregnancyMrs X was advised to pray the Ava Ardvisur Niyayesh; she prayedit for forty days and all her wishesfor the child were granted: So today the Water and the Fire are very important; and I have been reading my Gathas for the last 15 years, all the five days.12I do my laban in the morning on certain days, anniversaries.I pray every morning when I get up; I have a cup of tea and whetherI have my

207 The Interviews bath or not, I sit down and I pray for twenty minutes. I do my kusti prayers,then I do my Sarosh Baj, then a small Atash [NiyayeshJ, then Ava Ardvisur [Niyayeshl. And then Dasturji Aibara13 has given me three prayers,Airyamanem prayers, they are extractsfrom the Gathas. I do that, that is all. Mrs X's marriagewas a love-match.Like herselfher husbandcame from a 'medium-religiousfamily, no taboos'.The wedding was a traditional one,with madavsaro, suprani rit, and divo-adarni.l4 Later Mrs X organised all these ceremonies- which she had to learn from a book - for her nieces.Mrs X enjoysrituals of this kind. 'It is just fun. And traditionsand customs,I believe, are important.' Mrs X saysthat funerary ceremoniesused to frighten her as a child: My first experiencewas when my 28-year old aunt died ... I was elevenor twelve yearsold at the time andI hadnever been to a funeral. So we were all takento the funeral andmade to sit in the front row, and that thing [the bier] was so close to us, and at one time everybodysaid 'Look down, look down', when the body was lifted up.15 I was a precociouschild at that time andI thought,'Why are they askingme to look down?' So I looked up and sawall the body being lifted. And when they were putting her onto that thing her eyes opened... I still cannotforget that. But I was a child, I did not mind ... The most painful was my brother, he was only 25! He was an Airforce lieutenantand he was going to get married in two months time, and his plane crashedand he died. I think that was the most painful ceremonyI ever went to. All the four-day ceremonieswere done. And I think we becamemore religious after his death, we believed more in the Muktads after his death, we were totally involved with ceremoniesafter his death! Mrs X had beentold aboutthe funerary rituals as a child. The reasonsfor praying for the soul were not specifically discussedbut Mrs X hasalways felt that they are important,'whether the soul is rebornor not.'16 She still performsa specialobservance on the anniversaryof her brother'sdeath: she takesa bath, puts flowers, milk and fruit in place, doesher kusti and prays Havan geh and Satumno Kardo, with a divo and incensePHer husbanddoes not pray much but does do his kusti, and he goes to the Agiary. Her son also does his kusti. Her daughterused not to pray, but whenshe developed health problems Mrs X advisedher to start doing so: I told her, 'Pray! Our prayersdefinitely havepower over difficulties.' I am a great believer in this. I gave her special prayers from one of Khojeste'spapers, Ushta [the Z5 Newsletter],and from that I took the ArdibeheshtNirang, andgave it to her. I said,'This is in English,you do not know Gujarati, now pray with your heart and soul!' And then I

208 Eclecticism in Religious Views madeher pray to MeherYazad. Meher is alsovery dearto us. I recently found out, becauseof the Kookadarucult. I8 (I usedto like Kookadaru, but I never used to worship him. But then I did find that there is somethingthere!) And she got better, and now she agreesand she prays. Mrs X's mothertaught her observanceslike the chatthi, besna,and pagladu, which shelater performedfor her children and then for her niece'sbaby. To Mrs X's regret, however, her own children appear uninterestedin marriagealthough they are in their late twentiesand thirties. My husbandand I, we had such a gay time for ten yearsbefore we married. Thesechildren won't even date. They say, 'Show me, where are the people to date? You don't want us to marry out of the community, so who can we date?' We are a middle class orthodox family, we don't allow our daughtersto go out with just anybodyand everybody!About that I am a bit orthodox,I am quite strict ... I believe that marriagesare destinedby God, so why shouldI makeany effort? I am a greatfatalist, if He thinks it is the right moment,He will do it, why should I bother? They say birth, marriage and death are all destined,so why should I bother?I think our Parsi boys are ... you know they believe in equality, they trust their wives, they work at home with their wives, never mind if they are called sissiesby the Hindus, they help their wives, they are sweet, they pamper their wives like American husbands.But they are not very rich, the good brains are all going abroad,there is a big brain drain amongstthe Parsis and those boys are not coming back. But they are not happy, and our girls from here are very wary now, they don't want to go to the States,they know that life is not easythere. From the undesirablenature of 'marrying out', the conversationmoves on to the questionof other religions. Not that I disrespectany religion. To me, now with Yoga, all religion is one. My religion is the bestfor me becauseI am born in it, but I think there should be one world religion. It is impossible,but humanity is my religion today. What is the use of being a Zoroastrianwho is not charitable,who is wicked, who is aggressive,who is sinful? I think the essenceof religion today should be humanity. Mrs X believesvery strongly in charity, and it plays an importantrole in the religious lives of membersof her family. Mrs X's predilection for dogs is discussed.Mrs X loves all animals, and refuses to accept the traditional Zoroastrian idea that such animals as mice are Satanic creatures. Asked abouther belief in Kookadaru,Mrs X says:

209 The Interviews In 1985 I went through a very bad health set-back,and I was getting very ill. And my sisterwho lives at Cusrow Baug said, 'Comeon, I'll take you to Dasturji Aibara, he'll give you someprayers.' And, much againstmy will, I went. I did not like Dasturji Aibara, becausehe was very strict. And Dasturji said,'Will you saythese prayers?' I said,'OK, Dasturji', and he gave me a picture of Kookadaruwith a picture of an Iranian king. He alwaysused to give Kookadaruwith a picture of any Iranian king, Kookadaru and Faridun Padshah,Kookadaru and Lohrasp or Kookadaruand Kaikhusrow Padshah.And I said, 'What am I to do?' He said, 'Wear it over your heart.'I said, 'All the time? It will show from under my dresses.'He said, 'You wear it.' So I came out. First I askedMrs Nusservanjeeto translatethese prayers, I wanted to know what was there. So she read them and she said, 'There is nothingbad, they are from the Gathas,they arebeautiful. What harmis there if you readit every day?' But at the top of the prayerthere were the namesof Faridun Padshah,Lohrasp, Kaikhusrow, Jamshidand also Kookadaru!So they usedto associatethe fravashi19 of Kookadaru with all thesebig Padshahs!And I still readit everyday. And I showed Mrs Nusservanjeethe picture he had given me; therewas Kookadaru, but I said, 'Who is this king with the feather in his cap?' She said, 'Kaikhusrow, the biggest Yogi amongst the Iranian kings. This is symbolic, you will soon meet a Yogi.' And I met my Swami in one month! At that time I did not realise, [I thought] it was a coincidence. But she had told me, 'This picture signifies you are going to meet a very greatman who will teachyou a lot aboutthe atman and the soul and spirituality apart from any religion.' And I have learned a lot! I now understandwhat thefravashi is:20 within us, the SpentaMainyu, that sparkwithin us, which we say comesfrom God. Do you do the Kookadaru Baj21 all the time? No, but wheneverI go to the Aslaji fire temple or Banaji -I love the Banaji Atash Behram,it has a fascinationfor me. Do you go there on Mondays?22 No, I go when there are no crowds,but I love the Banaji. My Navjote was also at the Banaji Atash Behram.I find somelink there, I like it. Do you go to the Aslaji on Meher mahino Meher roj?23 No, but since the last three monthsI have done it for my daughter's health,24 and there is an improvement! There are so many people there,what is the harm in offering sukhad[sandalwood] and praying? It is good! And there are Parsispraying to the peepul tree also, it is a Hindu belief becauseShiva is supposedto be in the peepultree. To me, Yoga has taughtthat is your superconsciousness!Shiva is not a god, he is your superconsciousness!And what is Ahura Mazda but

210 Eclecticism in Religious Views your superconsciousness,your cosmic consciousness,your light? So Shiva and Ahura Mazda and Cosmic Consciousnessis all the same! And what harmis thereif a Parsigoes and tendsthe tree?It is so nice! He is looking after the tree, so indirectly he is doing (it for) Bahman Amesha Spenta Yazad!25 ... We have a cosmopolitancrowd here, somebodywill go to Sai Baba and bring me a little statue... if they bring me little gods- they broughtme a , they broughtme an , they brought a Mother Mary, they brought me Christ, they broughtme a Shiva -I am lucky! Thesebig peoplehave come to my door, why shouldI cast them out? Everyoneis my friend, I sayhello to them every morning, what is wrong with that? Mrs X observesthe parabs for the Fire and the Water; as she is normally at schoolher husband or daughtermakes the preparationsat home.Mrs X does a ceremonyat the schoolon thosedays, which hasnow becomea tradition. Mrs X does not eat meat on Bahmanmahino Bahman roj - or on Good Friday.26 Becauseof Christian influenceson her educationshe loves Christ and Mother Mary, thoughnot Christianity as such: 'If Zoroasterteaches me happiness,Christ taught me love and forgiveness.'She lights a candleon Good Friday. She remembersbeing fascinatedby the stories of the Bible, which shecompares to what'Zoroastrian Studies' is now teachingin schools. Mrs X offers a machi regularly on the death-anniversariesof her motherand her brother,because her mother usedto offer a machi, and it is a way of rememberingthem. For a long time the family did all the traditional birthday ceremoniesfor the children,including the bathwith milk and flowers.27 Her children still do a sagan for her on her birthday. On festive daysthe family alwayshas traditional Parsi festive dishes.She doesnot normally pray the Yashtsbecause they are too long, preferring the shorterNiyayesh prayers. She hasprayed the Sarosh Yasht Vadi in the past,and has recited the Gathas regularlyfor the last fifteen years.She has visited Sanjan28 andUdwada, and is planningtrips to Navsariand Surat; she longs to seethe Surat Atash Behram. Mrs X hardly observesany Hindu customs.She washes her gold ring in milk at the Divali festival, as manyParsis do. On Kali Chowdas(the 14th day of Divali),29 she usedto take an egg aroundthe houseand throw it away, in order to removeevil. Many Parsisin her areastill do this. She recountsthat whenshe was a child, on Kali Chowdasshe once broke open earthenpots in which Hindushad put things for purposesof magic. Her motherwas horrified: Shewashed me, sheput taro on me and shemade me do four kustis in four different directions.She said, 'If you don't do it tomorrow you'll go mad or you'll die.'30

211 The Interviews

MRSU Mrs U was born in Rawalpindiin 1926. Shemoved to Karachi as a child and cameto Bombayat the time of the Partition of India and Pakistanin 1947. She graduated from Bombay University and worked as a stenographerfor some time. She is married to a well-known art-dealer and has two children. Mrs SarahStewart was presentat the interview. The interview begins with a description of Mrs U's childhood in Karachi. She went to a Parsi school, where a Zoroastriancap was worn (which wasnot doneat home),and prayers were saidat Assembly.Some othergirls tried to get out of attendingreligious observancesby claiming to have their periods,but not Mrs U: I enjoyedall thosereligious ceremonies,I meanreligious prayersand all that. And I still rememberthat when I was in fourth standard,my aunthad given me a lovely pieceto recite at the elocutioncompetition. It was called 'Prayer',something about prayers,and it was called in Gujarati Bandagi e-j jindagi che [Prayeris Life itself]. I won a first prize in that; it was sevenrupees - in thosedays that was a lot. The last four lines were in English: Prayer is the soul's sincere desire, Uttered or unexpressed, It is the notion of a hiddenfire That trembles in the breast. Now thesefour lines havesort of, [made] a mark on my memory,you know, and I tell everyoneto pray. I have great faith in prayers,I tell everyone,people at homeand all my friends, that our sincereprayers never go unheard. At homemany of the traditional Parsiobservances were done;there was a divo, loban was done, and birthdayswere celebratedin the traditional way. Mrs U has fond memoriesof Karachi, where the communityspirit was strongerthan in Bombay. So my childhood days were very happy, and all the Parsi traditions were enjoyed,and I tell you we Parsisthere were very much united, not like theseBombay Parsiswho are so ... they are all self-centred. On occasionslike New Year or on suchfestivals, [in Bombay] people usedto crowd and go to cinemasor go to plays and all that, whilst in Karachi we Parsisused to meettogether and do hamazor,31we usedto have hambandagi [communal prayers] during the Muktad days. We usedto haveprayers and do hamazor.You know what hamazormeans, we meet eachother and there are flowers. And then, wheneverthere were any Parsi Gahambars we used to go there and enjoy the

212 Eclecticism in Religious Views Gahambarsalso. So the Parsisin Karachi werevery united,nobody was very poor. There were vast charities.And I rememberin Karachi one very nice incident was, we had a neighbourwho usedto look after all his brother'schildren and all that, so every night at 7 o'clock, after sunset,we would call all the neighbour'schildren and we usedto sing all the monajats,and it was so nice. All Mrs U remembersabout her religious instructionis that Dr Dhalla32 usedto comeon Fridaysto teachthe kusti prayers.She remembers being taught the Khorshed Meher Niyayesh. As regards the meaning of the prayers,Mrs U says: We were taughtthe meaningbut I did not understandmuch. It wasso mystical and unclear in my mind that even when I got married my brotherin law - he had sort of atheisttendencies - he always usedto tell me, 'You are praying so much, do you understandwhat you are praying?' I said, 'No, I do not understandwhat I am praying but I have faith, and I pray.' I believe in the power of prayer, and I tell everyonethat. I don't understandmuch about it, but wheneverthere is any religious thing I try and attend.But now I am getting old and I cannotgo on my own, so I miss all that. But I still pray, I get up early, 6 0'clock, I have my bath, and I pray. When discussingher Zoroastrianschooling, Mrs U contrastsit with her sister'seducation: But my sister was just the opposite,because she was broughtup in a conventschool at Murree, so when shecame to Karachi shecould not adjust herself to this Parsi schooL Till she died a few years ago she alwayshad that Christianinfluence in her. Of courseshe used to go to the Agiary, but shealways carried this Dominic Xavier - now I respect all religions, I pray to Mother Mary on Sundays,then I pray to Sai Baba on Thursdays,and I respectall religions - it is not that I am bigoted, that only our Zoroastrians[are right]. All religions are the samebut ... my sister was very fond of all this Christianity. BecauseMrs U wasa sickly child her Navjote wasdone in a fire templein Karachi. Her marrriage was an arrangedone, and since both families were strict and old-fashionedshe had to fight to be allowed to work during her engagement.The four-day ceremonieswere done, including the madavsaro, but neitherhoroscopes nor religious singing formedpart of the proceedings.'My mother-in-law,though she was very strict, she did not believe in garbas33 and all that.' About the laws of purity Mrs U says: My motherwas very strict, whenwe had our periodwe mustn'ttouch the matka [earthenpot] for drinking-water,and we mustn'tgo into the 213 The Interviews kitchen, we mustn't sit on the chair where she prayed,or sit on her bed,and all that. So whenI got marriedand I camehere - of coursein the beginningI wantedto go andvisit my people,my mother.And she would tell me, 'Please,if you are like that, don't sit on my bed, don't touch my chair.' Your mother would tell you that? What about your in-laws? My own mother,but here they didn't mind aboutthat. 34 What about prayers, did you say your prayers and do your kusti when you had your period? No, not to do it! I still remember,when your seven-dayperiod was over, have a head-wash,throwaway all your clothes in the dhobi35 with your bed-sheets,everything in the dhabi. Did you have a separatebed? No, nothing like that. No segregation? No segregation,my in-laws were very reformed like that, they said these are all old-fashionedcustoms. But they were strict in certain ways, disciplinarian types: [you] must be at home, do all the house work, dusting,cleaning, kitchen - the daughter-in-lawmust do all the work. They were that orthodox type. When Mrs U returnedhome after childbirth,her mother-in-lawdid not allow her to go out during the first forty days, but she was allowed to touch everythingin the house.When the forty dayswere completedshe had a nahn at the Agiary. During Mrs U's first pregnancythe panchmasyu and the agharni were done. When the children were born her mother-in- law did a sagan each month, but the besna was not performedfor her daughter,'So naturally, when she fell so often and sprainedher ankle, peoplesaid that is becausethe besnawas not done.' Tradition plays an important role in Mrs U's family life. The whole family follows the traditional rules abouthaircuts; for cutting nails only her son does this. Mrs U has beenforced to discontinue thepractice of doing laban in the morningsbecause the househas to be sweptfirst and the sweepercomes too late for it to makesense. However, the family light a fire in the kitchen when they come home, and Mr U prays to it every night. She goes to the Towers of Silence on Farvardinmahino Farvardin raj, and recitesthe Ava Niyayeshevery day in the month of Ava. No meat is eatenon Bahmanmahino Bahmanraj, and on the five days associated with it. 36 Elaboratepreparations are madefor the 'birthday of the Fire': On Adar mahino Adar raj we cleanup the kitchentwo daysbefore, and my fire table also.37 I clean up everything.

214 Eclecticism in Religious Views Two days before? Yes, naturally. Then on the Daepadarraps at four o'clock, quarterto four, that is in the Vziran geh, I do the laban in the kitchen and here also. And I light the fire and pray the AtashNiyayesh. But it is saidthat if you pray five Atash Niyayesh,from Daepadarraj to Adar raj, that is most efficacious. Vziran geh: Atash Niyayesh; Aiwisruthrim geh: Atash Niyayesh.Twelve o'clock in the night I get up and light the fire. And I have even taught my neighboursthat, so when they see my light at twelve o'clock they also get up. But only on Atashnu parab. That is, then Vshahingeh, then again in the early morning, next day'sHavan [geh] it is Adar mahino Adar raj. To Mrs V's regret her daughter,who emigratedto Australia, no longer wearsthe sudreh and kusti: And the uncle who took her, the uncle and auntie don't believe in it, they don't believein our religion, so how do you expectmy daughter to wear it?39 But I always tell her. And now, at this age, she realises and she always writes and tells me, 'Mummy, pray for me, Mummy, go to the kuva [the Bhikha BehramWell], and light a diva.' I alwaysgo there, I light a diva whenever I am passing. Or, 'Mummy, pray ArdibeheshtYashtni Nirang for me, Mummy, pray this for me.' But my son is just the opposite,he is a strongZoroastrian ... When you say your son is a staunchZoroastrian, what sort of religious instruc- tion did he have, what did you teach him and what was he taught at school? He went to an English schoolhere, but at homehe saw my father-in-law praying every morning, lighting the diva, lighting the agar batti [incense sticks], and my mother-in-law praying after the bath, and all of us praying,so you know, he hasseen this aroundhim, that affects the child. My daughterwent awayat an early age; shesaw us prayingand all that, but the placewhere she went, where uncle and auntie never prayed, you see.So naturally she cameunder a different type of influence. Whereas my son ... 55: He did not have any religious instruction outside the house? Who, my son?No! When they had the Navjote ceremonyI remember we usedto havethe priestcoming and teachingthem the kusti prayers [and nothing else]. But he used to see his grandfatherpraying and everybodypraying, so that is the thing: whenyou haveenvironment. Discussingher prayerroutine Mrs V saysthat, althoughshe used to have a bathand do her kusti immediatelyon waking up, now sheneeds to buy milk very early in the morning, so she has her bath after this; then she doesher kusti and offers somepersonal prayers for blessings.40 She then has tea, after which she 'sits for her prayers':

215 The Interviews Ek-so-ek nam [the 101 Namesof God] that is a must, then I say my SaroshBaj, thenmy Havan geh, and KhorshedMeher Niyayesh.And I feel so empty if I don't pray, I grumble,I say, 'Today you did not give me enoughtime to pray.' I tell my husband,my son, 'You all got up so early that I had no time to say my prayers,you [should] sleep till I finish my prayers!'My husbandjokes and says,'Now one minute you pray from your red book, one minute from your pink book, then from your greenbook.' I say, 'Never mind, I get the satisfaction.'If I don't pray, I feel very empty- that somethinghas been left out in me. I mean I must have my prayers. On hamkara days Mrs U goes to the fire temple to pray, and on the anniversaryof her mother'sdeath she has a Baj servicedone there. The Shekaste,shekaste Shay tan formula41 she associateswith her school-days; shehas long meantto asksomeone the meaningof it but nevergot round to doing so. When askedwhether she has any favourite Amesha5pentas or Yazatas,Mrs U says: Behram Yazad,Pak-afsun-e Shah Faridun, and the Kookadaru Baj I always do.42 You do special prayers? Yes, specialprayers; every day I pray from that pink book ... The Kookadaruni Nirang?43 Yes, andI evenget this Kookadaru'sBaj done.On his dateof birth and his date of death.Then Homaji Baj and Jartoshtno Viso. Any special reason why you get Kookadaru's Baj done? You know, you invoke their blessing,you pray to them to bless you, and be thankful for all the merciesthat you have received. But were these stories told to you about Kookadaru, Homaji, the back- ground? No, I don't know any background,but I havegot lots of booksI read. Gujarati books, -e Khudae44 and all that. About our distinct miraclesperformed by Kookadaru. You said that Behram was your favourite Yazad, do you do anything special on Behram roj? Yes, I do. Every TuesdayI do Behram Yazadnodivo. 45 Why every Tuesday? BecauseI read that if you do it on a Friday ... I usedto do that, but I readsomewhere that Friday is mostly for the Muslims. So I switchedit to Tuesday.I just put sugar,crystalised sugar, chana, flowers anda divo, and read that story ...

216 Eclecticism in Religious Views Do you recite the Behram Yasht every day? Not every day, on Behramroj. I like my Hormazd Yasht, so whenever there is time I do Hormazd Yasht. And now, when people are not keepingin good healthI recite ArdibeheshtYasht. 46 I don't know much about the religion, but wheneversomebody tells me that this is good for this, andthis is goodfor that, I just follow it. I don'tridicule, I don't run down anything. Did you ever experiencethat, through prayers, somebodyin the family was healed? Yes, yes,yes! I tell you whenmy sonwas very ill I wasgiven that small book of Pak-afsun-eShah Faridun. So for three days, at a certain time only, and on certain days only, you had to say the whole prayer,and recite that long prayerfor three days at a fixed time. And I must say that it has healedhim. 47 Those were called Pak-afsun-eShah Faridun prayersfor good health.It is a very long prayer,I'll show it you you. And sometimesI translateGujarati prayers,a few lines, and sendit to my daughter,who cannot read Gujarati books. I have given her a cassettealso, I havegiven her prayerbooks. I just say, 'You try andsay: Yatha mari madad ne Sarosh mari panah [The Y.A.V. prayer is my help and Saroshis my protection].' I just teach everyonethat, Yatha mari madad ne Sarosh mari panah. Questions about the afterlife evoke little response. After a brief discussionof her husband'sinterest in charities,the conversationreturns to the subject of prayer and its benefits when troubles come. The following discussionensues. But do you feel the samewhen you pray to Mother Mary or Sai Baba, which is what you said? I pray to Mother Mary, and to dearSaint Dominic Xavier, I havegreat faith in Dominic Xavier. What do you pray? Just, 'Pleasehelp me, pleasepray for us.' That is all. And for Sai Baba? [For] Sai Baba I just light a simple divo, I put a little statue,that is all, and I say, 'Sai Baba, pleasehelp us.' There was one Australian lady who had come here and she had lost her health when a very young girl, and she wantedto go to Sai Baba'stemple here in Bombay, so I took her there. I respectall the religions. But my son doesnot believe in that. Do you find when you pray to other religions that your prayers are accepted? Yes, I feel that! I pray sincerely- first my prayers,first my Zoroastrian prayersand thenI say, 'Help me, solve my problems'.And I feel thatif 217 The Interviews you pray sincerely,if you ask God to help you, your prayersnever go unheard. I always write that to my daughter: our sincere prayers never go unheard. Whoeveryou pray to? Yes, whoeveryou pray to. You see,I pray to SaintDominic Xavier, and I contribute there, and I get the monthly magazine, and every afternoonI just readone or two lines andthen I just go off to sleep.But my son says, 'Mummy, you respect everyone, I am just with my Zoroastrianreligion.' My son says he will not enter a church or a temple. I say that is wrong!

MRSL Mrs L wasborn in Bombayin 1935. Sheholds variousacademic degrees, and a Licentiate in Music from a British College. She is a professional music teacherof considerablerepute and has directed and conducted severalperformances of Parsi music and songs. Mrs L has an orthodox family background, althoughher parents themselveswere 'modern'.She spentmost of her time at her maternal grandparents'house. Her maternal grandfatherwas very pious and prayed for long periods during the day and night; his wife prayed in eachof the five gehs.Her grandfathertaught her the Navjote prayersand explained their meaning; she was also taught the devotional song (monajat) Khudavind Khavind. Mrs. L doesnot rememberthe meaningof the prayersbut doesrecollect such general principles as nevertelling lies, not stealing, and obedienceto parents. Her father was transferredto Madras while she was still at school, and she was sent to a Christian convent-schoolthere. She was impressedby the piety of the nuns but never felt drawn towardsChristianity. Mrs L's father was also very strict, and made her do her kusti first thing in the morning and last thing at night. Her paternalgrandmother regularly performedthe Satumfor the dead.48 She had a long list of relatives for whom she prayed nearly every morning. In her bedroom she had a small niche where she kept a table49 and a stove and some vessels.And she used to get flowers every day and sheand my auntused to makea sweetdish and put it on a tray, and put incenseand sandalwood.They would get up very early in the morning and do this. Mrs L's grandmotherwas a very orthodoxwoman who wore traditional Parsi clothes and kept her headcovered all day long. She would allow

218 Eclecticism in Religious Views her younggranddaughter into her room mosttimes but her daughter-in- law could not comein when she was menstruating.Since the older lady was orthodox whereasMrs L's mother did not observe many of the purity laws, Mrs L's father bought two adjoining flats with commu- nicating doors; the younger woman avoided her mother-in-law's flat whenshe had her period.50 The only things Mrs L herselfhad to observe during menstruationwas not to touch prayerbooks, not to go to the fire temple,and not to wear festive clothes.She was allowed to go to school, touch her school books and play the piano, and neither she nor her mother ever 'sat separately'on such days, as these things were not observedon her mother'sside of the family. At the end of her period, Mrs L just had a 'head-bath'and her clotheswere washed. Loban was donein the mornings,and for a time also at night; after Mrs L's paternalgrandmother died it was only done on religious occasions. On the 'birthdayof the Waters'and otherimportant days, sea water was brought to the house and was sprinkled on the thresholds. When ceremonieswere done in the fire temple the consecratedfood was brought to the house and everyonewho was not in an impure state would have some. Mrs Munshi inquires whether Mrs L asked her parents many questionsabout the religion. Mrs L says: No, unfortunatelywe were broughtup in sucha strict way and made to believewhatever the parentssaid. And to be very honest,I feel that evenmy parentsperhaps did not know muchabout the religion, about the meaningof eachprayer. Although my father usedto pray with the book in his handbefore he went to the office. And I have rarely seen my mother sit down with a book and pray. She was so busy with so many things. And both my father and my motherbelieved that work was worship.51 Their first duty was to their children and they rarely found an hour for themselvesto say the prayers. Mrs L's maternalgrandfather used to tell her storiesabout the heroesof the Shahname,and about the early history of the Parsis. There was an agharni for her mother when she was seven months pregnantwith Mrs L's youngerbrother;52 Mrs L does not remembera panchmasyu.53 Her mother came home from the hospital after twelve daysbut stayedwith her own motherfor the rest of the forty days,after which both motherand grandmotherhad a nahn at home. The besnaand pagladu ceremonieswere done for the baby. Mrs L remembersher own aversion to nirang (consecratedbull's urine) as a child, otherwiseshe has positive memoriesof her Navjote. No goyans54 wereinvited then,but Mrs L saysthat shehas heard goyans sing at weddings.As a young adult Mrs L went to the Agiary whenevershe could, and the family had many Jashansperformed in the house: 219 The Interviews We had Jashans performedin the house,for good health, for aunts' weddingsand all that. And I had this faith that wheneversomething nice was to take placeone musthave a Jashanperformed in the house: sometimes it was done in the house with four Dasturs55 and sometimesjust two Dasturs.They bring their own things, the fruits and so on, they bring their own afarganyu [fire vase]. They only took [i.e. lit] the diva from the lighted lamp of our house.They light the fire and then they say the prayers.It is done before a wedding or after someonegets well. After we came back from Madras, after a long period of two years,my grandmothersaid, 'Whenyou comeback, get a Jashan performedin this house.So any evil thoughtsor things that have happenedin the housein your absenceget washedaway.' And we usedto go to the Agiary or the AtashBehram on birthdays, my parents'anniversaries, on New Year'sDay - JamshediNavroze- and during the Muktad time. And in those early days my father would makeit a point that we visited at leastthree Atash Behramson New Year's Day. And it was a practice to visit all the relatives on Princess Streetand Dhobi Talao.56 The conversationmoves on to Mrs L's wedding. She married relatively late in life and refused to allow any extravagancein the wedding ceremonies.Mr L was very modem,having lived long in Canada,and was uninterestedin rituals. There was a simple engagementceremony, after which the couple visited the Agiary. Religious ceremonies performed prior to the wedding included the Baj in honour of Ram and the Satumfor the dead.57 Contraryto customthe weddingitself was performed in the fire temple in the presenceof just a few friends; afterwardsthe couplewent to pray to the fire. Earlier they hadvisited the Dastur who was to marry them, and he explained the meaningof the rituals, gaveadvice about marriage and lent thema book on the marriage service. Mrs L's favourite Yazad is Behram. When she wanted to get married,an IranianDastur advised her to pray the Behram Yasht for forty days.Shortly beforeher marriage,her husbandwas out of a job, and Mrs L againprayed the BehramYasht. Shelikes praying,but only doesit when a sincerefeeling tells her sheshould; she does not believein readinglong prayersfrom a book for no particular purpose,but says that when she really wants to pray she can concentrate. In the month of Bahman,Mrs L says, one is supposedto observea meatlessdiet for the whole month. She herself would not mind doing this, but her husbandobjects and the family now refrains from eating meaton eight daysof the month. The family observesthe 'birthdayof the Fire' in the traditional way, and on Fravardiyannu parab a visit is madeto the Tower of Silence.Mrs L goesto the seaone day of the month of Ava, but not on Ava raj, as the seashoresare too crowdedthen. (Mrs L cannot

220 Eclecticism in Religious Views standcrowds, she went to the Banaji Atash Behramon Mondays58 for a time but stoppedgoing because shefelt claustrophobic.) At one stagein her life Mrs L devotedmuch of her time to looking after her mother,who had hada strokeand whosespeech was impaired. A devoteeof Dastur Aibara59 advised Mrs L to seek his help. Dastur Aibara gave her prayers,which he told her to pray every day on her mother'sbehalf: This is how I got into prayingmore prayersthan I hadever done before .... My father hadbeen very strict aboutthe kusti prayers,and I did it. But it was only when I startedpraying for my mother that I used to pray from the book. I startedpronouncing correctly and got to know the prayersmuch better. The meaningalso, which was given side by side,60 I came to know ... I believe that Dasturji Aibara used to take passagesfrom the Yashts and Niyayesh and different prayers,and he used to combine them. And for certain sicknesseshe gave certain prayers.And he usedto write down the nameof that personin a whole list of names.I believethat he usedto get up every day and saycertain prayersfor the sick peopleand mention all thosenames, for forty days. And after forty days you were supposedto go back to him. And he would either say, 'Continue for the next forty days,' or he would changethe prayers.And alongwith the prayerswe wereasked to put a glassof water nearthe photographof Dasturji Kookadaru,and of Shah Faridun,or another[ancient hero] ... it dependedon the type of illness and on the personwho neededhelp. And after the prayer that water was supposedto be taken [i.e. drunk] by the patient. It did help my motherin the sensethat shebecame less nervous,calmer, and shehad the strengthto be rehabilitated.After she had been totally unable to speakor even utter a sound,she startedtalking again in a reasonable manner.We did it for a quite few years,every day. And at first there were breaks, you know;61 but in the course of that time I stopped havingmy periodsso therewas no questionof a breakthen. Otherwise we arenot supposedto pray during thosedays ... The photograph,the page of the prayer and the glass were supposedto be kept on a separateshelf. Dasturji Aibara, thoughhe believedin all this staunch purification andall that, saidwe hadto changewith the times. He said, 'Today there is no place in a room when five, six children are there, servantsmay be going in and out, you have no room to yourself. So you canbe a little relaxedand allow the servantsto comein and clean the room. It is OK .... But you cantouch [thesethings] only after your bath, not during the [rest of the] day, and the prayersmust be said beforetwelve noon.'After my motherdied, somehowI stoppedsaying theseprayers for myself (he had given prayersfor myself also and for my husband).But recentlyI startedsaying them again.

221 The Interviews Mrs L's maternal grandfather,who was a pious Zoroastrianand died with the Yatha Ahu Vairyo on his lips, was also a Theosophist;his brother hadbeen secretary to Mrs Annie Besant.Most of Mrs L's relativesbelieve in Theosophy, though her mother did not. Mrs L's father was a Freemason.She herselfhas become interested in Theosophy: When my grandfatherdied my maternaluncle said, 'He is not dead!' Now the Theosophistsbelieve in reincarnation,many manyreincar- nations. He told me a few things. That was the first time I got some messageabout life after this earth. Then I got so interestedthat I startedreading a few books.But I am not a staunchTheosophist, and I have no inclination to join the Freemasons.That comes from your heart,if you want to do it you do it. Theosophyis not specific to any religion, it only believesin the Truth. We are not drawn to anything else; it is just a philosophy of life. It may not coincide with our Zoroastrianthoughts and beliefs; there are many controversies,and I would not like to go into that. My personalview is that I understood simple things of Theosophy,which I would like to follow. But the greatestthing is, after my marriageI went to Madrasand I was very much affected by certain philosophiesstarted by Ramana Maharishi; he was a great philosopherin the South ... I visited that place and I was so much [impressed];it is again a philosophy,not a religion, [although] there are artis [Hindu ceremonies] being performedand slokas [Hindu formulas] being said. As I said, I have visited many templesand mosquesand I have neverbeen drawn [to otherfaiths]. I studiedin SophiaCollege, where Parsis refused to send their daughtersbecause at that time one Parsigirl hadbeen converted to Christianity. But my father said, 'I have faith in my child, she will not be affected.'I was never affected. Today so many Christian nuns cometo the houseand try to propagatethe Christianreligion, offering pamphletsand this and that ... I say thank you, and read it, and just throwawaythose pamphlets. It doesnot give me any incitement.Our own religion hasso manythings we still haveto learn,which I frankly say I don't know. In other temples I say Yatha and Ashern, as my grandfathertaught me, because all religions are alike, all religions lead you to the only Truth. Mrs L then recountshow shegot involved with the 'ZoroastrianStudies' project of recordingreligious songs. I find today's generation more interested in knowing what our religion is giving them thanwe were in our days,because our parents themselveswere not so knowledgeable;they just said, 'Say your prayers,'and sometimesgave you the meaning.There was no, sort of, compulsion. Perhapsthere were other families where joint prayers

222 Eclecticism in Religious Views werebeing said in the evenings.That was so in my mother'sfamily in her young days; they would all sit togetherand pray before dinner. Both Mr and Mrs L set great store by personalcleanliness, and Mrs L saysthe usualmorning prayers.She used to frequentfire temples,partly becauseher mother thought this a good way of meeting potential husbands,but now she goesless often: Now I feel that my devotion is within me; I pray and I feel I am in front of the templefire. When I close my eyesI think of the Dadyseth Agiary in Fountain(not the Atash Behram),I imaginethe fire in front of me. I do a lot of yoga, andwhen my teachertells us to closeour eyes when we are meditatingand says,'Close your eyesand pray to your God' (becausewe are a multi-communalgroup), thenwhen I closemy eyesI only seethe fire.

The interview clo~es with a solo performanceby Mrs L of a modem musical work inspired by religious themes.After the interview Mrs L wrote to Mrs Munshi to add that she had beendeeply inspired by the religious classesof DasturNavruz D. Minochehrhomji,to which shewas introducedshortly after the deathof her father in 1960.

MRSQ Mrs Q wasborn in 1922 in a small town in Gujarat,but went to schoolin Bombay. After secondaryeducation she did an undergraduatecourse in 'home science'.She is married with two children and lives in Bombay; the family is wealthy and hasan establishedposition in society. Mrs Q is the founder-directorof a Bombayschool. In manyways, Mrs Q could be called a traditionalist and she probably regards herself as one; the interview is included in the presentchapter because it illustrates with particularclarity how beliefs and practicesof non-Zoroastrianorigin can come to be adoptedby staunchZoroastrians. Mrs Q comes from an observantBehdin family. For the Christmas holidaysthe family usuallywent to staywith Mrs Q's grandparents,who lived next door to an Agiary; one could hear the prayersbeing chanted from their house.Whenever they went thereMrs Q's motheralways had a Fareshta ceremonyperformed, and chashni62 was sent to relatives and friends. Mrs Q's Navjote was done in Bombay by a priest who was a family friend. About her religious beliefs Mrs Q says: We all wear sudreh and kusti and we all believe in the existenceof the Almighty, and I was taughtthat we had to go to the Agiary, or if we cannot go the Agiary at least to send sukhad [sandalwood] on

223 The Interviews auspiciousdays, and almost every day. My motherhad told me that, and I have taught my children that. My daughterstill performs the sameritual; my sonof course,as boys are, is lessreligious-minded, but I am happy to say that my daughter-in-lawis also very religious- minded like me, and she also believes in going to the Agiary and sendingsukhad and having machi and everythingdone. It so happens that today is my granddaughter'sraj birthday,63 so my husbandhas just left for the Agiary. My husbandis much more religious-minded, outwardly, than myself. He sayshis prayersevery day. I also usedto saymy prayersevery day, from my childhooduntil I startedwork, but with businessand work I don't find time. But that doesnot meanthat I do not believe in God. I believe in God far more than I think my husbanddoes; one does not have to sit with a book to show one's religiousness.The very fact that you can communicatewith your Creator... And fortunately I happento live in a housefrom wherewe can see the sea,so every morning we take the nameof God and Ava Ardvisur, Mah Bokhtar Yazad, Dadar Yazad and bow my head in homageto the Almighty, the Creator.And every time we meetforeign friends, if we get close enoughto talk about religion, I talk about our religion. Becauseour religion I feel is basedon Creation,and what God has createdfor mankind and humanity. We have no enforcedrituals, like the Catholicshave to go to churchevery Sundayand during Lent they haveto abstain.We haveour Bahmanmahina 64 - anotherstrange thing is that my husbandand I are not so keenon the Bahmanmahina, we only do the Bahmanmahina Bahmanraj, but both my childrenhave observedthe full monthfor years,wherever they are,whether they are in America or the UK or anything.Everybody finds it very strangethat we don't do it andyet they do it, so they are very consciousof the fact that we should observesome kind of self-discipline. As a child Mrs Q was madeaware of various traditional practices,such as the parabs, but her family did not observethem. Her mothergot up at five o'clock everymorning to sayher prayers,so Mrs Q usedto wake up to the soundof her praying.Her parentshad a table with photographsof the departed,and after finishing her prayersMrs Q's motherused to put fresh flowers and someburning incensethere and offer a little milk over which prayershad beensaid; the milk was later given to the dogsin the area.65 Mrs Q herselfalso followed this practicefor sometime. Therewas no fire burning in her parents' house, but her mother did the laban ceremonyevery morning. We don't do it [i.e. laban] in my home,but both my sonand daughter- in-law feel that we shoulddo it, for the simple reasonthat it is the best pesticide available comparedto all the chemicals we use for pest- control.

224 Eclecticism in Religious Views In Mrs Q's mother'sfamily there was no tradition of 'sitting separately' during menstruation,but Mrs Q had an aunt whosedaughters observed all the purity laws and she learneda great deal from them. Later in life Mrs Q kept specialclothes for theseoccasions and washed her sudrehand kusti everyday during menstruation.She feels that present-daypollution illustrates the needfor cleanlinessand purity. Mrs Q had beentaught the usual prayers,but startedpraying much more when her mother died suddenly. As she found that she was praying more and more,she began to readbooks in order to understand what she was praying. She felt 'a great deal of peaceof mind after I finished praying,' and used to go to the Agiary more regularly than is possible now becauseof her age and the problems of transport. Her husband still goes to the Agiary often and has machis done for the birthdaysof all family members.Mrs Q says that her husbandstill has ceremoniesperformed for his parents and his paternal grandfather, although his father died some thirty-eight years, and his mother and grandfatherover seventyyears before the time of the interview. He feels that it is his duty to pray for his dear departedfamily, and very often we have this argumentthat, 'Now it is so many years,let the soulsrest in peace.'I very often say, 'Please,it is so manyyears, if the soulshad been born againthey would havehad their life-spanand gonealso.' But he still insists. Oncehe said, 'As long as I am alive this has to be done.'So after that we stoppedarguing. Mrs Q's favourite Yazad is Ava Ardvisur (who is connectedwith the Waters), perhapsbecause when she was a child, every time the family went to Gujarat her mother used to throw coins and piecesof coconut into the sea when the train passedover a bridge. Mrs Q still makes frequentofferings to the seaand praysto Ava Yazad morning, noon and night. For her this is an 'everydayworship'; she doesnothing specialon Ava mahino Ava raj. When Mrs Q begins her day she invokes Sarosh Yazad and Behramand Mushkil Asan66 with a short formula. Mrs Q herself and both her children had traditional Parsi weddings. After childbirth shedid not go out at all for forty days,and her daughter and daughter-in-lawdid the same. Ceremonieslike the sagan, pagladu and besna were done for all Mrs Q's children and grandchildren.Her husband'sfamily believed in the rasi (astrological) systemof naming a child, and Mrs Q's daughterwas named in accordancewith that system. Since it had beenher late mother'swish that her son shouldbe given a certain name regardlessof the rasi, her wishes were respected.Her daughterdoes not believe in rasi but her daughter-in-lawdoes. Mrs Q feels it is important to teach children about God, since everyone ultimately depends on Him; she feels that she has been successfulin transmitting the faith to her own children. The family 225 The Interviews observesmany traditional customs (see also above); family members have a bath immediatelyafter a haircut; birthdaysare celebratedin the traditional way, and chalk designsand garlandsmark all festive days. Mrs Q doesher kusti after her morning bath, and againlast thing at night. Before going to sleep she says 'my prayer, which is betweenmy God and myself', and which includes asking blessingsfor all family members.There is a thanksgivingJashan in the houseat leastonce a year. When major problemshave beensolved, the first thing always is to have a Fareshta ceremonydone,67 and then all the charities ... Charities are important to Mrs Q, as she was taught to sharewhatever God hasgiven her. Shestill dispensescharity on the death-anniversaryof her mother, who died over forty yearsbefore the interview. Apart from supportingcharitable foundations, she also helps poor Parsi families. Talking about her feelings concerning theTowers of Silence, Mrs Q saysthat there was a time when she disliked this institution, but she is now very muchin favour of it. The only thing shedislikes is that during a funeral the women have to sit in a place where they can see the body being handled by the corpse-bearers;68she feels that it would be an improvementif this could be avoided. She very much believes in the efficacy of the prayersand rituals for the soul of the deceased.Regarding her views on the afterlife, Mrs Q says: From whateverlittle I have read about the religion, we feel that we Zoroastriansare of such a high level that we are not rebom,69but I don't believe that, I feel we must be reborn. This is just what I personallybelieve. Asked abouther thoughtson the problemof Good and Evil, Mrs Q says: I believethat the goodand the evil in one'slife is a continuationof the pastlife to this life and into the next life. I supposethe sourceof Evil must have come down right from the time of Creation,from the time humanity started,because everyone is not born equal, and there is boundto be a gap betweenthe level of goodnessand the level of evil, and the level of thoseevil thoughtswhich are always trying to bring down the good thoughts. So I always feel that we should pray for good thoughtsto combatthe sourceof evil influence in our lives?O And through prayers you think one can achieve that? Oh yes, definitely, one can certainly get a balancedview and a more calm senseof mind after having prayers,and it certainly doeshelp. Vows also meanmuch to Mrs Q. When she was expectingher second child a friend madea vow on her behalf that if the child was a son the family shouldgo to Udwadafor a big machi. Mrs Q was somewhattaken

226 Eclecticism in Religious Views abackby this, but shehonoured the vow. Mrs Q's faith in vows includes thoseto non-Zoroastrianholy beings.A Catholic South Indian friend of hersonce took a vow on her behalf to the effect that, if Mrs Q's daughter would marry, Mrs Q would send a wedding ring to a South Indian Christian shrine; the vow was honouredat the time of her daughter's marriage.On one occasionwhen her husbandhad business problems, he vowedthat the whole family would go to the sameChristian shrine if the difficulties were resolved,and this also happened.Another time, when Mrs Q was in a car with someHindu friends, the car was caughtup in a traffic jam right in front of the Hindu Babulnath temple complex in Bombay; her friends told her that if she prayed to this temple her difficulties would always be resolved.Mrs Q felt doubtful aboutthis, as she did not think one ought to believe in other religions. However,it so happenedthat some monthslater she had a problem, and her car was againforced to stop in the sameplace. Mrs Q thereforeasked the deity to solve her problem, and this happened.In view of this, Mrs Q decided that religious denominationsdid not really matter, and she now sends regular gifts to this temple. In South India Mrs Q has been taken to Hindu and Muslim sanctuariesas well as the Christianshrine mentioned earlier; her daughteroften goes there and Mrs Q always sendssome moneyfor the sanctuariesof all threefaiths. Shefurther supportsthe Shri Aurobindotemple at Pondicherry.She does not pray to the holy beingsin question,except to the Lady of the Christianshrine, to whom she offers prayers daily after her Zoroastrian prayers.This broad-mindednessin religious mattersdoes not mean that she condoneswrongful practices within the Zoroastriansphere, and she roundly condemnsthe Nagrani cult.71 The most important thing in Mrs Q's life, she says, has been the guidanceof Ahura Mazda and the teachingsof Zarathustra.When she was in the process of founding her school there were several coincidenceswhich indicatedto her that God wantedher to do this: It was in my destiny to start the school; God had ordainedit. I firmly believethat, no matterhow muchwe humanbeings say that you carry your destiny in your own hand - no! You do carry your destiny in your own hand, but not completely. And the major part is the guidanceof Ahura Mazda. Absolutely! Mrs Q saysthat shefeels thereis a greatneed for a revival of the religion, which leadsto a discussionof the questionof conversion. I believe that we should have a certain amountof purity of our race. But now, looking at it from a practical point of view, I feel that we should take in the children of the girls who marry out of the community,provided the father doesnot object .... I think basicallyit

227 The Interviews is very necessaryfor a child to have faith in God, no matter what religion you are born with, whether you are a Zoroastrian,Hindu, Muslim, Christian,Jew, or whatever.The faith in God is necessaryfor the well-being of the soul. That is what I feel.

Notes 1 On Mrs Nusservanjeesee the interview on pp. 253-8. 2 Many traditional Zoroastriansconsider it essentialto wear the kusti at all times exceptwhen having a bath,as a symbolof the constantprotection of the faith againstevil. 3 See above,p. 20. 4 On Ervad Kutar see also the interviews with Mr T and Dr Y. 5 i.e. the disposalof the deadin the Towers of Silence. 6 The Yazad Ashishvang,who representsopulence, is regardedas a harnkara or associateof the Yazad of the Waters (Ava). 7 Seethe interview on pp. 126-45. 8 See the interview on pp. 145-53. 9 As a Neo-traditionalist,Mrs Munshi probably perceivesa contradiction in Mrs X's enthusiasmfor Zoroastrianteaching and her love of Yoga. Mrs X clearly understandsthe criticism implied in the questionand emphatically rejects it. 10 The term 'religious' here apparently means 'following the Zoroastrian tradition', while 'spiritually evolved' refers to progresson the path of Yoga. 11 The term 'worship' here seemsto have a connotationof loyalty to a saint or religious group, as opposedto believing in the power, or appreciatingthe beauty,of certainprayers. This strengthensthe impression(see previous note) that for Mrs X thereis a distinction between'religion', which involves loyalty and tradition, and 'spirituality' which has to do with a personalquest for truth. 12 i.e. Mrs X recites the Gathas during the five last days of the year, which are known as the Gatha days. 13 See the interview with Ervad Y. Aibara. 14 On theseceremonies see above, p. 30. 15 For a descriptionof the proceedingsat the Tower seeabove, p. 37f. 16 The implication seemsto be that Mrs X is inclined to believein reincarnation, but thinks that funeraryrituals may be helpful evenif the soul is to be reborn. 17 In other words, she performsa Saturn for her brother (see above,p. 10). 18 d. above,p. 41 n. 19, p. 50. 19 In the Avesta the fravashis are describedas parts of the humansoul which existed before a personis born and live on after death. While Zoroastrians may not worship a humanbeing, they do pray for the fravashi of a revered figure. 20 On the original meaningof the termfravashi seeprevious note. In someforms of modemZoroastrian teaching the term is understoodto denotethe divine element within each human being. Spenta Mainyu is the Amesha Spenta representing'Beneficent Intention', who has beencompared to the Christian conceptof the Holy Ghost. On SpentaMainyu seealso above,p. 4f.

228 Eclecticism in Religious Views 21 A prayer for the fravashi of the late Dastur Kookadaru,on whom see above, n.18. 22 i.e. at the time when peoplegather to venerateJal Baba, seeabove, p. 50f. 23 On visits to the Aslaji Agiary on this day seeabove, p. 22. 24 Thereis of courseonly one Meher rnahino Meher raj in a year. Mrs X probably meansthat shevisits the Aslaji every Meher raj. 25 In classicalZoroastrianism the AmeshaSpenta Bahman was thought to look after animals.Mrs X is probably thinking of this connection. 26 This may be connectedwith the fact that Catholics avoid eating meat on Fridays. 27 See above,p. 19. 28 The place where the first Zoroastriansto come to India are thought to have landed. 29 For referencesto Dhan Teras and Kali Chowdassee Index. 30 The mother'sreaction illustrates the fact that a Parsimay stronglydisapprove of an alien observancewithout doubting that it could be effective. 31 The term refers to a special way of greeting one anotherby placing one's flattenedright handbetween the flattenedhands of the other, seeModi 1922: 378-9. 32 On this Karachi High Priestsee Hinnells 1997: 70-1; for further referencessee Index. 33 Russell(1989: 55) definesthe garbo as 'a Gujarati line or circle dance,in which the participants, who can be both men and women, intone a song with repeatedchoruses while clapping the handsthrice ... ' 34 Clearly, in Mrs V's opinion suchthings were entirely for the seniorwoman of the houseto decide.There is no suggestionthat shethought of breakingthe traditional rules as'sin', or felt any personalresponsibility in suchmatters. 35 i.e. sendit to the laundry. 36 See above,p. 24. 37 i.e. the table on which the fire stands. 38 i.e. on the day precedingAdar raj. 39 For Mrs V 'believing in our religion' and wearing its outer emblems are obviously closely connected. 40 Guj. dua-rnagvi. Such personal prayers may precede the normal prayer routine. 41 On this formula seeabove, p. 16. 42 'BehramYazad' is the nameof a divine being; 'Pak-afsun-eShah Faridun' is a prayer to Faridun (d. above, p. 41 n. 19), who in classicalZoroastrianism is regardedas a king or heroic figure rather than a divinity. Kookadaruwas a man, not a Yazad (seeabove, p. 50). To Mrs V, however,all theseobservances apparentlyhave the sameemotional value. 43 A prayer for Kookadaru. 44 i.e. 'God'sMiraculous Actions'. 45 i.e. the Mushkil Asan ceremony,on which seeabove, p. 20. 46 This Yasht is often recited in casesof illness. 47 Note that thereis no suggestionhere that Faridunintervened when a prayer associatedwith him was recited; it was the prayer itself, it seems,or the intention behindit that had the desiredeffect, d. below, p. 296. 48 On the Saturn seeabove, p. 10 with n. 25. 49 In manyParsi households there is a table, often with photographsof deceased family members on it, which is used especially for such domestic ritual purposes.

229 The Interviews 50 It is interesting to note that there appear to have been no attempts to determinewhich approachwas 'better';both were obviously felt to be valid and an effective solution was found to the practical problemsposed by the different views and habits of the two women. 51 A frequentlyheard maxim in Parsicircles, seealso the interviewswith Mrs H and Dr Y. 52 Many Parsi families perform these ceremoniesfor the first child only (see above,p. 34f with n. 53), but this customwas evidently not followed here. 53 On theseceremonies see above, p. 34f. 54 Professionalsingers, see above, p. 20f. 55 i.e. priests; the word 'dastur' can be used as an honorific title for the priesthoodgenerally. 56 PrincessStreet is now officially namedJ. ShankershethRoad, but still usually referred to by the old name. Both the H.B. Wadia Atash Behram and the Anjuman Atash Behramare on this road, while othersare in the samearea, which is known as Dhobi Talao. 57 See above,p. 32. 58 Parsisgo there on Mondaysto worship Jal Baba, seeabove, n. 22. 59 See above,p. 50, and d. the interview with Ervad Y. Aibara. 60 i.e. on the oppositepage. 61 Mrs L meansthat the prayer routine could not be done when she had her period. 62 i.e. food that was blessedduring the ritual. 63 i.e. her birthday accordingto the Zoroastriancalendar, see above, p. 27. 64 i.e. dayswhen many Parsis do not eat meat. The implication is that a form of abstainingis not unknownin Zoroastrianism. 65 On the Saturn seeabove, n. 48; on the 'morsel of the dog' in connectionwith that ceremonysee above, p. 17 with n. 8. 66 On the Yazad Behramand Mushkil Asan seeabove, p. 20 with n. 12. 67 See above,p. 1.0. 68 For a similar sentimentsee the interview with Ms Khurody. 69 This remark seemsto refer to the idea that the Avesta does not mention reincarnationbecause the Zoroastriansrepresent the highestlevel of human evolution so that, unlike others,Zoroastrians will not be rebornon this earth, d. the interview with Dr Bharuchawith n. 21. 70 Although Mrs Q does not adhere to any 'esoteric' school of thought, reincarnationplays a central role in her ideas.What is apparentlyimplied is that the 'gap betweenthe level of goodness'of different peopleis due to the fact that some souls are more advancedthan others, having lived through more previousbirths. On the questionof reincarnationsee also above,p. 54. 71 On the Nagrani seeabove, p. 51.

230 Chapter Eight Esoteric Beliefs

DR MEHER MASTER-MOOS Dr Meher Master-Moos(1943) is the author of twelve books and many articles on Law, the Zoroastrianreligion, and alternativemedicine. She was the first Parsi woman Law graduateat Oxford University, and the first non-Europeanwoman to hold an AssistantProfessorship in Law in Canada. She is the recipient of many further honours, both in the academicand public spheres.In the Zoroastriancommunity she is best known as a leading exponentof the Ilm-e Khshnoommovement, being the FounderPresident of the 'MazdayasnieMonasterie', the 'All India ShahBehram Baug Society for Scientific and EducationalResearch', and of 'ZoroastrianCollege', which she founded at Sanjan(Gujarat) in 1986. Asked to introduceherself, Dr Moos beginsas follows: Well, at the momentI am runningthe ZoroastrianCollege, which was startedsome years ago. One of its main purposesis to preparethe people of this earth for leading a life in harmony with the Cosmic Laws which are containedin the ancient Avestan tradition, and to preparepeople for the adventof the Spiritual Rainidar1 ShahBehram VarjavandSaheb, when he comesout into public life at the end of this [i.e. 20th] centuryor at the beginningof next century.So this Collegeis meant for people all over the world, but especially emphasisesthe very ancientliving Zoroastriantradition, which goes back for many thousandsof years, so that peoplecan once again learn how to lead that kind of life, and get away from the Westernisationwhich has overcome many people in the Parsi community and also a lot of peoplein the world generally. Talking about her family background,Dr Moos says that her maternal grandfatherwas also a scholarand a prolific writer on religious matters, and that he used to read stories from the Shahnameevery night before

231 The Interviews dinner. When Dr Moos wasnine her parentsmoved from India to Dar es Salam in East Africa. As there was a great deal of Christian influence there,Dr Moos'smother always made sure that the Parsichildren had a chanceto experienceand learn about their own tradition. Both parents were active in the small Parsicommunity, her father as Presidentof the Anjuman. Regular Jashans were held, and Dr Moos's Navjote was the first in EastAfrica. Every morning,prayers were said and a fire waslit in a fire vase. All this gave the family a very strong sense of their Zoroastrian identity. The importance of rituals, and of the Avestan language,was stressed.'Survival meant:you mustknow Avesta2 and do your rituals.' After her SeniorCambridge Certificate, Dr Moos went to India for six monthsand then on to Englandfor further study. Around this time, she beganto study the Avesta, copying the whole of Taraporevala'sDivine Songs of Zarathushtra3 in an attempt to teach herself the languageand meaningof the prayersat the age of fourteen. Dr Moos feels that she always had an intuitive understandingof the religion; she was very upset,for example,when shesaw her hostsin Englandbum rubbishin the garden,which meant they were polluting fire. After finishing her studiesin the UK she cameto India from 1965-68.She then went to the USA to do her L.L.M. degree.While still in College,she was offered three University appointments;in order to make the right choice she prayed the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayerover andover again,which shefeels afforded her direct communicationwith Ahura Mazda. Dr Moos'sfirst contactwith Ilm-e Khshnoomtook placein the period 1965-68,when she was staying with her parents,who had returnedto Poona.There her mother convenedthe 'PoonaSpiritual StudiesCircle', which held regularlectures on spiritual and religious subjects.Urged by her Parsi friends, she invited Mr JehangirjiChiniwalla, one of the early teachersof BehramshahN. Shroff's message.4 Later shewent to seehim in Bombayevery monthand recordedlectures he gaveespecially for this purpose,which she would then play at the 'Spiritual Studies Circle' sessionsin Poona.At first Dr Moos herselfwas not drawn towardsIlm-e Khshnoom: I used to bunk those lectures, quite honestly... I was interestedin religion, certainly, but I was not yet ready for Khshnoom,which is esotericwisdom. You need to have a few knockings before you are ripe for that. You see, religion is a broad term. There are different aspectsto religion; there is what you may call religion for everyday life, for everybody,which is routine: you go throughit andthat is what everybodyshould follow, simple preceptslike Good Thoughts,Good Words, Good Deeds.Then there is the scholarly aspect,the language, the grammar,the linguistics, an intellectual level. Then there is the

232 Esoteric Beliefs spiritual level, the esoteric,occult level, which is to open your inner wisdom,or awareness.So you haveto be readyat different levels, you see?Probably at that age I was not yet ripe for that level, but I was very much at the traditional level. After this initial contact,Dr Moos went to the US, worked in Canadaand later in Australia, returned to India and married. In 1973 she went througha traumaticperiod of conflicts with her husbandand mother-in- law, and shebegan to explore the Zoroastrianteachings about marriage. In studying the Zoroastriantradition, she found herself puzzledby the severityof the punishmentsshe found therefor killing an animal called udra, a word usually translatedas 'otter'. She could not seewhy killing an otter should be such a heinoussin, and felt that there had to be a deepermeaning to the text. Sheasked J. Chiniwalla, who hadmentioned the word repeatedlyin his lectures,and he gaveher his esotericGujarati translation and interpretation of the entire Vendidad. (Here Dr Moos explainsthat translationsof the SacredTexts dependon the translator's level of understandingand development,and that Westerntranslations of the Avesta are inevitably influencedby the Christian backgroundof their authors.) Dr Moos studied Chiniwalla's esoteric interpretationof the Vendidad chapterby chapter, her mother reading it out for her in Gujarati while she translatedit into English. The interpretationof the word udra she found there ('a soul rising from the level of the animal kingdom to that of the humankingdom, a creaturein a stateof spiritual transformation')satisfied her asit madeclear why killing sucha creature is regardedas a grave sin. Dr Moos explainsthat souls evolve from the mineral level to the animal,human, Nim- Yazad (semi-divine),and finally to the Yazatic (divine, angelic) level. The processof transformationfrom the animal to the humanlevel takes place throughbirth as an udra: the 'split souls' of 100 dogs are merged together in an udra, under the influence of the vibrations of light.s Dr Moos thinks that the word udra may denotea beaver,a dolphin, or possiblya seal. Personally,this introducedme for the first time to the depth of Ilm-e Khshnoom,and the depthof spiritual understandingof what is behind all the superficiality of our religious ceremoniesand weddings and prayersand so on. I meanyou can read the sametext from different viewpoints, and the depth of the viewpoint dependson the level of evolution of that individual person... This provided me with a very strong backgroundof faith, of understandingthe depth of our faith, which gave me a lot of courageand stability to face whatevercame. As a result, Dr Moos becamevery interestedin the spiritual dimensions of her religion, not least in the power of the vibrations of manthras and rituals:

233 The Interviews You gain the strengththrough the performanceof ceremonies.It is the action plus the word plus the thought,all combined,which createthe power. So I was put into the direction of performanceof ceremonies, especiallythe pav-mahalceremonies 6 like Ijeshne [Yasna] and Vendidad. I used to get the Ijeshne and Vendidad performedevery month, three Ijeshnesevery month and the Vendidadas often as possible... The most powerful ceremony is the Nirangdin. I have had two Nirangdins performed,one in Suratand one in Bombay, one for my grandfather and one for my grandmother.The Nirangdin is a miracle-working ceremony... If you havethree Ijeshnes performed on threeconsecutive days, any problemin your life will be solved by the grace of Ahura Mazda. But if you have a Nirangdin performed it involves six consecutiveIjeshne and midnight Vendidads,and the collective power of that ceremonyis immense. Dr Moos recountsthat she receivedthe gift of land for the Zoroastrian College at the time when shehad the Nirangdin ceremonyperformed for her grandmother,and that the registrationof the land in her name,which usually takesyears, was completedin a few weeks? Ever since 1973 Dr Moos hasbeen actively engagedin promotingthe esotericside of Zoroastrianism.On her return from a visit to Israel and Iran (where she was aware that the Sahebdelan,or Hidden Spiritual Masters, were watching over her), a manuscript came to her which containedtranscripts of someof the late BehramshahShroff's lectures on the origins of the world and the cosmos. This was one of ten such documentshidden in a trunk which Shroff had orderedto be kept closed for fifty yearsafter his death.About the endof this periodthe trunk came to light; it was openedby Shroff's grandson'swife, who happenedto be an old friend of Dr Moos.8 Eventuallyshe was given all the documentsto translateand publish. In the courseof a discussionabout BN. Shroff'smethods of teachingDr Moos mentionshis refusal to leave anythingbehind, whether samples of his handwriting or photographs.She explains this by saying that such remnantsof terrestrialexistence hold the soul backin its onwardjourney - as doesburial andalso someprayers and rituals which invite the soul back to earth. The aim shouldbe to break the cycle of reincarnation,allowing the soul to go on to higher levels of existence.When the soul reachesthe ChinvadBridge it discardseven the etherealbody which it hasheld on to until then, but it is by no meanseasy for a soul to reachthe Bridge. When the soul leaves,first it hasto go to the North Pole to get out of the electromagneticcircuit of the earthbefore it cantake off into space. Thenit goesinto space,to the dahyu regions,9which are vastexpanses of etherealmatter, with junglesand mountains. The soul mustcross all theseregions till it reachesthe Chinvad Bridge, which is betweenthe

234 Esoteric Beliefs fifth, fourth and third dahyus.Very, very few souls - [those] which are given the benefit of having the MazdayasniZoroastrian ceremonies performedfor them - can manageto make the journey at top speed [so that the soul reachesthe Bridge on the fourth morning after death] ... Othersouls, ordinary souls,even Parsis' souls if they don't receive this boosterforce, cantake daysand months and years, even hundreds of yearsentangled in thesejungles and paths and mountains. All souls haveto go throughthese dahyu regionsof space,it is how you go that makesthe difference.After the Bridge come other levels of the dahyu regions,and thenyou reachthe level of the solar system,of the planet Saturn. From Saturn the space-shipstake off, carrying souls to different constellations.Saturn is the entry and exit point. The rings of Saturnprovide a kind of landing ground for spacecraftcoming from other galaxies... From whateverstar souls come, they come into the orbit of the solar system making the landing through the rings of Saturn.There souls enter different crafts - it is like a changeof flight- to go to different regionsof the interplanetaryspaces. Prayersfor the soul go to its 'spiritual bank account',which is kept at the Chinvad Bridge and from which the soul can draw; but the wicked soul is weigheddown by its own misdeedsand takesa long time to progressto that point.lO Dr Moos goes on to discuss the question of marriage, for which a fundamentalunderstanding of the Cosmogonyis needed.She explainsthat, first of all, throughthe powerof the vibrations of the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayer,Ahura Mazdacreated his ownfravashi, 11 which circled the universeseven times and createdseven enormous circles in space, the dahyus. By meansof vibrations, soundsand light, galaxiesof souls werethen created. The very high soulswere the AmeshaSpentas and the Yazatas. All souls were subject to the same Cosmic Law and all had freedom of choice. Some disobeyedthe Law and becamewicked: even Ahriman and the demonsare soulscreated by Ahura Mazdawho did not stay on the right path. In the courseof creationthose souls who wanted to evolve chosenot to remain in the starry regions, but to explore the universe.When thesefinally cameto the earthlevel a specialdivision of the original soul took place,into a male anda femalehalf. In otherwords, a soul could entera male or female mineral, evolve into a male or female plant, and so on to the humanlevel. All souls on planetearth have this quality of halfness.The ultimate aim is for the two halves to become reunited. This fusion of original halves, known as khaetvadatha,12takes place during the couple'slast incarnationas humanbeings, since only the reunitedwhole canproceed to the Half-Yazadlevel. The marriagesof earlier incarnations,however, do not necessarilyinvolve the original partnersand merely serveto remind peopleof this ultimate aim.

235 The Interviews The AmeshaSpentas and Yazads are Ahura Mazda'sindependent helpers,each with their own task. As far as humansare concerned,the morethey worship the divine beingsthe more help they will receive.Dr Moos tells how, at a time when she was having her period and could not be directly contactedby spiritual beings, Behram Yazad gave a friend of hersa messagefor her. AtashBehram fires sometimesspeak to her: So in the beginningof Augustor the endof July 1984 I wasin Udwada and I went to the Atash Behram.Atash Padshah13 communicateswith me and speakswith me, but I was not expectingany communication at all, I was just sitting there saying my prayers. Suddenly Atash Padshah gave me a messagethat a national calamity on a vast scale will occur very soon. When this book [of mine] on SaroshYazad has beenreleased - it will be releasedwhen the moon hasbecome full - and then [when] from Full Moon it goesto New Moon and assumesa boat shape,[i.e.] roughly elevendays after the Full Moon, a national calamity will take place. Like a fool, I did not understandthe message properly. I thoughtBombay would be flooded, that wasmy mundane, humdrumthinking. But that was not at all what it was about. What happened- August passed,September passed, and it was the Full Moon of Octoberwhen this book was released(actually on the day of the Full Moon). And from that day, for the moon to wane and reach that position,it wasexactly the 31st of October[the day Indira Gandhi wasassassinated]. On the night of the 30th of OctoberI wassitting in a taxi and I saw this crescentmoon, I thought, 'My God everythingis still, like the calm before a storm. The book is out, this is the moon position,something terrible is going to happen.'And sureenough, the next day I was working and somebodycame in and said, 'The BBC hasgiven this news.'It's like that, Atash Padshahstalk to you but you must understandwhat they are saying. Dr Moos says that earlier, in 1981, her astral body was transportedby SaroshYazad through the different dahyu levels, to be initiated and preparedfor a certainwork. A few days after that, on 6 June1981, she had a vision in which she was shown her entire life, both past and future. During this vision B.N. Shroff performeda Jashan for her in the mountainsand gave her a piece of wood, which first turned into a sword and then into a pen, signifying that her task in life was to fight evil by meansof writing. During that vision shewas also showna piece of land by a river, which shetook to be in England.Slowly, throughthe power of her pen, a building aroseto which people from all over the world would come for spiritual learning. When the building was completeda community of someseventy people would live there and the whole enterprisewould be part of the labourof preparingthe world 236 Esoteric Beliefs for the adventof ShahBehram Varjavand and the AquarianAge. After fourteen yearsShah Behram Varjavand would come and walk around the building three times, which means that it would be a spiritual centre. A little later again, in December 1981, Dr Moos was on a train travelling from Bombay to Poona,passing a group of mountainswhere the Abed Sahebs14 have an abode(as they also do in the areawhere Dr Moos lives, where they cleansethe fire temple and look after Dr Moos). While on the train, Dr Moos received a messagethat somethingwas going to happenand shemust be ready.On her returnfrom Poona,in the first week of 1982, an old gentleman,Mr K, walked into her office and offered her a pieceof land. His story was that he had beenadopted by a clairvoyantParsi lady, who usedto cometo him in dreamsafter shedied. Shehad instructedhim to startbuying land in the Gujaratarea, which is very difficult in India except for farmers. Mr K, however,managed to carry out her instructions.The precedingDecember, just when Dr Moos had her premonition,his mother'sspirit had come to him and told him that the time was now ripe to start a spiritual centre.She instructedhim to give someof his land to Dr Moos (whosebooks he knew, but whom he had never met). When Dr Moos saw the land it was exactly as she had seenit in her earlier vision. She acceptedthe offer, and the land was transferredand registeredwith miraculousrapidity. This was the beginningof ZoroastrianCollege, to whose promotion muchof Dr Moos'stime is now devoted.Since Ahriman is awarethat the College will hurt him severely,she says,he is working againsther with particular energy. The Kookadarucult - which at one time attracteda greatdeal of charity moneythat might otherwisehave come to her - she considersto be the resultof the Evil One'smachinations, and at one time she had ten lawsuits going againstthe movement'sleaders. She claims that the Jal Baba cult was startedby othersdeliberately to attractpeople to the Banaji Atash Behram,away from the Karani Agiary whereDastur Aibara worked.IS She herself refusedto have anything to do with such ploys; shedid not interfereto put a stop to it, but will not take part in the cult herself. In spite of her hostility to the Kookadarucult, Dr Moos has a great respectfor Dastur Aibara, who once cured her when doctors could do nothing. OnceDastur Aibara was directedby KookadaruSaheb to attend a book-launchfor one of her books,and to sit in a certainplace. He later told her that he had seentwo spiritual figures standingbehind her, B.N. Shroff and another,whose description Dr Moos recognisedas that of the late Colonel Dinshaw Ghadiyali, the author of a system of spectro- chromemetryI6 on which she was working at the time. Ervad Aibara insisted,and Dr Moos agrees,that thesefigures were speakingthrough her and that she was acting as a medium. 237 The Interviews The photographyof aurasis one of Dr Moos's fields of interest.The light in the aura, she says, is connected with the Amesha Spenta Khordad. Her own aura shows that hers is an advancedsoul. Dr Moos was the pioneerof Kirlian photography17 in India, and now possessesa spectrochromemetrymachine. There are only two suchmachines in the world, both in India; one used to be in the possessionof the heirs of Colonel Ghadiyali. Dr Moos promised Col. Ghadiyali's soul in the Udwada Atash Behram that she would make his name famous if she could have it, contactedhis family, and was allowed to carry it home without difficulty. Some people,she says,can cure the aura of the soul and even remove the karmic effects of previous lives. A Russianlady who, like the mythical Shah Lohrasp, can communicatewith her own farohar,18 managedto take a photographof it. Dr Moos showed Mrs Munshi a Xerox of the orIginal photograph. Vibrations play an important role in Dr Moos's thinking. She always wearsa headscarfsince otherwisethe four chakras at the top of the head may be harmed by the friction between vibrations of the outer atmosphereand those of the aura. It also keeps hairs from falling on the ground,where they can pick up vibrations of dirt and diseaseand transmit them to a person for as long as a year. In the old days Zoroastrianshad specialpits in which they buried hairs, but in modern Bombay the best thing is to wrap them in severallayers of paper- not newspapersas they carry photographs,which have vibrations of their own - and throw them away. For a numberof years Dr Moos used to play tapesof Avestanmanthras and harmonious music to the plantsin the gardenof ZoroastrianCollege. The plants loved these vibrations and flourished. Asked abouther views on the differencesbetween religions, Dr Moos says: Every religion is connectedwith a different planet,and everysoul has to experiencedifferent things in a particularlife, to learn a particular lesson.For example,Christian souls needto learn the lessonof love, Buddhist souls needto learn the lessonof dharma, Muslim souls are warriors, whetherthey want it or not they have to fight. Mazdayasni Daenameans the knowledgeof the Laws of Mazda,the Cosmic Laws which are applicable to all souls. Everyone must follow their own path, but they must know the Cosmic Law. There is a vast difference between ritual and awarenessof Cosmic Truth. You see, Cosmic Wisdom is above all religion. Religion takes it up to here; when you have reachedhere, you becomeaware of the Cosmic Truths.

238 Esoteric Beliefs

MR ADI F. DOCTOR Mr Adi F. Doctor (1937) graduatedfrom Bombay University in two subjects,Commerce, and Iranian Studies(Avestan and Pahlavi). He has worked in a bank for much of his life but is now retired and works as a free-lancejournalist. He is very interestedin in Westernclassical music, and is known in the community as an exponentof Ilm-e Khshnoom teaching. Asked to introduce himself, Mr Doctor says that he comes from a traditional Zoroastrianfamily. Talking abouthis education,he says: I studied Avestan and Pahlavi ... under Dr Mirza and the late Dr Unvala.19 Thereafterfor some years I lay fallow, as it were, where religious activities were concerned.Then, in 1975, I came acrossthis esotericside of the Zoroastrianreligion which is normally known as Ilm-e Khshnoom.Now this is wherethe changecame about. Because, sinceI hadstudied Avesta and PahlaviI could apply [the Khshnoomic teachingsto what I knew already]. There were many things which I did not know at all. I mean I could not understandthe rationale behind certain prayers, ceremoniesand so forth. These I tried to understandand todayI cansay that one canjustify why theseprayers are there, the Niyayesh,Yashts and so forth, and the significancelying behind the Avestic words. Mr Doctor's parentsprayed regularly, every morning and evening. His father in particularwas 'a stickler' for prayers.This impressedMr Doctor as a child, and he beganlooking at prayer books. Mr Doctor's father taught him to pray - although he did not explain the meaningof the prayers- and told bedtimestories which were not necessarilyreligious but always containeda moral or lesson.Mr Doctor was often ill, and he becameaware of the efficacy of prayerbecause his illnesseswere usually treatedby meansof praying. His motherwas very fond of BehramYazad and taughther son to invoke him when he was at a loss at exams.20 Mr Doctor continuedto do this even in his University days. That is how the faith wasbuilt up. I did not know anythingabout the languageor anything of that sort, but all I knew was that if I prayed certainthings this would help me out in my difficulty ... I had almost a blind faith. Another figure who was influential in religious matterswas Mr Doctor's maternalgrandfather. He was a boyvala (priest serving a sacredfire) at the DadysethAtash Behram.21 When Mr Doctor was small the family lived directly oppositethe AtashBehram and he spenta lot of time there. At the AtashBehram there was an elderly priestwho taughthim prayers and later performedhis Navjote.

239 The Interviews Although Mr Doctor's parentsbelieved in strict obedienceto rules, owing to practicaldifficulties the rules of purity were not followed, with the exceptionof thoseconcerning hair andnails. The family tendedto do the kusti only off and on, e.g. after a bath or before a meal, but not very regularly. For a long time there was no hearth-fire, but divas were lit regularly. Most of the parabs were observedin the traditional way; Mr Doctor's father was a good draughtsmanand the family particularly enjoyed his drawings of religious symbols on the kitchen wall for the parab of the Fire. Birthdays were celebratedin the Parsi manner,with a sagan and a visit to the fire temple,where the Tandarasti 22 was recitedby a priestand a diva waslit. FestiveParsi dishes were also prepared.Hindu observanceswere followed on Kali Chawdas and Dhan Teras,23 but otherwisethere were no Hindu influences. Before going to schoolin the morning, Mr Doctor was taughtto do the kusti, and pray the Sarash Baj, Dinna Kalma and other prayers.His father went to the Agiari on all days devoted to Yazads connectedwith fire (Hormazd,Ardibehesht, Adar, Saroshand Behramraj) and on all parab days and anniversariesof fire temples. The father spent about half of every Sundayin the fire temple but his son did not normally go with him. In Mr Doctor'syounger days nothing special was doneon Behramraj, but later his mothergot into the habit of performingthe Mushkil Asan.Mr Doctor, however,regards this as a Muslim practice alien to the spirit of Zoroastrianism24 andeventually he madehis mothergive up the practice and recite the Behram Yasht instead. Mr Doctor's preoccupationwith correct observanceled to anotherchange in the family's customs.His mother, being from a priestly family, used to sew the family's sudrehs herself. At somestage Mr Doctor discoveredthat the way she had been taughtto do this did not accordwith acceptedpractice, and from thenon the family boughttheir sudrehsfrom a shop. About his Navjote, Mr Doctor's most striking memory is that his maternal uncle insisted that no photographsshould be taken. This is unusualat Navjotesand it was resentedby the rest of the family, but no one had the heart to go against the old man's wishes. At that time nobodyunderstood the reasonfor this, but Mr Doctor saysthat he knows now, and at a recentNavjote he madethe parentsdo the samething: Now again, I may not be able to convince somebodywith empirical evidence,but I'll try andtell you what happens... The Navjoteis being performed, and the priests recite Avesta prayers. Now we very strongly believe that every Avestic word has its own vibrations.25 Thesevibrations are very subtle.Other languages such as English only have gross vibrations, becauseEnglish is a hotch-potchof so many other world languages.Avesta on the other hand is on the other

240 Esoteric Beliefs extreme;it hasvery subtlevibrations. The Avestanwords are meantto be subtle because they have to cross the layers of atmosphere surrounding the earth and the other dimensions ... . All these vibrations must rise acrossall thesedimensions which are aroundthe earth.When I speakin Gujarati or English, the vibrations areso dense that they remain here only. And secondly we all have a personal atmosphere,which surroundsour physical body ... There are nine physical bodies whose namesare given in the Avesta ... Thesenine constituentsof every humanbeing are againinvisible subtlebodies, so when the Avestais recited,in my personalatmosphere, along the nine bodies,the Avestic vibrationsgo forth in themand then they go out .... Now what happens- whena photographis taken,invariably thereis a flash. Electric lights havetheir own radiation,and they say that if you sit in tube-light radiationsfor a long time it might affect your health, sometimesit might even lead to cancer.So what happensis that the radiationsfrom the flashbulb vitiate the Avestic vibrations which are created around the children, around the priest and around the congregation.They vitiate the entire atmosphere.The more subtle a thing, the morecareful you oughtto be that somethingthat is grossand denseshould not fall on that, otherwiseit gets neutralised.Now as I said there are some people who say, 'Oh, this is all nonsense,'and manypeople call it mumbo-jumbo.So it all dependson the person,it is up to him or her to believe or not to believe. But I very firmly believe. The first deathMr Doctor experiencedwas his grandmother's,when he was about five years old. The funerary rites were performedat home, and he noticed that the knees were bent after the sachkar. Mr Doctor mentions that there has been a controversyin the community about bendingthe kneesof the dead.26 Becausewe don't know the reasonbehind thesethings we engagein those controversies.But much, much later I came to know why the kneesare bent. And that was because,you seethe Nasa Druj [demon of pollution] which starts emanatingfrom a Zoroastriancorpse gets stronger and stronger as time passes.And it afflicts those in the vicinity also, and the ground on which the body lays also gets polluted. So the scientific reasonbehind this was that, whenthey bent the kneesa lesserarea was occupied[and polluted] ... Unfortunately we have given up that custom. Mr Doctor was very fond of praying. After taking a degreein Commerce he decidedto discoverwhat he was praying,and embarkedon the study of Avestanand Pahlaviat one of the Madressas.One of his teachersthere stressedthe importance of the tarikats (rituals and observances),but othersdiscussed only problemsof philology.

241 The Interviews Ultimately, to cut the whole thing short,I satall the exams... And that was when, I can say in retrospect,for the first time my faith in the recitation of prayerswas shaken.It was becauseof the pure study of philology that my recitation of prayersbegan to be affected.I said to myself, 'Look, the Yasht is full of historical [references],but what is therein it for me to pray?'These critical questionsstarted cropping up in my mind, and after that I began to reduce the number of Niyayeshesand Yashts that I prayed. In a nutshell, I becamemore materialisticbecause of the study of Pahlavi. The biggestadvantage I had wasthe pronunciation,that improved,but the drawbackwas that my faith in the prayerswas shaken. Around that time, Mr Doctor beganto feel 'fed-up' with India. The love of Westernclassical music hadcome into his life andhe thoughtof emigrating to Austria. He felt he knew all there was to know about the religion, and that it did not have much to offer him. The only points on which he felt stronglywere dakhme-nashini (disposal of the deadin the Towers),which he favoured and advocated,and interreligiousmarriages, which he opposed. He startedwriting in the Parsi Press,always representingthe 'orthodox' view. He had a long argumentin the press with other authors about reincarnation,which he condemnedas 'all humbug'. Until twenty yearsago. That was a sea-change,which I am coming to now. I wantedto leave India, I was fed up with everything,I wanted to marry a Fraulein in Germanyor Austria.27 I madetwo trips there,to Salzburgand Vienna, and then I cameback - in retrospectI believeit was in my destiny to return here. The last trip was in 1974. Then, in 1974, I gradually began to take an interest in occultism - not Zoroastrianoccultism, I did not know anything about that. I would frequent, religiously, the Strand Bookstore, and I would buy many, many books, nothing to do with religion, just non-fiction. And from time to time I would come acrossone or two of thesekinds of books, on the esotericside. While this interestwas developingMr Doctor had regularconversations with anotherParsi who was working in the samebuilding, K.N. Dastur, who belonged to Ilm-e Khshnoom and was close to the Chiniwalla brothers.28 One day I told him about a book I had come across in Strand Bookstore,where it said you can hear the voices of the dead on the tape-recorder.I said the book wasvery fascinatingand I wantedto try it. He said, 'No, no, don't do that, pleasedon't do that.' I said, 'Why?' He said, 'Look, at this junctureI will not tell you the reasonbehind it all becauseit is a long story. But I am just requestingyou as a friend, don't do it!' I said,'OK, I won't do it,' andthat wasthat. Thenone day,

242 Esoteric Beliefs just out of the blue, I askedhim one questionand that was the turning point. I askedhim, 'Why is it that the ProphetZarathustra, who is of sucha high calibre and all that' - at that time I did not know exactly what that calibrewas, but I said,'Why is that kind of a Prophetsaying things like, "Whither do I go, what shall I do,"29 and all that stuff?' So he just turnedred in his face andhe said,'Why areyou askingme this question?'Then he said, 'I think now I musttell you something.I will give you one book to read. You read that and let me know how you feel.' So he gave me the book by N. Mama, in English, called A MazdayasnanMystic, aboutBehramshah Shroff. Now till then I [only] knew that there had been a lot of mud-slinging against him, particularly in Jam-e [-Jamshedl. And the main personwho was doing that wasKhurshed Dabu. 30 I usedto readall thosethings, and in those days I would just chuckle at such things becauseI did not know enough.Now that becamemy turning point. I said, 'I did not know anything about this.' OK, we were told about Demavand31 and all that, but [now I found that] in Demavandthere was anotherworld altogether!Of course,my backgroundwas alreadythere in a general sense.I knew that there were certainthings like Masters.If I had not known aboutoccultism, I really don't know what my reactionwould havebeen. I feel quite surethat whenyou are destinedto comeacross thesethings, it is given to you. So the scalesstarted falling from my eyes.And overnightI, who was sucha staunchanti-reincarnationist, I becamea very staunchreincarnationist. There was no turning back then. Once I knew who BehramshahShroff was, I was keen to know what he taught,what he had said. That is how I startedgetting books ... Somethingwithin myself kept telling me, 'This is it, this is what I have beenlooking for.' What really convertedme was that for every questionwhich I askedmyself I could get an answer. Mr Doctor goes on to explain that the basis of the study of Avestan is Sanskrit(rather than Avestan) grammar, which he feels castssome doubt on the correctnessof establishedtranslations. 32 In studyingthe Avestahe now usesa combinationof philology andKhshnoom, which 'nobodycan beat, as you get the advantagesof both worlds.' In his opinion, what is important is the tavil (exegesis,interpretation), the hidden meaning behind the Avestan words. This approachopened up a new world for him. Mr Doctor explains how BehramshahShroff was taken from Peshawarto Demavand,where he stayed for three and a half years, being instructedby the Real Masters.Afterwards he remainedsilent for thirty yearsbecause he had beentold not to reveal anythinguntil there were certain planetary aspects,which occurred in 1905.33 Mr Doctor further saysthat ordinarypeople cannot apply tavil to the texts, because this is only given to specially designatedand blessedpersons.

243 The Interviews As far as Mr Doctor's everydaylife is concerned,his conversionto Khshoom made him realise the importance of ceremonies and observances.He says that there are many things34 which are not, or barely, mentionedin the Avesta but which are neverthelessage-old and integral partsof the Zoroastrianreligion and havebeen handed down in the oral religious tradition. Mr Doctor began to observeall the basic tarikats of Zoroastrianism, which incidentally caused his health to improve materially. He also attended various classeson Khshnoom, which taught him a great deaL His journalistic activities also changed; while his earlier articles had been fairly superficial he now began to representthe Khshnoomist view with passion. At one stage a well- known figure who was due to give a lecture on Khshnoomin Gujarati was unableto do so, and recommendedMr Doctor as a substitute.Until then Mr Doctor's Gujarati had beenweak and he had never spokenin public, but he was able to do it. He also finds therehas been a changein his dealingswith other people,as he hasbecome more patient because of the changesin his religious life. The onething I am sorry for is that mostof my fellow-Zoroastriansare not awareof the blessingsand advantagesof following theseancient Zoroastrianproceedings and disciplines... First, as I said,I wantedto live in Vienna, mainly becauseof music, I wantedto sell up my things in India. But after this ... the inner senseof rejoicing I get from leading this Khshnoomic[life] - khshnoomitself meansecstasy or bliss - you cannot describe in words, you cannot describe it as the so-called worldly happiness.Ordinary men mayhave plenty of that, but this is something... inner rejoicing, oh, yes! Beautiful! There is so much in nature,the truths, the mysteriesof nature! Mr Doctor goeson to describethe hiddenreasons for variousritual acts, which are all explained by BehramshahShroff and which make it imperative to follow the traditional ritual directions scrupulously. He goeson to describeBehramshah Shroff's classes.Shroff usedto say that the time wasnot yet ripe to revealall, andthat the Mastershad forbidden him to reveal more than would be safe for the people of this time to know. Asked about the question of Good and Evil, Heaven and Hell, Mr Doctor says that he has discoveredthat the antithesisone finds in the Avesta betweengaro demana ('the houseof song', i.e. heaven)and drujo demana ('the houseof evil', generallyunderstood to mean'hell'), is that betweenparadise and this world: it is on this earththat evil reignsin the form of passionsand anger,and the soul can be born here severaltimes in order to be purified.35 Mr Doctor mentions the seven 'planes of nature' (dahyu).36 If all ceremonieshave been performed for the soul, he says,even the soul of a

244 Esoteric Beliefs murderercan progressrelatively quickly from this earthly planeto the Chinvad Bridge,37but as most modemZoroastrians do not lead ritually pure lives it usually takes much longer, and the soul remains semi- unconsciousand attractedto the earthfor a long time.38 The conceptof the Bridge is to be understoodmetaphorically, as a test or examinationto be passed.At the Bridge the law of karma is operative.The soul meetsthe figure of a woman,beautiful or ugly as the casemay be, who represents its deedson earth;39no one can intercedefor the soul there, all depends on its own pastactions. According to Mr Doctor'sunderstanding of one of the funerary prayers,40the averagetime for a Zoroastrianto wait on the thresholdof the ChinvatBridge is 57 years.41 He believesthat thereis no point in having a Nirangdin performedfor a deceasedperson until at least twelve years have passedsince the death. Reincarnationcomes much, much later, the minimum period betweenbirths being 900-1000 years.For non-Zoroastriansthe rules are different, as they are on a lower rung of the developmentalladder.42 Asked about his daily routine of religious observance,Mr Doctor indicates that he follows the traditional rules with great precision, cleansinghimself with taro or lime juice on getting out of bed,and doing his kusti whenevertradition requires. As the humanbody has energy, which in the Avestais regardedas a form of fire, Mr Doctor comparesthe kusti ritual to offering incense to the temple fire. Apart from the obligatory prayershe recitesprayers addressed to the divine beingswho are connectedwith the planets that are affecting him on the day in question. For most of his devotions he follows the Fasli calendar, althoughhe wasbrought up in the Shehenshahitradition. 43 As his father usedto do, he now prays in the fire temple on Hormazd,Ardibehesht, Saroshand Adar raj of every month - visiting each of Bombay'sfour Atash Behramsin tum - and also eachmonth on the day of his father's death. He does laban every morning after taking a bath, and keeps a perpetualfire burning in his house.As Mr Doctor is unmarried,is often away from home and is in any casetoo busy to purify himself several times a day beforefeeding the fire, he hashad to invent a specialway to keep it burning after feeding it in the morning. He would like to go to Udwadaat leastonce a yearbut saysthat one cannotjust go to Udwada: the invitation must come from the Fire itself. 'If it doesnot [invite you], somethingwill crop up to preventyour going, you may not be awareof this, but it is there!' Mr Doctor objects to busloadsof Parsis going to Udwada without proper preparations and purifications. 'They are polluting the whole atmosphere.'

245 The Interviews

MR BEHRAM D. PITHAVALA BehramD. Pithavala(1905) is the authorof manypublications on esoteric and occult themes,which have had a certain impact on sectionsof the community.44Mr Pithavalawas 96 at the time of the interview, which thereforenot only illustratesthe thoughtof a prominentParsi esotericist, but also offers fascinatingglimpses into Parsilife in the early part of the 20th century. The interview was conductedin Gujarati. Asked abouthis religious upbringing, Mr Pithavalasays that he was born in Navsari,into a religious working-classhousehold. He wastaught the prayersat an early age so that he knew all the importantprayers by heart at the time of his Navjote. Later, after his matriculationexam, he came into contact with a man called Ardeshir Billimoria, whom he describesas a 'very greatastrologer and religious scholar,who wasalso a Theosophist.'Mr Billimoria publisheda magazinenamed Cherag; he took Mr Pithavalaunder his wing and employedhim on a salaryof 15 Rupees per month.45 Another influential figure in Mr Pithavala'searly life was MunchershahMaster, who also playeda role in the careerof Behramshah Shroff, the founder of llm-e Khshnoom. So there was astrology, Ilm-e Khshnoom and Theosophy. How did those things relate to religion? llm-e Khshnoomis a kind of religion; it is the esotericside of religion. Theosophyis the philosophyof religion. Ardeshirused to organiseJashans in Navsari on parab days, and Munchershahused to attend those. Ardeshirwas not a priestand I wasnot from anAthornan family either,so thesefunctions were held at NoshirwanLodge. 46 Thereused to belectures theretoo, goodspeakers were invited. I tried to give lecturesbut Ardeshir said it was not my forte, so I beganto write. My first article appearedin Cherag, it was a Gujarati translationof an English article on HazratAli.47 Although this suggeststhat Mr Pithavalawas open to non-Zoroastrian teachingsand ideas,he was much less tolerantof Parsiswho behavedin a mannerincompatible with Zoroastriantradition: In those days Parsi women usedto attendexorcising sessions which were conductedby low-castelocal women.They [the exorcists] shook all over their bodies and went into a trance, and then answered questionsthat were put to them. There was a craze for this sort of thing at the time, and lots of our peoplewere influenced by thesealien fashions.A photographerfriend andI usedto go thereand pretendto be ordinarymembers of the public, but in reality we took photographs of the session,which we threatenedto publish in the newspapersif thosemisguided Parsi women took part in thesesessions again. So our peoplebecame afraid to attendthe sessions.

246 Esoteric Beliefs But why did they go there in the first place? To find solutions to troubles or cures for illnesses. The exorciser claimed that the personconcerned was possessedby somethingevil, and they useda broomstickto drive it out. About other communities,Mr Pithavalasays: In those days non-Zoroastrianswere known as durvands. That is an Avestan word which does not mean a wicked person, as it is commonly translated,but one from whom we have to stay aloof.48 Why was that? In thosedays there was no problemof inter-castemarriages. We knew that thesewere different peopleand we had to stay away from them. But in your school you must have had peoplefrom all castes? No, it was a Parsi schooL Only in the higher classesdid we have people from other castesas welL The primary classeswere given religious instructionup to the time they had their Navjotes,and then we were examined.We were not taught any meaningsof prayers.I usedto pray with devotionand remember God with devotionso I had someidea [of the essentialmeaning of the prayers].I usedto recite the Gathas from Kangaji's book, which gave translations, and that convinced me that there is some meaningin this. We do not have books like the Bible or the BhagavadGita. So in the courseof time Mr Pithavalabegan to seethat meaningcould be found in the Zoroastriantradition; he explains that the sequenceof the daysof the Zoroastriancalendar,49 for example,has a deepersignificance: I figured out that therewas a systembeing followed in the thirty days of the calendar.It is divided into four parts, two parts of sevendays eachand two of eight. Eachweek is a training period, and eachstarts with the name of Ahura Mazda. The first period is preliminary: it includes [the days of] Bahman (good thoughts) and Spendarmad (good actions,meditations). The second begins with Daepadar, followed by Adar which increasesour rae or inner self, and Ava purifies our inner emotions. Khurshed then gives us the strength to carryon without fearing anyone.Mohar is our inner foundation, it is also called gao-chithra - gao is light, chithra is the soul, our inner strength- the Hindus call it pran shakti, 'life-giving energy'. teachesus the right type of charity. Gosh is for abstinence,not only from eating meatbut also from bad thoughts.(I havebeen a vegetarianfrom the time I was in schooL) Meher gives us spiritual guidance,Sarosh makes our conscience pure,Rashne shows us the way of truth. Behramgives us victory, Ram standsfor joy.

247 The Interviews In the last week one gets the rewardfor doing all thesemeritorious deedsin the previousthree weeks. Din is ,our consciencewhich has beenpurified by the performanceof all thesedeeds. Ashishvang gives us spiritual wealth. Ashtadteaches us occult sciences. is the time for actual work, not only on the material level, but work in the true senseof the word. Zamyadis a time of warning - after doing all this you might still slip up, so be careful! Mahraspandworks, not for your personalsalvation only but you must uplift othersalso. The final stageis reachedon [day] Aneran; here your duty is not only to yourself but to othersas well. The first is the preliminarystage, the secondthe stageof actions,the third representsthe result of our actions,and the final stageshows us the path to salvation- we have to look not only to our salvationbut also uplift othersaround us. As a child Mr Pithavalahad no playmatesas therewere no otherboys of his agein their area.He did not like fiction, and his chief interestwas in readingbooks on religion. Mr Pithavalaexplains this by saying, 'I was naturally attractedto religion becauseof my past life. We are always attracted to what we did most in our past life.' He was also most interestedto hear lectureson religion:

Then there were what were called bazm-eduniya 50 - there was bazm-e duniya Behram, bazme-duniyaAdar. Do you know what that means? No, I am afraid not. Bazm meansa meeting. It was like an association,a meeting: bazm-e ruz-e Behram meantthat everyonemet on Behramraj, and so on. The members would meet and have discussions.There was one Mr Dadachanjiwho usedto comefrom Bombayand otherswho cameto give lectures.I usedto attendthese lectures. Going back to Mr Pithavala'searly years,Mrs Munshi askedhim about the way the Parsisused to dressthen. Is it true that Parsis in those days dressedalmost like Hindus? No, not in my time, that musthave been much earlier. In our time men wore sudreh and pyjamasand a paghri [Parsi cap]. Women dressedin saris and always coveredtheir heads.We were told that if we slept without covering our head at night, Ahriman would enter our body through the exposedpart of the head.To this day I always cover my head,even at night. 51 Do you rememberany stories being told? Shahnamekirtans [sessions]were organisedat variousplaces and there were meetingswhere poemswere recited. Peopleused to come from Surat. On Pateti, the last Gatha day, Parsis never went to bed in

248 Esoteric Beliefs Navsari,especially young boys, they usedto havefun all night. Huge swings were tied acrossthe streetfrom one end of the mohalla to the otherand everybodyhad fun there. Around midnight peoplefrom all over Navsari gatheredin the Atash Behramcompound, where there was a very festive atmosphere;people did not go hometill four or five in the morning. On our way back from the Atash Behramwe usedto play pranks on people, knocked on doors and got up to all sorts of mischief. The New Year was always celebratedwith a visit to the Atash Behram.We had an early morning bath and went to the fire temple. My aunt, who had adoptedme as her son, was a very pious lady. Ten to fifteen daysbefore the Muktads, the entire housewas washed.All of us were made to take a nahn. Menstruatingwomen were sent to another house for that time. In several of the dishes made for the Muktads rice was used,which my aunt washed,dried and ground herself - othersjust ground it without washing. Our mohalla did not have fresh water, we had to get it from a village which was some distanceaway. (I usedto carry pots of water on my head.)That water wasused for ritual purposesas well as for domesticuse. The Muktads were donein the houseitself and the priest cameand recited prayers threetimes a day, so the atmospherewas peaceful and soothing. When the Muktadswere over, one actuallyhad the feeling that someonehad left, you felt the emptiness.We recited small prayerslike the Satumno kardo, but the priestdid mostof the prayers[and rituals]. The Muktad ceremonieswere always done at home in those days, not in the fire temples. Mr Pithavalaleft schoolat the ageof nineteenand went from Navsarito Bombay in searchof a job. As time went on he becamemore and more knowledgeableabout astrology and began to publish articles on the subject. This brings the conversation back to Mr Pithavala's early patrons,and Mrs Munshi askswhat role MunchershahMaster played in promoting the work of BehramshahShroff. Mr Pithavalareplies: BehramshahShroff did not get along with his mother, so he left his home in Surat and went to his uncle'splace in Peshawar.He usedto go out in the eveningsfor a stroll and on one suchevening he had to relieve himself, after which he took some soil from the ground and rubbed his hands with it. A group of figures, the 'Sahebs',were observing all this from a distance. They had a tent there and they beckonedBehramshah Shroff to come to them, and askedhim about his background.He told them his story and it seemsthat they then said they were from Iran and that he should accompanythem there. BehramshahShroff's uncle did not trust them - he thoughtthey were dangerous Pathans,52so he did not give BehramshahShroff

249 The Interviews permissionto go with them. But the Sahebs insisted.Against the false claim that B. Shroff'smother in Suratwas gravely ill, the Sahebsstated that she was not only quite well, but was in fact celebrating her birthday that very day and having a great time. The uncle then understoodthat these men had some power and gave Behramshah Shroff permissionto go. He stayedthere [in Iran] for nearlytwo to two and a half years.The Masterstook him blindfolded to Mt Demavand, where he was taught the esoteric side of the religion. There were 72 Sahebsliving there; their leaderwas called MurzbanSaheb. He has since died, and now their leaderis Rashidji. How do you know all this? From the followers of llm-e-Khshnoom,the followers of Behramshah Shroff ... After this Shroff lived in Suratfor thirty yearswaiting for the right time. He also thought that the Parsis of those days might not listen to him and would make fun of him. So he waited. Then MunchershahMaster becameaware of him. One day Munchershah was giving a talk aboutthe fire, and Shroff suddenlyclaimed that he knew a lot of things aboutfire. So Munchershahinvited him to come to Bombaywhere he saidhe would introducehim to CamaSeth 53 and others.So he cameto Bombay.He gavemany lectures, and Camaji was also very pleased... Then he cameto Suratwhere he wantedto build a Fasli Atashlcade,54for which a foundation was in fact laid. But the Sahebsgot angry and told him that he should not have done such a thing. So it seemshe died soonafter that from shock;he fell down, was takenill and died! The time wasnot ripe to build a Fasli Atashlcade,but he tried to overridethe authority of the Sahebsand build one. He was very much againstphotography, which he regardedas idolatry. We know that he had a pleasingpersonality and that he wore a beard.It was my misfortunethat I never met him. A rail ticket from Navsari to Suratonly cost four annas in those days,but it was not in my destiny. Mr Pithavalagoes on to describesome of his own esotericinterpretations of Zoroastrianterms and concepts,and the refusal of the Dasturs to acceptthese. He then talks abouthis efforts to get married:before he met his wife he interviewed nearly 100 girls, but none of their horoscopes matched his. This in tum leads to a discussion on the relationship betweenastrology and the Zoroastrianreligion. Mr Pithavalasays that if a planetis afflicted one may counteract theeffects of this oy reciting the Yasht of the Yazad whom the planet represents. About his esotericinterpretations of religion, Mr Pithavalasays they are inspired by 'generalreading'. The insights he derives from this he applies to Zoroastrianreligious knowledge,many points of which are still obscure.He regardsit as significant, for example,that peoplefrom 250 Esoteric Beliefs variouscultures who havehad out-of-bodyexperiences all claim that the ethereal body lives for 72 hours after death, which explains why Zoroastrianshave the final funerary serviceon the fourth morning after death.'So everythingfits in beautifully. We haveto look for help to other systems.It all fits in with our beliefs.' Similarly, Mr Pithavalasays that both the Rosicruciansand BehramshahShroff havestated that 'the span of this life togetherwith the interlife is 144 years.' So you believe in reincarnation? Yes, definitely. Only it is not reincarnation- that meansthat a human soul is born againas an animal; we believein rebirth. Zarathustrahas given a clear indication of this in Yasna 45.7, which meansthat the sinful personcomes back to earth again and again. The pious soul goesto heavenbut the sinnerhas to enteranother body and come back becauseof his sins. Our religion is the only oneto teachthat thereis an 'interlife period', an interval of 57 years betweendeath and rebirth. This has now beencorroborated by regressionhypnosis. What do you think the function of the interlife period is? The soul repentsof its misdeedsduring that time. It is mentionedin the Patet Pashemani,where there is a reference to 57 years: 19 for thoughts,19 for words, and 19 for actions. Is the soul reborn as a Zoroastrian after this? The soul selectswhere it will go. This is mentionedin Yasna 46.1: 'Which land shall I go to?' Thereis no land on high, 'land' meansother planets ... . The soul selects the land, and then the religious communityin which it wishesto be born. So the soul selects,and Ahura Mazda sendsit where it wants to go? It is donetogether with Meher, Saroshand RashneYazad,55 the three of karma. Speakingof Yazatas,which one has the greatestinfluence on your life? Right now I amvery muchattached to Aspimdarmad,. Shegives us wisdom,that is statedin the first threeparagraphs of the Atash Niyayesh,which are from the Gathas. Has it always been Spandarmad? No, first it was Bahman. Do you do anything specialfor Spendarmad? There is a sentencewhich I often repeat: spentamarmaitim vanguhim verene,ha me astu,56'I remembergood Spenta Armaiti, mayshe be mine.' Do you celebratethe parabs at home and observethe little ritual acts? In Bombaythis is forgottennow. I usedto go to the Agiary but now it is all gone.In Bombayno onedoes these things any more. In Navsariit 251 The Interviews used to happen.Yes, I think it is very important ... Our Dastursdo nothing. As far as my family is concerned,I think they should grow up like flowers, especiallyin matters of religion, no one should be forced. I myself pray in the morning,after my bath,and againat night, and I also do my kusti at eachchange of geh. At 12 noon I rememberthe IranshahFire -I pray that the communitywill survive and carryon. Din-e Zarathoshti shad bad.57 Why at noon, particularly? Becausethe sun is at its zenith at noon, that is the best time of day, when the strengthof evil is somewhatlessened. All great men and souls pray at that time ... Do you know that during the World War, Churchill had fixed a time in the evening?At 9 o'clock every evening, when Big Ben chimed every Englishmenprayed that Englandwould win the war. And it actually happened![Hitler] went to Russiabut he could not come to England.That was the power of the manthra. We also go to the AtashBehram to offer prayersfor the dead.Those prayerscomfort them, the soul feels lonely in the heavenlyworld and our good thoughts and prayers comfort them. They are confused. They no longerhave their physicalbody, so they cansee what wrongs they have done in their past lives, how they have lost opportunities and so on. So they are comforted by sincere prayers; but not by mechanicalprayers performed by priests. For how long do you continue to have prayers donefor the departed in your family? My son died thirty yearsago and I still have prayersdone for him But what about the interlife, has the soul not taken birth already? No, the soul hasnot takenbirth, that happensafter 57 years.And even then the soul can feel the effect of our prayers,so one can continueto pray. Do you or your family have any eclectic58 beliefs? No, certainly not. Also, the laws of purity are followed in this house. My daughterdoes not come to our housewhen she is menstruating. After me I don't know what will happen.It is not that my children do it becausethey are afraid of me, more that there is an understanding [that such things are to be observedin my house]. Do you think it is important? Most important.When a womanis menstruatingit is a processwhich continuesfor a numberof days.Now evenafter going to the toilet we have to wash our handsand do our kusti every time, so one has to follow the laws of purity evenmore strictly wherethere is continuous

252 Esoteric Beliefs impurity. You know the story about Jesus Christ? When Mary Magdalenetouched his robehe turnedround and said, 'Who touched me? My glory is gone.'That meanshis aurawas affected.It hasbeen proved that even pickles go bad [when a menstruatingwoman touchesthem.] So it is all scientifically proved. Apart from the laws of purity, what elsehave you passedon to your children? Nothing in particular. Whateverhas beenpassed on has come from observation.59 I do not force anything upon them - only if it comes from within [will it have any effect]. Whatevertendencies you have accumulatedin your past life, you return to earth with all that. You don't comewith a blank slate. Thank you very much. Is there anything you wish to add for posterity? The most important problem just now is the loss of Parsipanu [Parsi culture and identity] -I call it the P-factor. It is being erodedevery day. Another thing is: Rite and Right. If you give up Rite, then Right also goes.Our rituals are very important,if we lose them we lose our identity. So Parsipanu should be preservedand rituals should be maintainedto someextent. Human nature is suchthat it needsrituals. There are Parsis who say that the sudreh and kusti are useless,that rituals are no good, but thosesame people observe other rituals: they go to Sai Baba,for instance,or do arti [a form of Hindu worship], some go to churches.In the villages and in Navsari people used to go to women who went into a trance, and we had a crusadeagainst this practice.Once I was evenbeaten with a brushthose women used for exorcisingevil!60

MRS NERGISH NUSSERVANJEE

Mrs Nergish Nusservanjeewas born in 19H~ in Bombay; she is married with threechildren. Mrs Nusservanjeetook Sanskritat school,went to a well-known College for three years, and was later trained by Madame Montessori.She also studied Avestan, and some Pahlavi, at the Sir J.J. Madressafor eight years. Later she came under the influence of the Theosophicalmovement, which continuesto inspire her. She has taught religion and Zoroastrianprayers for thirty years, and still does some teaching.Mrs Nusservanjee'shusband and the presentwriter attended the interview. Mrs Nusservanjeecomes from a simple lay family, where prayer playeda centralrole. Shewas first taughther prayersby her motherand was later sentto a children'sclass taught by a priest, whereshe learned the kusti prayers,the Sarosh Baj and the Patet Pashemani;61the children

253 The Interviews were always madeto face a sourceof light when praying. The meaning of the prayers was not taught and, unlike modem children, Mrs Nusservanjeedid not think of asking questions.A hearthfire was kept burning in her parents'house, and the family continuesthis practice even now, keeping a separate hearth fire in the kitchen. Mrs Nusservanjee'sdaughter keeps a fire in a separateprayer room. Mrs Nusservanjeewas trained by MadameMontessori and startedher careeras an infant schoolteacher; then at somestage the Principal of the school asked her to take a prayer class. Mrs Nusservanjeetook her responsibilitiesseriously and began to studythe properpronunciation of the prayers, learning from books. Later she and her husbandjoined Dastur Minochehrhomji's62class on Sundays;they took their daughter along, as there was a special children's class. When the teacherof that class left, Mrs Nusservanjeetook over, attending Dastur Minochehr- homji's classeson another day. She got so interestedin questionsof religion that she askedDastur Minochehrhomji to teachher the meaning of the Avestanprayers. He wasreluctant to do so, however,and she went on to the Sir J.J. Madressa,63where she attended Dastur Mirza's classes.64 As Mrs Nusservanjeewas over fifty yearsold at the time, Dasturji Mirza was reluctant to accepther as a pupil but she persuadedhim, arguing that her knowledgeof Sanskrit (a 'sister language'to Avestan) would help her. Originally she was only interestedin learning the meaningof the prayers,not in Avestangrammar or in sitting exams,but after a time things becamemore serious.Subjects taught in the adults' classincluded the Rapithvin geh prayer, the Tishtar Yasht, and the Gathas. Dastur Minochehrhomjihad already paid attentionto the recitationof the Gathas and explained the meaning of the texts, but in Dastur Mirza's class grammarwas very much part of the course.Mrs Nusservanjeecame to understandseveral Avestan texts well but - in commonwith all Avestan scholars- still finds the Gathasvery difficult. Pahlaviproved more taxing than expectedand Mrs Nusservanjeedid not get as far as she did with Avestan. Theseclasses did advanceher spiritual searchto some extent and she continued for eight years. One day, however, she joined 'this Blavatskylodge' ,65 whereshe found knowledgeof a kind that appealed to her more: I wantedan occult meaningof my religion. If you just seethe meaning from the prayerbook, you still won't be able to understandit. [Dastur] Mirza only taughtthe grammaticalside; that gaveme the root, so that I could find out the meaningof eachword. But I could get the [real] meaningfrom the BlavatskyLodge,66 hard teachingthere, very hard teaching! [Dastur] Dhalla attendedthe meetings,67but he did not teach;other members of the Lodgeused to take the Sundayclass. They were mostly Parsis,and Jains also. We studied religions, Hinduism,

254 Esoteric Beliefs Christianity, Zoroastrianism,Jainism, Buddhism, all the religions ... Madame Blavatsky's works are very difficult to understand,but becauseI had learnedall this aboutthe Zoroastrianreligion I usedto understanda little bit. She used to give us the occult meanings.For exampleTir Yasht,Tir Yazad.68 Mirza usedto give us the meaningof it, but just a brush-uponly. Just,'This word meansthis,' andso on. It was not so very important, I just continued becauseI wanted to learn. Otherwise it was of no use, it just gave me some hints. Dasturji Minochehrhomji'sclasses were much the same.Then I startedreading Dastur Pithavala's book,69 In Search of Divine Light, a beautiful, excellentbook. He gaveus the occult meaningof eachand every thing, how to tie the kusti in the correct way and so on. He is also a Theosophist.And he is so humble, very sweet. He is my guru at present. Mrs Nusservanjeenow tendsto pray only thoseprayers whose meanings she understands.She doesnot havea favourite Yazad since shefeels all divine beingsare equally important, all having their role to play. Somepeople say that thesesupreme Powers are residingin us andwe have to developthem. Otherssay that they are there, individually, in the universe.I believein both: they are therealso and they are within us also.7°They are attributesof God, aren't they? Asked abouther understandingof Evil, Mrs Nusservanjeesays: Before God createdthe universeHe createdthese two oppositeforces. God createdthese opposite forces becausewithout eachone nothing could exist.71 Evil is different from Ahriman, it is in men only! God has createdtwo oppositeforces -I don't say evil. God is not evil, so He cannotcreate it. He has createdtwo forces, positive and negative, good and not-good -I don't say bad, becauseGod is not bad, He cannot create bad things. You know, in electricity also there are positiveand negative currents. If two currentsare positive, no light! In the sameway God createdgood andnot-good. Because of theseforces the world hasbecome manifest. Evil emergedfrom men only, becauseof their selfishness.Because there is selfishness,selfish love. God has not createdevil. At present, the upperhand is evil now. But Angra Mainyu [Ahriman] is not evil, Angra Mainyu is a force. Mrs Nusservanjeeobserves the Fasli calendar.72 Sheassociates the parabs with biorhythms. Ava mahino Ava roj,73 in her opinion, is not relatedto water as we seeit, but hasto do with currentsof God'sgoodness which areinside man. One has to be alert to detectthese currents in oneself.Mrs Nusservanjeewould not dreamof taking dalni poris to the Waterson that

255 The Interviews day: poris should be given to poor people, not to the sea. Mrs Nusservanjeehas observeda completelyvegetarian diet for two years, but gave it up when she realisedhow many problemsit causedto her non-vegetarianhosts. She keeps a vegetariandiet on Bahman mahino Bahman roj, except when she forgets. Adar mahino Adar roj, in her opinion, is the day when the Fire at Udwadawas enthroned.On such days sheprays and may go to a fire temple,but she doesnot follow the traditional customs. I don't know if it helpsme or not, but I do pray. I believethat we must say Atash Niyayeshseven times. More is better, not exactly seven! The conversation then turns to the power of nirangs, short prayer formulas usedfor specific purposes: I believein healing. Ahmai raeshca,74there are eight blessingsin Ahmai raeshca.When someone is ill, first I saymy kusti prayerand then I start, even when the patient is asleep.I practisedon my husbandalso; he did not know, he was asleep.I just passmy hand [over the patient], saying my Ahmai raeshca prayer, and Hazangrem75 also, for the health of the soul. Ahmai raeshca is for physical health and Hazangremis for the soul. I don't know if it helps me or not, but I have that belief. ArdibeheshtYasht also, that is for health. I don't know if I have ever usedthat, but I have prayedAhmai raeshca.76 Neither Mrs Nusservanjee'smother nor her mother-in-law were very strict about the rules of purity. Mrs Nusservanjeewas taught that she shoulduse a separatekusti during her periodbut shedid not do so, being contentto washher regularkusti after thosedays. Her daughterdoes not believe in the laws of purity at all, and refused to observethem even when her mother-in-lawinsisted. Mrs Nusservanjeedoes not considersuch customsas the besna and pagladu very necessary,77but as they are age-old customsshe expects they must do the child somegood. She hasread that the Navjote should not be performeduntil a child is sevenyears and three months old, when 'the soul and the body are joined,' and the child is capable of understandingthe meaningof the ceremony.As to the ceremoniesfor the dead,Dastur Mirza told Mrs Nusservanjeethat they shouldbe done for oneyear, at leastfor ordinarypeople; those who spenttheir entire life in prayerhave no needof suchrituals. Asked abouther ideasconcerning the afterlife Mrs Nusservanjeesays: Yes, [there is] life after death! I haveread Leadbeater's78book, I read Annie Besant'sbook,79 I read Dasturji Bode's book also, and then Dasturji Dabu's80book on life after death.There is a life after death! We Zoroastrians,we do not believe that there is life after death.81 But

256 Esoteric Beliefs we believe, we Zoroastrian Theosophistsdo believe in it. Dastur Minochehrhomji also used to tell us, 'Thereis life after death!' What happensdepends upon the karma, what onehas done with [one's] life. To us karma is very important. So do your best karma in life! In the Hormazd Yasht also there is a para, that the man who has not done manygood deeds, he is in MisvanemGatu,82 not here,not there.He has to passon ... I believe in reincarnation.There are so many reasons, from the Gathasalso, thereare so manyparas. It is not Hinduism,it is a fact! Minochehrhomjialso believed in reincarnation.He usedto tell us, 'You just tell thosepeople [that] in the sameclass almost always there are somechildren who are highly intelligent, somewho are normal, and somewho are very low in intelligence.The very intelligent child musthave come into this world for the third of fourth time, the second type less, and the third one must be a new soul.' Mrs Nusservanjeegoes on to explain that the occult significanceof the five watchesof the day is that eachrepresents a stagein the evolution of the human soul. Ushahin [the dawn watch] she associateswith an Avestanword for consciousnessand with a word hin which, she says, means 'without'.83 The Ushahin geh therefore representsthe inexper- iencedsoul, whosedevelopment is helpedby the YazatasSarosh, Rashne andAshtad. Similar explanationsare given for the otherwatches, each of which representsa higher stageof evolution. Birth in humanform is the highestand last stage ofevolution (after existencesas waters,mountains, plants and animals); after many births as a human the soul becomes perfect. Mrs Nusservanjeeis strongly opposedto Baba cults, and has in fact lost pupils becauseof her condemnationof those who follow Sai Baba. The cult of Kookadaru,on the other hand, she regardswith approval. Shetells the story of Kookadaruin her classes:how, as a poor and simple priest, Kookadaru was under pressureto contribute a large amount towardsthe building of the Anjuman Atash Behram;how he prayedfor help and found the required sum in his fire temple.84 Formerly Mrs Nusservanjeebelieved that one of Kookadaru's friends knew of his plight and put the moneythere, but now she is inclined to attribute the miracle to Kookadaru'sknowledge of alchemy, which he sharedwith Zarathustra.Mrs Nusservanjeeis a staunchbeliever in the existenceof Zoroastriansaints, including Kookadaru and Homaji, and has a book aboutsuch saints. Story-telling has always played an importantrole in Mrs Nusservan- jee'smethods of teachingthe religion. Most of her storiescome from the Shahname;they include tales which go back to the Avestantradition and somethat do not, suchas the romanceof Bizhanand Manizhe. 85 Shealso tells stories to illustrate the power of prayer. One of thesedescribes an

257 The Interviews incident which Mrs Nusservanjeesays she found reportedin a news- paper.Two Parsiswere living in an isolatedhouse in the Bombaysuburb of Andheri. One day sevenPathan robbers came to the house,but the Parsisprayed the SaroshYasht Vadi and the Pathanswere forced to leave as they could not seethe entranceto the house.Another story is abouta babythat cried all the time. Whenit waslaid on one particularcarpet the crying stopped,and the five-month-oldchild beganto babblein a foreign tongue.Eventually it was discoveredthat the carpethad beenwoven in Iran by very pious women, the vibrations of whose prayershad been woveninto the carpet.The baby could perceivethese vibrations because it was pure and innocent.

ERVAD YAZDI NADARSHA AIBARA Ervad Yazdi NadarshaAibara was born in 1969 as a son of the well- known Ervad NadarshaAibara, who receivedmessages from the spirit of DasturKookadaru. Ervad Aibara holdsa degreein Commerceand has worked as a full-time priest since 1989. His views on religion are clearly influenced by those of his father. The interview is reproducedhere almost verbatim. NadarshaNavroji Aibara, my father, when he was very small, at the age of seven,his inner voice was speakingfrom within and he never usedto tell anybodyabout it. The first wordsof the inner voice - inner voice means,voice from the soul, which only he himself could hear, nobody else - the first voice he heard was in Surat (my father was born in Surat). The first voice which he heard was Ya Ahu, which meansDadar [Creator] Ahura Mazda... Can I speakabout my father a little bit, becauseit all startedwith him? Of course, pleasedo. My father was born in Surat, his father'sname was Navroji Kawasji Aibara. At a very small agemy fatherbecame Navar andMartab also.86 He had not much interestin studies,but he was very fond of learning more aboutreligion, religious studiesand prayers.So after becoming Navar and Martab, of coursehe went to school and did studiesup to S.s.c.level. After becomingMartab he practisedpriesthood in Surat. His fatherwas alive up to sevenyears of ageonly, whenmy father was seven years of age my grandfatherexpired. His elder brother was twenty years older than he, so he looked after my father. Then after becominga priest he practisedpriesthood in Surat, and at the age of thirteenmy father cameto Bombay. The first thing he did therewas a Nirangdin ceremonyat the age of thirteen, in Mithaiwalla Agiary in 258 Esoteric Beliefs Sleater Road. Nobody does such a big ceremonyat such a young age.87 Then he practised priesthood in many of the Agiaries in Bombay. Then he becamea religious teacherin the CamaAthoman Institute in Andheri.88 He was there for nineteenyears, he used to teachthe prayersto the studentsand he taughtreligious knowledge, that is why he was called religious teacher.Over there he read more than four to five hundred religious books, and he got much knowledgefrom that. But apart from that, his inner voice constantly usedto be telling him ... That spiritual knowledgewas more thanthe religious knowledge he got from books. He was nineteenyears in Andheri, and of coursein the meantimehe got marriedalso. And my father had no house to stay; he was staying at his mother-in-Iaw's place. So becauseof housing problems,he left there and he took a panthak[parish] in SodawaterwallaAgiary. He did that just becauseof housingproblems, otherwise he had no interestin this panthakline as such.89 He had interestin teachingthe studentsmore about religious knowledge,prayers and everything. Otherwise he would havetaken a panthaka long time back. So his housingproblem was solved. We were very happythere, of coursethe salarywas extremelylow but still we were happybecause the main problemwas housing. In 1969 my father took a panthakin SodawaterwallaAgiary and he wanted to know about Kookadaru Saheb. That started from that Agiary only. In SodawaterwallaAgiary there is Kookadaru'sframe [picture], near the Atash Padshahqibla [fire chamber].90That frame, the picture inside,had tremendouspower in it. If you or myself, if we seethe picture,if we seethe frame, we just say, 'Oh, it is a picture.'But the inner voice of Aibara Saheb told him that this picture had tremendouspower inside, and whenever he usedto go andbow down nearthe frame, he usedto get somereplies from that frame. And from that it started,little little. His work was as usual in the panthak line, and someZoroastrians used to come to him, saying, 'Dasturji, my problem is this, my problemis that ... " sicknessproblems, business problems, anything. Anyone can come and say, pleasegive me someprayers so that I can get relief. So he usedto give certainlines, 'You pray this.' Thoselines were given from the reply which he was getting from inside, from the inner voice, but nobodyknew aboutthis. They thought,this is a priest, so he knows the prayerswhich he is giving, from the Khordeh Avestaor the religious books. Was that frame talking to him, and then did he give the prayer? No, the voice which he usedto hearwas from within his souL So that is how it started.But in SodawaterwallaAgiary it wasbecoming more and more.One day - he usedto give AtashPadshah boy 5 times a day;

259 The Interviews everyday he usedto give it, becauseno Mobed was kept over there,91 becausethe salarywas so low and there was hardly any work in the Agiary, so he used to perform all the ceremonies,and even to give Atash Padshah'sboy every day for ten years,until we, myself and my brother, becameNavar and Martab, then we startedhelping him; till thenhe wasall alone.One day he wasabout to performUshahin geh at 3 o'clock in the night. In Ushahingeh, the last watch, he was aboutto perform and pray the Jaraziyat before giving the boy in Atash Padshah'sqibla, at that time he saw a light, we say prakash,92a divine light that was so bright that you cannotsee even. He was surprisedto seeall this, he could not speak,he could not say his prayers,he was just surprised.And we [Ervad Yazdi Aibara and his brother] werejust sleepingat that time, we were sleepingin the hall of the Agiary only. We had a place to stay nearby,but we were sleepingthere. 93 So on seeingthis greatlight he asked,'Who are you, what is all this?' And he got a reply from the light, 'I am Kookadaru5aheb.' First he could not believe, for throughouthis lifetime he had never seenanything, he had never heardanything, only the inner voice. But the voice which came from that light was similar to the voice which my father was hearingthroughout his life from his soul. So his mind struck that this is somethingwhich is very familiar. So he asked,and got a reply from that light, 'Yes what is in you is myself, and I am giving the repliesto you all the time whenyou needit.' So from that it started.But the light was so powerful - light means,not only ordinary... it meansa great force, which was so bright, so bright, like when thereis a sunrise,you cannotsee the sun when the sun is rising. And he told you about this? Yes. He spokeabout in public lecturesalso. And he got the reply from that light, the light of Kookadaru5aheb. And he was askedto do the work of Kookadaru5aheb from the very next day. At that time my father was forty years old. Then he was asked to do Kookadaru 5aheb'swork, to help the peopleby giving prayers.So he got a reply from that light, 'You tell the people,the Zoroastrianswho come to the Agiary, from tomorrow onwards, "I am giving the prayers of Kookadaru 5aheb."' So my father said, 'How can I tell anyone?I cannot just hold anyone and tell them, "I am giving Kookadaru 5aheb'sprayers, take it," it cannothappen like that.' The light said, 'You haveto do it, this is your job, and this is my Jarman [command].' So my father said, 'OK, if this is your Jarman I'll do it, but I am quite scared,I cannotjust stepforward.' Thenthe greatforce of light started coming nearerand nearerto him, and it immersedinside the body of my father, the whole light. At that time my father felt so much power in his body that he felt that anotherperson was enteringhis body. He

260 Esoteric Beliefs felt so heavy! Then after some time, everythingwas finished and he went to his Ushahingeh's prayersand he gave the boy. After that he went to sleep.In the morninghe forgot everythingthat hadhappened. He gaveHavan geh's boy to AtashPadshah, and thenafter coming out from the qibla room, early morning, seven o'clock, he saw seven Zoroastrianssitting on the bench of the Agiary. In those days there was hardly any work, [i.e.] the ceremoniesfor which Zoroastrians come. So he was just wondering, 'Why have seven people come today?There is work for only one or two.' That Agiary was suchthat hardly anyoneused to come,only a few peopleused to come,and that at ten o'clock, eleven o'clock - perhapsone would come at eight o'clock, but seven!94He was quite surprised.But he did not bother, thinking that maybethey had come to pray. Then after half an hour, one hour, he sawthat they arenot prayingeither, and they arewaiting for someoneto come,they were just sitting idle on the first bench.So my father went to ask them, 'What have you come for? Have you come to pray in the Agiary? You are just sitting idle, I don't understandwhat you want.' He had forgotten about what had happenedin the night. So all seven of them said together, 'We have come to take Kookadaru Saheb'sprayers from you.' Thenhe realisedwhat had happened in the night, that the light of KookadaruSaheb had said, 'From tomorrow morningyou haveto startmy work, andyou haveto say, "I am giving Kookadaru'sprayers.'" When thoseseven Zoroastrians said together, 'We want KookadaruSaheb's prayers,' at oncehe heardfrom his inner voice, 'Are you satisfiednow, aboutwhat happenedin the night? Now you have to start.' From that time onward KookadaruSaheb's work began.He had to start, becausethere was force from the other side, [saying] that 'We want KookadaruSaheb's prayers.' Then it went on, he did not have to tell anybodyhe was giving the prayers. Then he started,so the sevenpeople, ladies and gentlemen, they had different problems. First a gentlemancame who had problemsin his business,then a lady camewho for manyyears was not carryinga child. Another came about sickness,a cancer patient, the doctors had said, 'There is no hope, you can live for two months,two years, we cannot say.' So all thoseseven Zoroastrians, for all of them he gavethe prayers which he got from his soul, from what KookadaruSaheb had told him. But what happenedis that KookadaruSaheb gave the sameprayers to all thoseZoroastrians, the sameprayers! Now for exampleif you go to a doctor and you have different problems,the medicine always changes accordingto the sickness.But for them, KookadaruSaheb gave the same prayersfor all of them! So my father was quite shocked,thinking, 'What will happen?All of them have gotdifferent problemsand all have got the sameprayers.' He was very muchfrightened - what to do, this was 261 The Interviews just starting and somebodymight come and fight with him. So that is how his life startedon Kookadaru5aheb's job. And therewas a Jarman of prayingthese prayers for forty days,and on the 41stday comeagain, to saywhat hadhappened. And according to that, he would give anotherprayer, if he gets one from the soul. 50 all thoseZoroastrians went and after forty daysthey came.My father was very much frightened on that day, thinking 'What will happen today, everybodywill burstout on me!' But you believeit, all of them camewith a smile on their face! First, the gentlemancame about the cancer:'Now my doctor is saying, "I cannotfind any cancergerms in your body. I don't understandwhat has happenedto you. I was gettingmedicine for you from America,Canada and all, now you have no need of it.'" Then that doctor also came afterwards,and met my father. He said, 'If you can heal all thosethings then there is no need for doctorslike me.' Thenthe otherlady camewho was not carryinga child; shecame with a smile on her face, 'I am carrying a baby.' All of them were happyabout the prayers,and that was his startingpoint. It went on and on. He startedin 1974. Every day my father usedto sit at ten o'clock in the morning - before that he had to see to the Agiary's work Ten to twelve in the morning, and 4.30-6.30 in the eveninghe usedto sit, for so many years.And as the yearspassed so many Zoroastrianscame, because only Parsiscan come to our Agiary. Also maybebecause the prayers were Zoroastrian? Zoroastrian prayers only! From our Dadar Ahura Mazda, prayers from Gathas and Khordeh Avesta.95 But he was guided by Kookadaru 5aheb'svoice, saying, 'You give this line from this book, from this Gatha book, from this Vendidadbook' Like that, andhe did not haveto refer to books either, becausehe knew them all by heart. After all, a boy who cando the Nirangdin ceremonyat the ageof thirteendoes not needany book 50 at once he could make out which line Kookadaru 5ahebwas saying,and he usedto write it. At first he usedto write on the paper, everything, the whole nirang. But so many people were coming, he was getting tired; two hours he had to write in the morning,two hoursin the evening,plus all this Agiary work, plus five gehs' boy and everything... He was gettingvery tired. 50 he requested Kookadaru 5aheb: 'This is a very tiring job for me. Please,I totally reject it. I don't want to do this job and I am getting very tired. How canI live my life like this?' 50 Kookadaru5aheb said, 'We will makea solution.' He told my father to make cyclostyle prayers, which Kookadaru5aheb was giving. But at that time he was not earningso much, so he said, 'Where will I get the money from?' 'Don't worry, everythingwill be fine.' Then,one day, whenhe went to give geh boy at threeo'clock in the night, as soonas he enteredthe qibla room he saw

262 Esoteric Beliefs three100-rupee notes on the khvan [table] of the qibla, the white stone on which the fire aJarganiyu [fire vase] is kept. He saw three100-rupee notes,but so new that you would think that someonehad takenthem straightfrom the ReserveBank. First he thoughtsomebody must have brought the money from outside. Then he got the reply from KookadaruSaheb, 'This is for you, you have to use this money for the cyclostyling which you have to do for my work.' Then he started cyclostyling the prayerswith this money. Then, when the moneywas finished he used to get 300 rupees again, and again ... He never worried about what would happenafterwards. He was getting only 300 rupees,and that he was using for so many years. Then, people were getting so much benefit from his prayersand many peopleused to comecarrying boxesof sweetsand what not for him. But my father did not accept anything. BecauseKookadaru Saheb'sJarman was: 'Do not take a single paisa [penny] of money,nor sweetsor anything!' Nothing! Only he used to tell everybody,'Keep one rose near KookadaruSaheb's frame, and then go. But don't put anythingon the table!' But somepeople were benefiting so much that one day a gentlemancame with a lawyer and he said, 'I havemade a will, all sorts of contracts sort of, that I am giving you one lakh [100,000] of rupees' - 1975/6 I am talking of - 'one lakh rupees everything in your name, plus a two-room kitchen flat on Marine Drive.96 I want you to live nicely.' But my father said no. That gentlemanwas so much annoyed,'You are refusingjust? Who would refuseit?' He said, 'No, I don't want a single paisa, forget about one lakh. Don't even put one rupeeon my table!' So that gentlemanwas very muchdepressed, and he went away. But still he usedto comefor getting prayersfrom KookadaruSaheb. One day a lady came,she had benefitedso much in her business due to the prayersand all, she camewith a chequefor 35,000 rupees. 'You take it, it is not even crossed.If you want you can take the amountfrom the bank.' He said, 'No, I cannottake it.' That lady was forcing us so much that my father said, 'Now you take the chequeor I'll tear it up!' Still she forced my father and my father tore up the chequeand threw it in the waste-paperbasket. There were manysuch casesin his life. Then KookadaruSaheb told my father, 'The peopleare so eagerto give somethingbecause they are benefiting so much. So you open a Trust in my (Kookadaru Saheb's) name. The Dasturji Jamshedji Sohrabji KookadaruTrust. And you can take money and put in the Trust. You accumulatethe amountand after someyears, when you get a lump sum amount,you can build a Hall in my name (Kookadaru Saheb'sname), so that peoplecan rememberfor agesto come.'So he said, 'OK, I'll do it.'

263 The Interviews And in no time he had to leaveSodawaterwalla Agiary becausethe Trusteeswho were over there, they had stoppedhis work of giving prayers.They said, 'Why are so many peoplecoming to the Agiary? We don't want so many peopleto come. You stop this work, do your normal Agiary work.' So he said, 'Whatever you say, you are my Trustees.I will stop it, I don't mind.' Then he stopped,and as soonas he stoppedmany ParsiZoroastrians came from CusrowBaug, Colaba [saying], 'Thereis a placein our Agiary also, Karani Agiary, thereis a vacancyfor a panthaki. Why don't you come to our Agiary? We will ask our Trusteesto let Ervad Aibara comeover here,so that his work will start again.' So, many people from Cusrow Baug went to the Trusteesand they accepted.'He is a nice man and he is doing a nice job also, besidehis Agiary work he is doing a great job benefiting others.' So within two months only, my father was called and appointedas a panthaki in the Karani Agiary in Cusrow Baug ... My fathercame there in 1979,and he startedthe work of KookadaruSaheb with the permissionof the Trusteesof the Karani Agiary. Then I have told you aboutthe Trust ... He explained[to the Trustees]that people want to give moneyto me but I cannotaccept. Even if Saheb'sJarman had not beenthere I would not have accepted.Saheb's Jarman is this: 'Opena Trust in the nameof KookadaruSaheb.' He explainedall these things. Then our Trustees agreed, they allowed him to open a registeredTrust in Karani Agiary. They allowed us to put a box also,in the Karani Agiary, so that peopleput a little contributionif they want. Not more. Then he chosethe Chairman[of the Trust], Mr Jehangirji Shroff. He said, 'SahebKookadaru Saheb is saying that you have to becomethe Chairman.Will you accept?'So Mr Shroff, our senior-most Trustee,he at once said, 'Yes, I accept,'and he becamethe Chairman. Other Trusteesalso were there. All the Trusteeswere made by the Jarman of KookadaruSaheb. Jehangirji Shroff, Mr Homi Ranina, Mr FaramrozeMadan, who expireda few yearsback, and other Trustees. Then he startedtaking money, and putting it in the Trust. After so many yearshis wish is fulfilled, but by that time he wasnot alive. He hadtried so muchin his life aboutbuilding a KookadaruHall. First he had seen a place on Marine Drive - that was also shown by KookadaruSaheb, from inside: 'See here, there is empty space,just oppositeto the two pillars at Marine Drive whereall Zoroastriansgo and pray, near TaraporewallaAquarium ...' There was an empty space,twenty, fifteen yearsback therewas empty spaceover there. So he had gone,and urgedMrs Indira Gandhialso, but at that time there wasno reply and sometime later a reply camethat they werebuilding a Nehru Bhavan97 there. But there is still somespace left even now. Then he tried at Bandra,98and then ten years back he tried in the [Karani] Agiary also, he wantedto extendthe Agiary, somepart of the

264 Esoteric Beliefs gardenswas to be taken. All plans were put before the Trustees,but someresidents of Cusrow Baug said, 'No, we won't allow you to do this and that ...' 50 he did not succeed. But Kookadaru Dar-e Meher99 in Sanjan was built during his lifetime. Yes that is right, and he washappy. But the main purposeof the Trust was to build a Hall in the nameof Kookadaru.An Agiary was not so important becausethere are so many Agiaries, and many Agiaries today are closing down because they cannot get priests. 50 Kookadaru'sfarman was to build a Hall, and a Dadgah in it, that is a 24 hours'fire in which priestscan go and look after the fire, and even other Zoroastrianswho are not priests, ladies as well as gentlemen, canlook after the fire. lOG 50 it was a farman to build a KookadaruHall with a Dadgah only, not an Agiary, so that evenafter manyyears there would not be any problem about priests. In 5anjanunfortunately an Agiary was built, but he was happy that in the name of Kookadaru 5ahebat least somethingis there! But times are very bad nowadays, everywhereyou don't find priests. In 5anjan there is one priest at present.But you cannotsay what will happenafter oneyear, two years if you cannotget priests.There were two Agiaries in 5anjan,then they were closeddown, one was closeddown ... They are both still there, you know ... But there are so many problems.That is why my father said not to build an Agiary. But they built it, the Trusteessaid we will build an Agiary. He said,'1have no problem as such,no objection as such,but then you haveto look after it. You haveto get the prieststo look after AtashPadshah fire, that is the job of priests.'But at leasthe washappy that somethingwas done in his lifetime. But still he was searching somewherein Bombay. And his intention was [to have it] in this Agiary, so that he himself could look after it. Just two daysbefore he expired - my father expired on Govad roj, yesterdaywas the sixth anniversaryof his death,he expired in 1989, that is why I told you to come today, yesterdayI was extremelybusy the whole day. Do you do special prayers? What did you do? Yes, morning,evening, both times. In the morningthe Jashanceremony and other prayersalso, with other Mobeds.In the eveningthere was the prayer by Hama Anjuman;lOl every year all the people come together,they contribute and they have the prayersdone the whole evening. And they give the Mobeds [money] afterwards. So you were saying, two days before he expired ... Yes, two daysbefore he expired,on Behramroj 1989, 10th January(it was 12th Januarywhen he expired),he called my motherand me and

265 The Interviews said,'If somethinghappens to me, you keepin mind that the prayersI am giving throughoutmy life, for sixteenyears, if somethinghappens to me this shouldnot discontinue.'And he told my mother,'You have to continue my work.' And my mother started laughing, 'What is happeningto you?' At that time he was not sick, nothing was wrong, but he had inspiration from inside. And he was just telling me, in a kind of joke. Then he said again, 'I am just saying it'102 (hit to khall kahitchh). He washearing from his inner voice, but every time he used to say 'hit to khiilr kahitchh' - those who can understandwill understandin one shot, those who cannot will never understandin their life. So he said,'You haveto continuethe prayers.'But he usedto get those from his inner voice and my Mummy, Nergish Banu, she started laughing and said, 'How can I do your work, it is not my business,forgive me, I cannotdo it.' So he got a little bit angry also, 'No, you haveto do it, you haveto continueit. You will get blessings, and you'll get all the help from KookadaruSaheb. You'll get it, believe me! And the second thing is, you have to keep in mind that KookadaruHall is to be built in Bombay! If not in this Agiary, then in Bombay. Even if I am not there, keep that in mind.' Those things he told us. Here follows a slight digression.Both sonswere initiated as priestsat an early age. Ervad Yazdi Aibara works as a full time priest, whereashis brotherhas secularjob but also helps at the Agiary wheneverrequired. We were talking about your father's death. Yes, thosethings he told us. He was having tea, it was four o'clock in the evening,we had had our tea and he called us. We did not bother much,but it was hurting from inside,for me and for my motheralso. In the night we could not sleepproperly. But we neversaid anything to anyone.I got a dreamon that day and on the next day also, that my father had expired and was taken to Doongerwadi [the Towers of Silence], and so many peoplehave come, there is no place to walk at Doongerwadi. Two days I saw sucha dream. I was so frightened,but my father was hale and hearty. I did not say anything to anybody, I kept it in my heartonly. I thoughtI was imagining things becausemy father had talked like that. But my mother saw the samedream, she saw that her husbandhad expiredand shewas going for a ceremony, and there were so many people. The other days she dreamtthat she herselfhad expired, and her husbandwas crying, therewere so many people.But she also did not say anything to anybody. Then on Govadraj we had tea andbreakfast together, then he came down, and sat near our Paigambar Saheb's [Prophet's] frame [picture], a big frame. I was inside the qibla room, I was praying. As soon as I finished my prayersI took off my jamo [prayer clothes]. He 266 Esoteric Beliefs told me, 'You take me nearthe Ava [Waters], nearthe sea,I would like to bow near the sea.'So I said OK - it was in the early morning, not early but 10, 10.30. I said, 'OK, I'll take you in your car, as you wish.' We went nearthe seaand he boweddown andprayed. Then we came back in our car. As soon as we camehome he startedfeeling unwell. He said, 'I want to sleep, I am not feeling well.' I said OK. Then, fortunately, my brothercame in the afternoon.He said, 'I'd like to eat with you.' My father said, 'I am not feeling well, I want you all to eat in front of my eyes, right now.' I had to go soon afterwards, for Rapithvingeh boy,103so I said,'There is hardly any time, I will eatafter my boy ceremony.'So he pressurisedme, 'No, you haveto eatnow, in front of my eyes!'He madeus sit together,and then he went to sleep. Afterwardshe got up andsaid he wantedto go to the toilet. As soonas he cameback, he saidto my mother,'Nergis, Nergis, manesit thiiy chhe?' [Nergish,Nergish, what is happeningto me?] So my motherwent and held him, and as soonas sheheld him my father put his headon her and he expired. She was so shocked,she started screaming,'Yazdi, Homyar, come here! I don't understandwhat has happened.'She could not evenbelieve that her husbandhas expired,she thoughthe musthave fainted. But he wasgone. I wasso shockedI forgot to go for my Rapithvinceremony also, andthe doctorscame ... Thenat 1.15 my motherrealised, 'Yazdi, you haveto go for Rapithvinboy, you havenot goneyet.' We were so much in pain, crying and all. Then my brother took a half day off andsaid, 'I'll go for the Rapithvingeh boy.' And we took him to Doongerwadi. But his words were true, his words were true! On Behram roj he said that KookadaruSaheb's job shouldbe continuedand Kookadaru Hall shouldbe built in Bombay.And on Behramroj in the evening,on the terrace,he told my mother,'I havetwo daysleft.' My mothersaid, 'Whatis that you say, I don't like it!' He said, 'I just say it', he was just joking, but it cametrue. Two days later he was dead. It is afascinating story. What I would really like to know, did your father ever tell you whether he had studied Kookadaru's life before all this happened, before he saw the light? No. He never knew that the voice he was hearingwas Kookadaru's voice. He was studying all the religious knowledge at the Cama AthornanInstitute. Apart from Kookadaru Saheb, who obviously plays a central role in the religious life of your family, what other aspectsof the religion do you focus on? Say the parabs, do you do any special ceremoniesfor thosedays in the fire temple? On your own behalf, do you do anything special for the fire. Also, how do you follow the rules of purity in your house?And what promptedyou to becomea priest?

267 The Interviews Here Ervad Aibara explains what a parab is. The family does nothing special in the house; anything special (not specified) is done in the Agiary.l04 Ervad Aibara then refers with approbationto what he seesas a new interestamong Zoroastrians in the feast of Mehragan:105 But nowadays[see] what is happeningat Mehragan parab, Meher mahino Meher roj. Mehraganis for Shah-eFaridun, Afsun-e Shah-e Faridun Saheb.106 These, Shah-e Faridun, Shah-e Lohraspa,Shah-e Jamshed,107these were .... [SM points to a picture frame containing a number of images of obviously venerablemen.] Who is that other one? The first is ShahLohraspa, then Jarthostra[Zarathustra] Saheb, then this is KookadaruSaheb, then Shah-eJamshid, Shah-e Kaikhusrow, and Shah-eFaridun. Shah-eJamshid, there on the left, he was on the thronefor 716 years,can you believeit? They lived for morethan 1000 years;these are not peoplelike us, they areborn from, we saynilrmiithf nilr [light from light].108 But they are in the form of humanbeings, so that normal peoplecan see that he is a man,he is a powerful man,but actually speakingthey have not beenborn as such: nilrmiithf nilr. And Jarthostraalso ... we say that Dogdov Mata109 and Porush- aspa,they wereJarthostra's father andmother. But not in reality! They wereshown to the public [as such],because how cananybody accept a child without a father and a mother. So when JarthostraSaheb was aboutto be born, many,many years ago, Dogdov was only sevenyears and Porushaspawas only threeyears older. They werebrought by our Manvant Dastur Sahebs[Venerable High Priests], becausethey knew that PaigambarSaheb was going to be born. And this Dogdov Mata and Porushaspawere so powerful, and all ruvani [spiritual power] and nur - nur meansprakash [light] - was coming from all over their body. They had been kept on Demavandmountain llO for so many years, and they had been kept in prayers for so many years. After sometime DadarAhura Mazdasaid, 'Now it is the time for Paigambar Sahebto take a birth in this world.' So Dogdov Mata wasbrought near a tree of Hom, you know, Hom Yazad,in our ceremoniesalso we have hom kriya,111 in the Ijeshne,Vendidad,Nirangdin. So shewas put nearthe Hom tree, and Porushaspasat near there, and he did an Ijeshne and Vendidad ceremonyaccording to the roj they were given by Ahura Mazda. So he was to take hom sali [Haoma twigs] to do the Hom ceremony.From those twigs he had to make Hom water [i.e. extract Haomajuice]. That was given to Dogdov, and from that water which went inside shegot her baby. And then Ahura Mazdasent the soul of

268 Esoteric Beliefs Asho JarthostraPaigambar Saheb [the righteousProphet Zarathustra] throughthe clouds,the rain and everything.And that soul cameinto the Hom tree first, andbefore that ceremonywas done by Porushaspa, the soul of Asho JarthostraPaigambar Saheb came into that Hom tree first, nearwhere Dogdov Mata wassitting. And from that tree hom sali was taken and the ceremony was done; then the water of the ceremonywas given to Dogdov Mata, and through that water and through that ceremonythe soul entered. Thatis what my father usedto tell me, andhe explainedit in lectures also. And I can say that what my father was sayingwas, not just from his heart but from the voice, Kookadaru Saheb'svoice that he was hearing.I don't know whetherit is in the Book or not,112but my father usedto say it in lecturesalso. In the sameway all theseProphets were born: nurmiithf nur. Except KookadaruSaheb, Kookadaru Saheb's soul was so high, he was on the fourth stage. We have stagesin our life [along] which our soul progresses.Reincarnation, we take birth and death,and our soul progresses.And his soul was in fourth generation, that is why my father hasput his photographwith all theseothers [i.e. Zarathustra,Shah Lohrasp etc.]l13 Becauseafter the fourth generation [i.e. incarnationas a human],you haveto live in astralbody, you don't take the form of a humanbeing ... From that fourth generationyour spiritual life as a soul begins,with all the Yazatas,Amesha Spentas. But the soul doesnot takethe form of a humanbeing as such, in this world, there is no connectionwith a human. Mrs Munshi returnsto the questionof observancesin the home,and asks whethera fire is kept burning for 24 hours during the parab for the fire. This is not the case;not evena divo is kept in the housefor, Ervad Aibara says, it would have the status of a Dadgah fire and have to be kept burning always, whereasthe family might have to leave Bombay from time to time. So any specialprayers are donein the Agiary. About Adar mahino Adar roj, Ervad Aibara has this to say: Adar mahino Adar roj, it is a most powerfulYazad. l14 Our calendar, you see,from Hormazdroj to Aneranroj,l1S they are Yazatas,Amesha Spentas and Minoi Shaktis [spiritual powers], the whole world progressesbecause of them.l16 And on top of that these Sahebsare there.117 In the early morning, even before sunrise, these Sahebs- ShahLohraspa, Jarthostra Saheb, Kookadaru Saheb, Jamshed Saheb, KaikhusrowSaheb and FaridunSaheb - their soulscome to the world before sunriseevery day, to start it. There follows a discussionof the precariousfinancial position of Parsi priestsand the problemssurrounding the Muktads: thereis a shortageof priests, but people have ceremonies done for their departed for

269 The Interviews increasingnumbers of years so that there is a greaterneed for services eachyear. This in turn leads to increaseddemands on the part of the priests,and some hardshipfor the laity.11S Ervad Aibara deploresthis, but admits that he himself would be emotionally incapableof giving up the Muktad ceremoniesfor his father. Ervad Aibara is training his own sonfor the priesthood,and stresses the needfor sacrificein a priest'slife, which cannotbe comparedto that of a businessman. Do you have any of the prayers that your father gave? Yes, my mother is now continuing the work. She was so hesitantat first, 'How can I start, I just cannotdo it.' She could not put a step on the chaharom day,119 after we finished the four days' ceremony at Doongerwadi.On chaharomday shesat for prayers,and when my father was still alive she used to say after praying, 'Mane sohviisaIJ riikhjo' ['allow me to staya marriedwoman,' do not makeme a widow]. Since so manyyears she had worshipped like that, andthen on the chaharom she said the samethings, and she realised, 'What am I saying, my husbandis no more.' And then she heardthe voice from Kookadaru Saheb'sframe, 'Daughter, you are not a widow, you husband is immortal.' She heardthe voice within her soul, and at that time she realisedwhat the inner voice of the soul is. It was the first time she heardthe inner voice from her soul, her first experience.And after that many Zoroastrianscame to her [saying], 'Now you have to start Kookadaru'swork.' But shewas quite reluctant,saying, 'No, it is not my capability to take my husband'sseat. His soul was great and I respecthis soul. I cannotsit in his place.' Then after one year she got inspiration from within: 'On such-and-sucha day you have to start Ervad Aibara Saheb'swork, the work he was doing from Kookadaru.' Then she started,she told the people,'Such a thing has happenedto me.' And the peoplewere so happy. She realised,'What my husband said was true, "You will be helpedby theseSahebs.'" Have you ever used any of theseprayers for your personal use? Yes, many times since I was a child. In SodawaterwallaAgiary I was praying, and my brotheralso. There follows a discussionon the importance of ritual purity. Ervad Aibara saysthat the purity laws have to do with the invisible khoreh,120 which comes out of the body all the time. Observing the rules of menstruationis of paramountimportance in this respect. The world is going to kalyug,121to its end,for that reasononly. Because of menses. ... at that time the khoreh which comesout of the womanis so bad all the time that evenif you standone foot awayfrom that lady your khoreh is disturbed, forget about touching. But in this world, nothing can be done, that is why you find all the problems in 270 Esoteric Beliefs everyone'slife. At leastin our housewe providefull chokkhai [purity], my wife also, eight daysin a month shestays separate, on a steelbed. It is a sacrifice for everyonein the house,to maintain purity in the house. It is not just that you cannotcome to the Agiary, the purity shouldbe maintainedfully. Nobody can do it,122 but still, they would cometo my father and he would explain to them, 'You cannotjust sit still, but for theseeight daysyou keepyour clothesseparate, you keep your sudreh and kusti separate,you keep everythingseparate. 123 You go to your work, but when you come home,just sit separatefor eight days.Then you will find a tremendouschange in your life. Evenif you cannotsit separately,then see to it that at leastsome pure parts of your house are not touched, don't go in that area. At least you should maintain that. Then at least fifty per cent should get somerelief.' Peopledon't realisethat ... you cannotsee it, but our life depends on the stars.When there are good stars,124at certain times, it is well and good. But when weak starscome in, in someone'slife, then it is horrible. At that time you'll think that you'd better find the doors of the Agiary. 'What to do, I'd bettergo into the Agiary and sit near the fire.'125 The interview ends with a statementto the effect that evil is not an independentprinciple that is active in the world, but more like a lapse from right which is man'sfault, not God's:'What is good or badis within you, within ourselvesonly. That is called Ahriman.'

Notes 1 From Pahlavi rayenidar, 'one who orders,arranges, restores'. 2 i.e. Avestanprayers and texts. 3 Taraporewala1951. 4 On BehramshahN. Shroff see,apart from Dr Moos's own works, Chiniwalla n.d., Mama 1944, Mistree 1990: 238ff., Hinnells 1988, and above,p. 49f. 5 An idea perhapsconnected with a Vendidad passage(Vend. 13.51) claiming that, whena dog dies, its consciousness'passes to the watersprings, and from thesecome togethertwo udras, from a thousandfemale dogs and a thousand male dogs one pair, female and male.' 6 i.e. the ceremonieswhich must be performed in a consecratedplace, see above,p. 9. 7 The implication being that this was due to the mystical power of the ceremony. 8 Dr Moos clearly attributesthis sequenceof eventsto divine guidance. 9 Dahyu is an Avestanword meaning'land, region'. Dr Moos, it seems,uses the term to refer to 'regions'outside this world. Comparethe interview with Mr Doctor, above,p. 244. 10 In otherwords, the betterprepared the soul is throughits own deedsand the

271 The Interviews rituals performedfor it after death,the soonerit reachesthe Bridge (on which seeabove, p. 6). 11 The word jravashi is most often usedfor the eternalaspect of the humansoul (see the interview with Mrs X above, p. 210 with n. 20). However, there are referencesin the Avesta to the jravashis of Ahura Mazda and other divine beings. 12 Westernscholars generally take this term to refer to marriagesbetween close relatives. That interpretationis hotly contestedby many Parsis,who do not believe that their ancestorsaccepted a practice which seemsabhorrent to them. 13 'King Fire', a way of alluding to an Atash Behram. 14 Another term for Sahebdelan,see above. 15 Ervad NadarshaN. Aibara, the leaderand initiator of the Kookadarucult. For further referencessee Index. 16 A techniquefor photographingauras. 17 Another way of photographingauras. 18 Another form of the word jravashi, on which seeabove, n. 11. 19 For further referencesto both teacherssee Index. 20 BehramYazad is usually invoked for success. 21 This is a Kadmi Atash Behram,Mr Doctor's mother being a Kadmi (on this group seeabove, p. 47). 22 A prayerfor good health. 23 Hindu festivals, for further referencessee Index. 24 d. the interview with Mr K with n. 1Ol. 25 The importanceof the vibrationsengendered by the Avestanprayers plays an importantrole in Khshnoomistteaching. 26 On this controversy,which goesback to the 18th century,see Boyce 1979: 189. 27 This suggeststhat Mr Doctor'ssense of dissatisfactionwith his religion was such that he wished to make a cleanbreak. 28 Two brotherswho playeda centralrole in promotingIlm-e Khshnoom,d. the interview with Dr Master-Moos. 29 The referenceis to a passagefrom the Gathas (Y. 46.1). 30 The well-known TheosophistDastur, d. the interview with Dr Bharucha, above,p. 149 with n. 19, and below, n. 80; for further referencessee Index. 31 A mountainin Iran whereB. N. Shroff is said to havebeen instructed by the Masters. 32 In other words, since the study of Avestan is basedupon knowledge of a different (if closely cognate) language, Mr Doctor feels it is less than authoritative.Many Khshnoomistsargue that Western-basedAvestan studies are unreliable(d. the interview with Dr Master-Moos). 33 See also the interview with Mr Pithavala. 34 The reference,it seems,is mainly to mattersof ritual and observance. 35 In other words, evil is not seenas an independentcosmic force but rather as the result of a lack of spiritual perfection, which can be remediedthrough reincarnation. 36 d. above,n. 9. 37 On the ChinvadBridge seeabove, n. 10. ClassicalZoroastrianism teaches that every soul crossesthe Bridge on the fourth morning after death,and that the judgementtakes place at that time. Khshoomists,on the other hand,believe that the paceof the progressof the soul towards the Bridge dependson the quality of its religious life. 38 Very similar views are found in the interview with Dr Master-Moos.

272 Esoteric Beliefs 39 See also above,p. 6. 40 The Patet Pashimani. 41 Seealso the interview with Mr Pithavala. 42 Some Khshnoomistsbelieve that reincarnationis not explicitly taughtin the classical Zoroastrian tradition becauseZoroastrians are spiritually so advancedthat they do not need to be reborn at all (cf. p. 170 n. 21, p. 230 n. 69, and seeIndex). Opinions on this questionevidently vary. 43 The family thus followed the father'stradition, Mr Doctor's motherbeing a Kadmi (seeabove, n. 21); on the various calendarssee above, p. 47. 44 See the interview with Mrs Nusservanjee. 45 At the time of writing Rs. 50/- approximatelyequals one PoundSterling. 46 Presumablya Theosophistlodge. 47 The son-in-law of the ProphetMohammad, who is greatly reveredin Shi'ite Islam. Ali has no obvious connectionwith Zoroastrianism. 48 The word is usually understoodto mean'evil, wicked'. The remark implies that interpretations claiming that dualism is a central part of classical Zoroastrianteaching are mistaken. 49 See Appendix. 50 Bazm is Persian for 'feast, assembly',dunya means 'world'. Why such a meetingwas called a 'world-assembly'is not clear. 51 For a similar belief see the interview with Dr Bharucha,above, p. 149 with n.18. 52 A peopleliving mainly in Afghanistanand the North-WestFrontier Province of what is now ,whose capital is Peshawar.The Pathanshave a reputationfor bravery and intractability. 53 Khurshedji R. Cama, the founder of the K.R. Cama Oriental Institute in Bombay. 54 A fire temple wherethe Fasli calendar(see above, p. 47) would be observed. 55 In classicalZoroastrian teaching these are the divinities of the Judgementof the soul after death. 56 y. 12.2. 57 A Pazandformula meaning,'May the Zoroastrianreligion be happy.' 58 Mrs Munshi usesthis word in the senseof 'non-orthodox,of non-Zoroastrian origin'. 59 i.e it hasbeen passed on by examplerather than formal teaching. 60 For a more elaborateaccount of theseevents see above. 61 A confessionof sins, which at presentis not generallytaught to children. 62 One of the few leadingZoroastrian priests who offered religious instruction. For further referencessee Index. 63 See above,p. 57 n. 55. 64 For further referencesto Dastur Mirza seeIndex. 65 A Theosophistgroup. 66 In other words, Mrs Nusservanjee'sknowledge of grammarenabled her to understandthe literal meaning of the Avestan texts, but only Theosophy offered someinsight into their deepersignificance. 67 It is interesting to note that a man whose nickname was 'the Protestant Dastur'because of the profoundinfluence of Westernthought on his theology (see Hinnells 1997: 70-1), attendedsuch classes. 68 The word yasht means 'hymn', yazad, 'divine being'. Mrs Nusservanjeeis aboutto speakof the hymn, and indicatesthat it is devotedto the Yazad Tir. 69 See also the interview with Mr Pithavala. 70 i.e. the divine beingsare both immanentand transcendent.

273 The Interviews 71 In other words, good and non-goodwere both createdby God in order to bring the world into being.Evil is a different matter,it hasnothing to do with God and exists only in men. 72 See above,n. 54. 73 The 'Birthday of the Waters'. 74 An Avestanprayer. 75 Another prayer formula. 76 In otherwords, Mrs Nusservanjeeis awarethat the ArdibeheshtYasht is often recited for purposesof healing,but she herselfperfers Ahmai raeshca. 77 On theseceremonies for babiessee above, p. 36. 78 Charles W. Leadbeater (1847-1934) was an influential member of the Theosophistmovement. Information lowe to Dr A.F. de Jong. 79 The well-known Theosophistleader. 80 On Dastur KhurshedS. Dabu and Dastur FramrozeA. Bode see Hinnells 1997: 76, 78-9. 81 Mrs Nusservanjeepresumably means 'physical life' here, as opposedto continuedexistence in the hereafter. 82 i.e. 'purgatory',a placebetween heaven and hell. 83 Most Iranists would understandthe word ushahina as an adjectivederiving from Av. ushah, 'dawn'. 84 d. Y. Aibara's accountof this event (above,p. 257). 85 A romantic tale about two lovers. 86 i.e. he becamea fully qualified priest. 87 It is indeedexceptional for a youngand inexperiencedpriest to be chosento officiate at a Nirangdin. On the ceremonysee above, p. 10. 88 A Madressa,see above, n. 63. 89 i.e. he did not muchcare for the day-to-day,practical activities demandedof such a priest. 90 The word qibla is of Arabic origin and in Islamic contextsrefers to Mecca, to which Muslims tum whenpraying; here it is usedfor the fire chamberin the Agiary. 91 i.e. therewere no other prieststo feed the fire, so that the demandingtask of offering fuel to the fire five times every twenty-four hours devolved on Ervad Aibara alone, on top of his other duties as a 'parishpriest'. 92 An Indian word for 'light, lustre'. 93 Priests who have to feed the fire during the night often sleep in the fire temple. 94 The number seven has special significance as there are seven Amesha Spentas. 95 Seeabove, pp. 6, 7. 96 An expensiveand prestigiouslocation. 97 A building dedicatedto Nehru. 98 A Bombaysuburb. 99 The term Dar-e Meher is generallyused for an areain which high rituals are performed;here it is apparentlyused as a synonymof Agiary (see also the interview with Mr Ranina,above, p. 89f.). 100 An Atash Adaran requiresqualified priests (of whom there is a shortage)to tend it, whereaseven lay peoplewho are in a stateof purity may look after a Dadgah fire. See also above,p. 9. 101 lit. 'the entire community', i.e. a ceremonyto whose cost membersof the communityhave contributed. 102 This was said in Gujarati.

274 Esoteric Beliefs 103 The ceremonyof feeding the fire in the early afternoon. 104 This appearsoften to be the casein the families of practisingpriests, possibly becausethe family is too busy on such days to organisefestivities in the home. 105 See above,p. 22. 106 AJsun-eShah-e Faridun is the name of a popular prayer formula connected with Faridun,an ancientIranian hero (but, in classicalZoroastrianism, not a Yazata),on which seealso above,p. 41 n. 19. ErvadAibara, it seems,uses the whole phraseas a propername. 107 All these are ancient Iranian figures, best known from the Shahname,who playamuch more prominent role in the beliefs of the Kookadarucult thanin classicalZoroastrianism. 108 i.e., they haveemanated form a sourceof light and light is their essence. 109 Mata, 'mother' is a title generallyused by Hindus. 110 A mountainin Iran which plays a role in the teachingsof several'esoteric' Zoroastriangroups, d. above,p. 49, and the interviews with Mr Doctor and Mr Pithavala. 111 i.e. the Haomaritual. The word haomaor hom refersto thejuice of the plantof that name,which is extractedand consecratedas part of high rituals. 112 i.e. I do not know if there is scripturalconfirmation. 113 In other words, pictures of Kookadaruand the ancient Iranian heroesare veneratedby followers of Kookadarubecause these figures are held to have reachedat the higheststage of spiritual developmenta soul can achieveby meansof incarnationsas a humanbeing beforemoving on to anothermode of existence. 114 Note the absenceof a clear distinction betweena raj, a day dedicatedto a divine being, and the being itself. 115 i.e. all the days of the month. 116 The last phrasewas said in Gujarati: te lokothf iikhf dunyii chiilechh. 117 viz. the group consistingmostly of ancientIranian heroesbut also including Zarathustraand Kookadaru. 118 See also above,p. 25. 119 The fourth day after death. 120 i.e. khvarnah, an ancient Iranian conceptconnected with light and fortune. Here it is apparentlyunderstood as an aura emanatingfrom the body and affecting the environment.The importanceof the aura is also stressedby Dr Master-Moos. 121 A Hindu term, meaningthe worst part of a cycle of history, a time of death and destruction. 122 i.e. in practiceit is impossibleto keep all the rules of purity in modemlife. 123 i.e. use specialitems insteadof the normal ones. 124 This remark suggeststhat, like many Parsis, Ervad Aibara takes it for grantedthat the starsdirect one'slife to a certain extent. 125 i.e. when times are bad only religion can help.

275 Chapter Nine Religion as Cultural Heritage

MRB Mr B was born in 1955. He is a well-known Parsi journalist and is also active in the World ZoroastrianOrganisation (W.Z.O.). Mr B belongsto the priestly class.Both his parentswere religious and he had a religious upbringing. When the children were young their mother taught them prayers, while their father gave them further religious education, discussingamong other topics, 'how one has to relate to circumstances,how one relatesto other people.'About prayers, Mr B says: My father laid a lot of emphasison the Yatha Ahu Vairyo prayer - somehowthat is very fortifying for the soul of the Parsiswhen they utter it. But evenlater on, whenI went abroadfor my studies,he gave me a specialprayer which I learnt by heart; I have said it ever since that time -I wasabout 21 then,and now I am twice that age.So for the last two decadesI havebeen saying that prayeralmost on a daily basis ... [Here Mr B recitesthe prayer.] It is a prayerasking for strengthin our everydayactions and in our everydaydealings with people and situations. Did your father explain the meaningof the prayer? Yes, he gave me the prayer togetherwith an English translation,so basically I knew what I was uttering. Although Mr B belongs to the priestly class, neither he nor his father underwentpriestly training (Navar). As a child he felt it was all too remotefrom ordinary reality, but later in life this hasbecome one of Mr B's major regrets. Mrs Munshi then asksif there was a perpetualfire in Mr B's parents' household.

276 Religion as Cultural Heritage Yes, we lived in a very old building in an old Parsiarea. The building is now almost a hundredyears old and the flats are designedin the old-fashionedway. In the kitchen we had a fire-place, with ash. Every yearwe usedto celebratethe birthdayof the kitchenfire, which is part of our communitytraditions. We hadthis fire-placewith ash,on which my father put sandalwoodevery day. Every eveningmy sistersand I would pray togetherwith my father in front of the fire, beforehe put the fire to sleepfor the night, so to speak,by coveringthe emberswith ash. Theseare our early memories.Unfortunately, since the building was old, that portion of the kitchen collapsed- the portion which my father had religiously sanctifiedwith prayersfor almosta generation. Did your father have an explanationfor this? If an explanationis necessary- there was one remarkablething: the kitchen went down with my father in it. It was strange,one ascribes certain religious [powers] to certain things we do - evenif it is only ritualistically - there are some very important and seriouselements which are created when we pray. And these forces, one would imagine, are forces of security, of safeguardingand so on. And in a way it was also an elementalforce which savedmy father from certain death,because when he fell down he fell on a narrow ledge in the kitchen and that probablyheld him up so that he did not get buried under soft debris. So you feel that it was the force of prayers that savedhis life. Undoubtedly! These are things which are inexplicable, they are beyondour mortal comprehension,but theseare the workings of the world beyond. Mr B and his family have always had a strong emotional bond with Udwada and, as a leading figure in the Youth Wing of the World ZoroastrianOrganisation (W.Z.O.), he is now hoping to be able to do somethingto restoreUdwada to its former more prosperousstate. Mrs Munshi askshow this bond with Udwadaoriginated. Mr B says: I have always felt very much at homewith our community,even as a child I felt at homewith the older membersof the community,I related quite naturally to them. It may be somethingthat carried over from a previousincarnation, I would not be able to say. I found somekind of connectionwith Udwadaeven as a child, I had a senseof well-being when I was in Udwada: the housesthere - at that time Udwadawas very alive, when you went through the streets,the small charming alleyways and winding lanes, you always heard prayers being chantedand mutteredby priestson the verandahs.There was always the fragranceof sandalwoodand incense,because most of the houses were occupiedby the priestly class.These are the memoriesI haveof

277 The Interviews my early connectionswith Udwada. Unfortunately that is all in the past.It is somethingthat pricks my mind, which is why I am so keen that somethingshould be done about Udwada. Udwadais really the last bastionof our community, the last strongholdof the Zoroastrian religion as such. Becauseafter all the Holy Iranshah[Fire] is there. So for you the Udwada fire is the best and holiest offires? Do you relate more strongly to it than to other fires? No, I would not wantto comparefires or belittle otherfires in any way. But of coursethe Iranshahhas alwayshad a very specialplace for us as a family, and we do venerateit. It is just the entire atmosphereof Udwada as a village - it is not that I keep the fire in my mind as something exceptional, but this whole village has had a strong influence on us. And the Iranshahis the ultimate fire, of course,and the prieststhere are the highestamong the priesthood. Returningto the topic of his religious education,Mr B says: Basically my parentsgave us quite a soundtraining - to be honestin our dealings, you know, the basic things, but those played a very prominentrole and influencedus very muchin our lives. And it really did help, later, to confront various peopleand situations. Mr B saysthat his motherwas very particularabout cleanliness, and that he and his elder sisterhave inherited this. Even today Mr B is sometimes laughedat becausehe has'this very, very strongthing aboutcleanliness', and insists on having a bath even abroadin sub-zerotemperatures. Mrs Munshi goeson to askabout the doctrinal side of Mr B's religious upbringing. Mr B answers: My sisters,who are older than I and played an importantrole in my life, and also, particularly, my father, are very academicallyoriented. They have done an immense amount of studies, of comparative religion for example. And although I did not have any religious instruction by way of coursesor classes,I have had this exposureto many aspectsof our religion through them. And of course I was taughtPersian mythology, which has a connectionwith our religion. So which aspect of religion has had the greatestimpact on you? I would saythe history of the communityas a whole, the statusof the Parsisof the past. They havebeen identified very strongly as people of integrity, that is one element; another was honesty; another, accountabilityand trustworthiness.These basicattributes, those were the things about our past that struck me very deeply, more than anythingelse, more than stories.I just felt that we were a breedapart in the past.

278 Religion as Cultural Heritage WhenMr B was studyingabroad he gaveup wearingthe sudrehand kusti for a time, feeling that it was 'too much of an encumbrance'.When he returnedto India his motherwas upsetwhen shediscovered this, andhe went backto wearingthe 'sacred'garments. Although he doesnot regard it as very important, he quite likes wearing the sudreh and kusti. Furthermore,'It givesyou anidentity asa memberof the Parsicommunity, it gives you a religious identity, which is quite importantto me.' Mr B has no beliefs that are of non-Zoroastrianorigin; Baba-worship was alwaysstrongly condemnedin his family. He hasa greatrespect for other religions, especiallyChristianity, but nothing more. His father is convincedthat the Fasli calendarshould be adopted,not just by the Parsi communitybut by the whole world but Mr B himself is not very familiar evenwith the Shehenshahicalendar. 1 When discussinghis wife, Mr B says: She is religious in a very secular sort of way, not in terms of institutionalised religion. She is deeply religious, as a Parsi - she comeswith me to Atash Behrams,and often to Udwada,but I must say shehas been influenced by me. Shetells me shehad never been so often to Atash Behramsin her entire life as she has in the few years sincewe married.But shehas a deepconcern for the well-being of the communityand of coursefor the religion as well. Could you describea typical day in your life, what role does religion play? Well, in the morning - we have a table with [religious objects] and an afarganiyu with a burning fire, and I take the loban aroundthe house.I pray a little as soonas I get up, then after my bath I pray [again], and then I worship the photo-frames[on the table] and do loban. Then at night, just before going to sleepI say a few prayers,and that is all. Mr B would ideally like to visit Agiaries frequently, the more so sincehe works in an areawhere many fire templesare to be found, but in practice he does not go there very often. He mentionsa special link with one Agiary, which he explainsa follows: I have a deep veneration,a deep nostalgia for things past and this happensto be [a very old Agiary]. Also I have done a lot of study on Agiaries in Bombay, I've written a lot of articles and things like that. And this Agiary hasa long history behindit, it is 280-oddyears old - not the structureas such,but the location. Mrs Munshi goeson to ask aboutMr B's views on the afterlife. I think one cannot explain anything in life without having a deep realisationthat reincarnationis true. One cannotreally explain many mysteriesof existencewithout truly knowing that thereis reincarnation - thatwe areproducts of pastincarnations and precursors of future ones.

279 The Interviews Did you come to this beliefon the basis of personal study, or did your father tell you about it? My sistersand I haveread things, we havebeen exposed to literature which was very comprehensive,and our beliefs are basedon that. Was that Zoroastrian literature? No, non-Zoroastrian. About disposalof the deadin the Towers,Mr B saysthat he thinks that it is an excellent system in itself but that modem circumstanceshave created problems so that things have deteriorated.He mentions the building of high-rise flats in the area, the decline in the number of vultures,and he talks at somelength about the pitiful social conditionsof the corpse-bearersand nasesalars.These, he says,are not only very poor but areregarded by manyParsis almost as social outcasts.As a resultit is getting more and more difficult to get peopleto do thesenecessary jobs, and he expectsthat thosewho are therenow may take the first available opportunityto find other work. When we [W.Z.O.] starteddealing with the khandiyasthey usedto sit at our feet, at a considerabledistance. We had to somehowreorient their thinking, and [make them realise] that they are human,that they are part of the community, that they are Zoroastriansthemselves. It was only later that they actually felt that they were needed.People havebeen talking a lot abouttheir habits- that they arealcoholics and if you give them any kind of dole they will just spendit on drinks - but they said, 'If we did not drink we would not be able to set foot in the dakhme.'They haveto drink, they haveto be intoxicatedin orderto bearthe burdenof their occupation. Mrs Munshi then comesback to what Mr B said about his love of the past, and askswhat he feels about the future. I think the basic problem lies in our loss of religious identity. We no longer have that strong identity we had in the past What is the reasonfor that, do you think? I think that the entire Parsiculture is being erodedto a large extent.It may havesomething to do with late marriagesor with intermarriage, which Parsisare now so often open to. Or it might be the growing elementof secularism-a negativekind of secularism.Secularism is becomingso strongthat we are almostgetting away from the roots of our religion. Also, many Parsishave gone abroadand our numerical strengthhas dwindled alarmingly. There used to be entire localities that were predominantlyinhabited by Parsis,there used to be many such areasand they were strongholdsof Zoroastrianism.That really held our identity together.Now thereis a kind of diasporaeven within 280 Religion as Cultural Heritage Bombay. We have migrated to suburbsand other places,where we havebecome more individualised. Do you think other factors have had a negative influence on our identity, apart from these social changes? I would not be able to put my finger on one particular aspect.But Parsis,because of their educationand affluence, have always had a strong concern for their own well-being. Parsis would never move smilingly to suburbsfrom which they had to commutefor two hours eachway, as membersof other communitiesdo. In one way of course it is good that we have set standards,but on the other hand such constraintsare preventingParsis from marrying - they would rather stay where they are than having to face suchhardships. Do you think it may have somethingto do with lack of religious awareness and education? Of courseit has all gone side by side. As far as India is concernedI think that to a largeextent the role of the Parsisis over. Everythinghas its cycle and the Parsishave had their zenith in the past. As far as present-daycircumstances go we are almost inundated by other cultures which go against the grain of our culture and community, which is why we have suchdifficulties in surmountingobstacles and comingto grips with the presentsituation. I think the glorious daysof the Parsisare well and truly over.

MRN Mr N, the son of Mrs N (seeabove, pp. 107-12),was born in Nagpurin 1942, but has lived in Bombay all his life. He studied Physics and Electrical Engineeringbut becamea partner in the family business,a shopsupplying articles for religious use suchas sandalwoodand kustis. Mr N had no formal religious educationat school, just an hour of 'moral instruction'. At home his mother told tales from the Shahname, and he was taughtthe basicprayers before his Navjote. OtherwiseMr N hasno recollectionof being instructedin any way; he had no clear idea what would happenat his Navjote. When Mrs Munshi remarksthat, to outsidersvisiting the shop,Mr N's parentsalways appeared to be strictly religious, Mr N says: That wasjust a tradition of coveringthe headin the shop.In fact when I startedworking in the shopthey more or lessinsisted I do that, and I saidI would not. In the pastseveral customers, elderly customers,on a big day like Navroz, would say, 'What, you are selling sandalwood

281 The Interviews and you havenot got your headcovered?' But at homenone of us do this. Dad was not, as I recall it, a very religious person. I never rememberhim praying till his mother died. Then all of a suddenhe becamevery religious,began to pray for long hours.And he wantedto know what he was saying, he is the one personI know who taught himselfAvesta-Pehlevi. And hebegan to collect - at times whenbooks were available-a considerablenumber of our religious books .... He knows exactlywhat he is sayingwhen he prays.I did readall the other booksin English,like Darmesteter2 andso on, but unfortunatelymany of the books were in Gujarati and unfortunatelyI am semi-literatein Gujarati even today. About his grandmother'sdeath, Mr N says: My grandmotherwas the matriarch of our family, and she passed away. I hadnever experienced death in a personalsense, except when a pet or two died. So this wasthe first time I sawthe sachkarand all the other ceremonies.And at that time Doongerwadiwas so isolatedfrom the rest of Bombay, you could not even hear the traffic noiseson the crown of the hill. You did not seeany skyscrapersas you do today. So you were absolutelyin a world of your own, in communionwith the next world you might say. And that had an impact on me, probably becauseI was young and it was the first time ... Naturally Dad and Mum would answerall my questionsas to what was going on, and what all the ceremoniesmeant, and what was supposedto happento Granny'ssoul on the chaharomday:3 on the fourth day Grannywould be crossing the Chinvad Pul,4 and she would be questionedby her deeds,Sand so on. And the significanceof the Towers of Silence as a scientific means of the disposal of the dead, without causing any pollution to any of the elementsof the universe. Mr N hastravelled widely and hasseen several forms of disposalof the dead. He feels that for a small community like the Parsis exposureis ideal:6 I am sureit would not work if we had a population,say, the size of Bombay. Can you imagine how many Towers and how many birds would be needed?This wasideally suitedto the pastoralcommunities who lived in Iran. The irony is that we are practisingit in the midst of oneof the largestcities in the world. Whentalking to non-Zoroastrians I often find that they expressa resentmentat our methodof disposal. They have never been able to prove it to me, but they say that the vultures pick up pieces and then drop them on the neighbouring homes.It is utter rubbish! Becausethe vulture doesnot havethe claws to be able to carry off any ... The vulture cannottake off for quite a period of time! But this is the attitudeof the neighbours,so ultimately 282 Religion as Cultural Heritage I fear the time might come when we will be compelledto move the premisesoutside the city of Bombay.Normally theseplaces are always outsidethe city. Here also it was well outsidewhat was then Bombay. In fact as recently as 1830 the last tiger was shot on Malabar Hill, preciselywhere the Towers of Silenceare today. But today you are in the most prime location, and there is someresentment. Mr N's shop is at its busieston festive days,which makesit impossible for him to observesuch occasions himself. The family paysdaily visits to the Atash Behramsin the neighbourhood,since Parsis who cannotgo themselvespay the shopto takesandalwood there. However, it is usually Mr N's father who goes;Mr N confessesthat he is not'a regularpraying Johnny.' In the last ten, fifteen yearsthere have not beenmany occasions where I havebeen able to sit with a book and pray. And frankly, you see,all my training hasbeen as a scientist,physics and electricalengineering. So I have always found it quite anachronistic that I should be mumbling somewords in a languageI do not know ... I have seen Buddhistsin monasteriestum over leaf after leaf andmumble away in the expectationthat they are accumulatingmerit for the hereafter.That is not somethingI, as a trained scientist, find acceptable.It is about your deeds, not your mumblings. What I live by is just Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds. That is common to every religion, isn't it? Canyou showme one prophetwho hasnot said this? It is a central part of every religion, just as there is a consciencein every humanbeing. Now Dad has developedcataracts so he is no longer able to read fine print, but formerly he did pray. Among the conservativeand orthodox Parsis it is a necessaryritual that you should sit with a prayerbook for maybeat leasthalf an hour or an hour everyday, and pray! Most of my cousinsdo it. Of courseyou are really supposedto pray five times a day, but apartfrom the priestsI don't think that any of the lay peopleare able to do it today. For exampleDad still observes the customthat every time he goes to the toilet and comesback, he will do his kusti as a purification measure,but none of us do it any more. Sadly most of my young friends no longer wear the sudreh and kusti. Oddly I was never much awareof this, althoughI sell them. I thoughtthat as they were not buying them from me they werebuying them from someoneelse. And I came face to face with this fact two yearsago, whenI went to the Cavesof Bahrot,which is a minor place of pilgrimage, becausethat is the place where the Zoroastrianstook the Fire after the fall of Sanjan[here follows a detailedaccount of the history of the first Parsi Atash Behram] ... So I went to Bahrot with

283 The Interviews somefriends andwe stayedas guestswith a very devoutfamily at the village below, andthe old manwas insistent that the daybefore we set out for the climb, we should have a ritual bath?Which I gladly did. And I found that my friends did not havea sudrehand kusti on, which was an extremelyembarrassing situation, and we had to cover up so that the old gent did not realise the sacrilege.8 From the pressuresof the shop, the interview goes on to discuss its history. At one time it was run by Mr N's father and two of his brothers. In the courseof time both his brothersdied and his motherhad to come and help in the shop. Since we consider a menstruating woman to be unclean, Mum obviously could not have come to the shop at such times. Mum underwenta hysterectomywhich was otherwisenot necessary.9No Parsi male will ask his wife to undergothis, but Mum did it. Most other ladies including my sister will not come to the shop when they are menstruating.At homewe havenever followed segregationat all. I cantell you that apartfrom a very few very orthodoxlay families and the families of practising priests, segregationis no longer observed and has not beenobserved for the last fifty years -I cannottell you aboutbefore that. Mr N follows the rules of purity concerninghair and nails. He doesnot object to non-Parsiscoming into his shop, since this seemsto him a naturalpart of living in India. Nirangdin ceremonies,Gahambars and initiation ceremoniesfor priests were performedin the nameof both his grandmotherson their death.1o The latter ceremony,which took place in Udwada,was attendedby the entire family except Mr N himself, who could not get away from Bombay. The Nirangdin ceremoniesmade a great impressionon Mr N, who attendedthroughout the night and was given an explanationof the meaningof the ritual by the late DasturK.S. Dabu.When asked about his feelings aboutthe ritual consecrationof a bull's urine Mr N says: I remembera mental observationat the time of my grandmother's funeral - therewere these white-robed priests and they werechanting in a languageI knew nothingabout - the observationthat cameto me is that we havebeen doing exactly this for a few thousandsof years,so the weight of tradition ... The continuity - this was done in Iran for more than a thousandyears, and now for more than a thousandyears we havebeen doing it here! Dabuji [Dastur Dabu] explainedthat the figure of eight with which the prieststirs the wateris exactly like the coil windings in a motor or a magneto.ll I rememberthese words from Dabuji, becauseI was studyingphysics at the time. 284 Religion as Cultural Heritage One day a kitten walked into the shopand therehave been cats - which in classicalZoroastrianism were regardedas evil - in the shopfor thirty years. Most customersreacted positively to this, but a few traditional people objected or indeed refused to buy sandalwoodfrom the shop. Whena customeradvised him to keepa dog instead,Mr N drily replied, 'Dogs are of great use at Doongerwadi, not here.'12 Asked about his opinion of Parsiswho worship at non-Zoroastrianshrines, Mr N says: Well, this is probablybecause we havehad to come to live in another land. As a community we have developed a great respect and tolerancefor other people'sreligious observance.I rememberin my time, on the feastof Mount Mary,13 on a Sundaywe would drive up in our old Austin and offer a candle. Not as a religious observance particularly, but as a mark of respect.When I have been to a Hindu temple or a mosque,I have behavedin a deferential manner. It is somethingingrained in most Indians, exceptthe rabid lot! With amusementMr N recalls infuriating an American Seventh Day Adventist preacher,by asking a questionabout evolution. I found it astoundingthat a learnedman had come from America to tell us that Darwin's theory was, accordingto him, a load of rubbish. . .. Thereis no way you can marshalfacts againstit ... And yet there are people today in so-called progressivenations who believe that God createdthe world on a particularday, in a particulartime, and so on. Mr N then describesanother incident that seemedsignificant to him: You probably are aware that little more than a month ago a Navjote wasperformed which is going to create,presumably, a minor stormin the community. Mr Neville Wadia was born a Christian becausehis father had convertedto Christianity and married an English lady.14 They are the industrial family who founded and all these Baugs where Parsis live. So at the fag-end of his life Neville Wadia felt the needto returnto the faith ... Naturally since[the father] had voluntarily convertedto anotherreligion his son was broughtup as a memberof the Churchof England.And on a numberof occasions at CusrowBaug, Neville Wadia had said that he had beenbrought up in the Churchof England and was perfectly happythere, but that he did feel nostalgic for the faith of his forefathers. Now at this stage, whenhe wasover eighty, he hadhis Navjoteceremony performed and announcedit in the Press.Before he had his Navjote done he wrote and askedfor the opinion of sevenHigh Priests- he hasnot given the namesof thoseHigh Priests.And five of the sevensaid he could have it done. That seemsto be going to causea tremendousstorm in the

285 The Interviews Parsi community. Already in the Press various articles are being written for and against.Now the almostamusing experience I had at the shop two weeksago was: an elderly customer,well over seventy himself, bought somethingfrom me and then almost startedto give me a sermon. He brought out a Jam-e-Jamshed15 of many years ago whereNeville Wadia'sremarks at CusrowBaug were published.And then this man made derogatoryremarks about Neville Wadia, and what amusedme most was that he startedtelling me: 'We belong to the ninth plane.' They have levels of spiritual excellence, or whatever.16 'We Zoroastriansbelong to the ninth plane,' he says, 'theChristians belong on the fifth rung, andthe Moslemsbelong to the third.' The intellectual arroganceof that man! Unfortunately many Parsishave suchattitudes. Mr N puts suchattitudes down to the 'siegementality' which the Parsi minority developedin orderto survivein an alien land. He condemnsall forms of arroganceand intoleranceon the part of religious leadersand communities. Asked about spiritual or mystical experiencesMr N says: I have neverhad a mystical experience.I don't think what I am now going to relate could be called a mystical experience.On two or three occasionsI havehad a feeling of suffusedpleasure and pride. Onewas when I saw a slide of the Fire of GushnaspPAnd I wanted tremendouslyto seethose places in Iran. And also whenI stoodin the Caves at Bahrot, the nearest to what you could call a mystical experienceI had there. I was in communionyou might say with a piece of the history of my forefathers.

MRSM Mrs M wasborn in Bombayin 1947but grew up in Pune(Poona), where shewas educated up to BA level. Shelater studiedmusic in London. She is married with two children, and belongs to one of the 'first' Parsi families of Bombay. She is actively involved in organisingconcerts of Westernclassical music in Bombay. Besidestheir Bombay residencethe family has a house in London and Mrs M regularly travels back and forth. Mrs M received her early religious educationfrom her mother; she feels that living in Pune, with its relatively large and active Parsi community, helped to strengthenher senseof Parsi identity. At home chalk designswere made every day, andthere were garlands and 'festive

286 Religion as Cultural Heritage trays' (ses) on auspiciousoccasions. The laws of purity werenot followed in her parents'house; the laban was donein the eveningbut no fire was kept burning. The parabs werenot observed,except that Mrs M's mother did not eatmeat on Bahmanmahino Bahmanraj. No beefwas eaten at all, Mrs M doesnot know whetherthat had any religious significance.She is awareof having eatendalni paris, but has neverconnected this with the 'birthdayof the Waters'.Mrs M usedto visit the Agiary with her mother, but did not ask many questionsabout the religion; similarly, when she was taught the Navjote prayersby a priest there were no explanations. She has vivid memories of her Navjote which felt like 'an extended birthday party'. She did not go to Udwadaimmediately afterwards, but was takenthere at a later time. Shemostly remembersthe lovely beachof Udwada,but also calls the visits to the Atash Behram 'very important'. After her Navjote Mrs M saidher prayersregularly at first, but gradually gave up doing so. Asked for the reason,she says: Well, I seeit now with my own children. Anything that is inflicted as somethingyou haveto do categorically,you startresenting. I meanin religion you shouldbe given the freedomto pray wheneveryou want. I must say, I did not inflict it on my children either. They [just] had their Navjotesand learnt their prayers.My daughterwas very much under the influence of her grandmotherwho kept repeating the prayersto her, and shestill knows themall perfectly. But my son,who was not undersuch a stronginfluence, he tendedto forget them ... I think the childrenlike to identify themselvesas Parsis,as membersof the community,but religious identification they don't have. You see, my children have neverbeen given any kind of religious instruction, and neither was I. The identification as a race, as a people,we very muchhave, in our eatinghabits and such things it affectsus more,on a daily basis,but not in the religion ... I think that the religion is not rigid at all in its demands,so onetakes it or leavesit. And it is easierto leave it, if you know what I mean. Mrs M has never observedspecial days of the Parsi calendar,and does not know when her raj birthday is. The only annualreligious occasions she remembersare the Muktad days, when the family went to the fire temple in Pune, where prayers were said for her grandparents.She cannotsay that this was a very spiritual experiencefor her, but sheliked the atmosphere. Mrs M's weddingwas a traditional one. About the madavsara shesays that sherealised it was a fertility rite; shethought it was a Hindu custom but hadno objectionto doing it. During pregnancythe agharni ceremony was done for her, but when her children were born she did not have a nahn after the first forty days:

287 The Interviews You see,we werenot living in a joint family or anythinglike that; it is usually the older generationthat observesthese things, andwhen you are not in touch with them ... She had the pagladu done for both children becauseher mother-in-law insisted,and becauseshe felt that 'it is nice to have thesetraditions; it does not hurt you, and it is a opportunity for the family to draw together.' For much the same reasons,she has a Jashan performed at home every two yearsor so: I think that our prayers,even though one may not follow them word by word, the way they are said does create an atmosphereof vibrations - it must be good vibrations, and I think everybodyneeds good vibrations. We all have our shareof problems,health and this and that, so I feel that if you can create an atmosphereof good vibrationsin your own home,why not do it? I am not convincedthat it is connected[with positive benefit], but I seeno harm in it. Mrs M and her childrenvisit the fire templeoccasionally, on New Year's day and sometimesfor birthdays and for Muktad. A divo is lit on birthdays;loban usedto be doneevery day, but the customwas given up becausethere were no servantsleft who knew how to do it. Wheneither grandmothercomes to stay with the family the children see them pray, which Mrs M thinks is the bestway to familiarise them with the religion. Mrs M is awarethat manypeople are againstthe traditionalParsi way of disposingof the deadbut sheherself has no suchobjections. She likes the simplicity of the ceremonywhich 'is very cleanand there is nothing gruesomeabout it.' As far as the rituals for the deadare concerned,Mrs M says: Yes, I think it is somethingnice. Again I think it is this belief of having good vibrations, of having the soul leave in peace- you know, with the satisfactionthat whoeveris departedhas had the final rituals done as they shouldbe. Asked aboutany supernaturalor inexplicableexperiences she may have had, Mrs M says: On one or two occasionsthere have been occurrences which cannotbe explained,but I do not want to give it too muchimportance, because I think that to a large degreewe are in control of our lives. Theremay be a larger designor plan, but I think you can direct your life quite a bit. That is a very Zoroastrian way of thinking. Oh, really, is it? I believethat you are in control, you are in the driving seatand you can direct your life. Even when you have somekind of accident or fatal illness and you think, 'Well this is my fate,' or

288 Religion as Cultural Heritage something,I don't believein that totally. I believeone has a very very strong consciousnessand will, and it pervadesyour whole life and being .... We all havea certainpower within us, it is how we usethat power. That is what I feel. And I don't think that is from the religion, it is just from my own life the way I have lived it so far. And where does God feature in all this? I think religion, if it is mixed up with a lot of rites andrituals, createsa lot of confusion. Becausereligion is one thing - I think it is very important becauseyou may follow different principles of religion, [but] basically what you learn is a basic morality - to be able to tell right from wrong, truth, justice, honesty,all thesebasic moral values.I think religion teachesyou those,and that is very important. [But] not somebodywho does a lot of rituals but on the other hand is doing somethingtotally immoral in his life. The two don't go together.So a religious personfor me is not a personwho prays and follows the rituals and doeseverything correctly from that point of view, but [one] who leadshis life accordingto certain principles. About family traditions, Mrs M says that she always tells her children that they haveto live up to the family name,since the family hasdone so muchfor the communityand for Bombaygenerally. This leadsto general observationsabout the decline of the social, moral and intellectual standingof the modemParsis. 'I think we are going to be left behind, becausewe haveno ambition and no work ethic left in our community.' Sheputs this down to a lack of motivation,since the youngergenerations are financially secure becauseof the drive and enterprise of their ancestors.About the dwindling numbersof the community,Mrs M says: Girls who marry outsidethe communityand who do havethe option, should have the option of raising their children as Zoroastrians,I8 becauseyou can alwaysbe more sureof the motherthan of the father ... I don't believe that the Parsiswho camefor Persia,I am sure they all mixed. I am positive that we are not such a pure race, I am sure there was a mixture. I am sure these are not rules which were laid down by religion, they are more man-made... The alternativeis that we will all disappear. As to her ideasabout her own daughter'smarriage, Mrs M saysthat the importantthing is that her daughtershould find a nice manand that they are happy; religious and ethnic backgrounddo not seemto her to be overly importantconsiderations. What Mrs M would really like to seehappening is the foundationin Bombay of a good museumof Parsi history and culture, recapturing someof the ancientglories of Parsi life in India.

289 The Interviews

Notes 1 On thesecalendars see above, p. 47. 2 Among other works, the 19th centuryFrench Iranist J. Darmesteterpublished a translationof the Avesta, which was later translatedinto English. 3 i.e. the fourth day after death. 4 The ChinvadBridge, which the soul mustcross on its way to the hereafter;see above,p. 6. 5 The remark refers to the idea that, on the Chinvad Bridge, one meets a beautiful girl or an unpleasantold woman, who representsone's thoughts, words and acts in the world. 6 A good example,it would seem,of the pragmatismof many Parsis.There is no suggestionthat Mr N thinks that only this custompleases God; he merely feels that it works well for his community. 7 It is not clear what type of bath is referredto here. 8 The 'sacrilege'being the fact that Zoroastrianswho had come on such a pilgrimage did not wear the emblemsof the faith. 9 Seethe interview with Mrs N (above,p. 109). 10 Mr N's mother only mentioned that two Vendidads were performed at Udwadafor the soul of her mother. 11 As a Theosophist,the late DasturK.S. Dabu (on whom seeabove, Ch. 8, nn. 30, 80) would stressthe significanceof suchsimilarities. 12 The referenceis to the sagdid, when a deadbody is shownto a dog (see also above,p. 37f.). To sometraditional Parsisthis remarkmay well haveseemed shocking. 13 A Christianfestival in Bombay. 14 Mr Neville Wadia, a scion of a prominentParsi family, decidedto come back to the religion of his forefathersand his return to the fold was welcomedby most of the Dasturs of India; shortly afterwards his son also became a Zoroastrian.Some Parsis felt that this proved that therewas one rule for the rich and anotherfor the poor, and there was an uproar in the Press. 15 A Parsi paper,see above, p. 55. 16 The remark probably refers to the belief that Zoroastrianshave reachedthe highest level of human potential in a chain of incarnations. For further referencessee the Index, under Reincarnation. 17 One of the three great 'national Fires' of ancientIran. 18 On the current tendency in the community to accept children of mixed marriageswhose father is a Parsisbut not thoseof Parsi motherssee above, p. 58 n. 67.

290 Part Three Conclusions Chapter Ten Parsi Religion in the Light of the Interviews

Perhapsthe most important conclusionto be drawn from the accounts publishedhere is that the core of a tradition apparentlysurvives which enablesParsis to lead religious lives that are mutually recognisableas Zoroastrian.Clearly the mere fact of ethnicity plays a role there, as do suchoutward aspects of Parsiculture as feasts,Navjotes and weddings, which mayor may not have strong religious connotations for individuals. Still, when Parsis discussed their religion with their coreligionist, Mrs Munshi, mutual recognition went beyond the purely external. A wide range of practices and observances,mind-sets and attitudes,religious symbolsand allusions- howeverdifferent their role and significancein the life of eachindividual - were obviously familiar enoughas expressionsof Parsi religious life to allow the interviews to proceedwithout the needfor clarification. The interviewsfurther show that significant differencesexist between classicalZoroastrianism as it hasbeen described by scholarson the basis of the ancientscriptural tradition, and the realities acceptedby modem Indian Parsis as part of the religious life of the community. While academicdescriptions tend to focus on the coherenceand lucidity of ancient Zoroastrian teaching, with some referenceto the high rituals which are the exclusive province of priests, the modem community appearsto be more strongly characterisedby a staunchfaith in prayer and personalobservance on the one hand,and by its heateddebates on doctrine on the other. On the basisof the evidenceof the interviewsit canbe arguedthat the latter features-a non-reasoningfaith in prayerand observance,and the various attemptsto rediscoverthe true teachingsof Zoroastrianism- represent two profoundly different ways of understandingreligion which coexist in the community, and in many casesin the mind of a single believer. These mind-sets will here be called, respectively, the 'faith paradigm'and the 'belief paradigm'.The community is of course 293 Conclusions aware that some of its membersare more traditional in their thinking than others,but relatively few Parsismay think of thesetwo paradigms as equally valid but essentiallydifferent conceptionsof the nature and function of religion, which engenderdifferent views and attitudesand thus contributeto the pluriformity and complexity of Parsireligious life. The history of the community,which presumablyevolved (or perhaps preserved)a predominantly'faith-oriented', orthopractic form of religion over the centuries and was then confronted with Western, 'belief- oriented' definitions of religion, probably helps to account for the co- existenceof theseparadigms. Other historical developments,such as the loss of prestige of the priesthood, urbanisation and the increasing influence of 'modernity',probably contributedto make the authority of religious laws and commandsseem less absoluteto almostall Parsis.As a strongsense of the menacingreality of the powersof evil disappeared, moreover, it seems that many Parsis came to think of religion predominantly as a source of good things (ranging from a senseof well-being to supernaturalboons). This may further havestrengthened a tendency to shapeone's religious life according to individual needs, views and preferences.While many Parsis still seek to exercise such choices within the bounds set by tradition, others now regard their personaljudgement, reason and understandingas the main criteria for acceptingor rejecting elementsof religious life. Besidesthe opposition between the faith and belief paradigms, this difference in attitude towards religious authority and individual judgementcan be seen as another important factor to add to the diversity reflected by the interviews.

PRAYER AND THE FAITH PARADIGM It is clear that informantshave different views as to the aspectsof religion they find most meaningful. For some, as we saw, an intellectual understandingof religious teaching is crucial (see further below). For others,good works in the practicalsphere are an essential,or indeedthe most essential, part of religious life. 1 Several informants value Zoroastrianismfirst and foremost as the sourceof the systemof morals which had guided and motivated the community throughoutits proud history.2 In other casesa senseof nostalgiaappears to play an important role in the subject'sfeelings aboutreligion. 3 For a significant numberof our interviewees,however, religion seems to be predominantlya matter of faith. While classical Zoroastrianism tendsto be describedin terms of doctrine and rational belief, for many Parsistoday the essentialelements of their religious life are clearly faith and tradition. Khojeste Mistree,4 who is critical of current attitudesbut hasan excellentknowledge of them, saysthat most Parsisgrow up with

294 Parsi Religion 'a faith-basedparadigm, which is belief in termsof what you emotionally experiencewithout in any way polishing your mind.' The University Professorhere called Dr F says: Not that we were given much detailed educationabout the religion, but what we were basically taughtwas faith. And eventoday I don't go in so much for theology, or what I am supposedto believe, but I believe with faith. 'Faith' of coursemeans slightly different things to different people.It can manifest itself primarily as strong sense of divine guidanceS or of communicationwith God6 or a fire? very often it is connectedwith a belief in the beneficenteffects of prayerand ritual.

Perceptions of prayer Prayer,sometimes in combinationwith ritual, can be seenas a sourceof strengthor a senseof well-being,S of beneficentvibrations,9 protection againstdanger,10 healing,l1 or miracles.12 The view that one shouldpray in order to thank God, rather than for the sake of obtaining personal benefit, was stressedin one interview and mentionedin another.13 The term 'prayer',however, needs to be defined. In Parsi English the word canbe usedfor purely verbal prayerbut also for what Westerners would call 'rituals', either domestic or priestly (e.g. for a daily Saturn ceremonyperformed at home, or for a complex priestly ritual like a Vendidad).14In the interviews,however, informants most often usedthe word to refer to their verbal prayers, i.e. the recitation of traditional Avestanor Pazandprayer formulas either at home or in the fire temple. In somecases such prayers are accompaniedby personalrequests (dua) in the speaker'sown language.Individual prayer sequencescan take a few minutes or over an hour to perform, and may consist of a few repetitions of one of the basic prayers, or of lengthy combinationsof texts, including less well-known ones. Someinformants spoke of a specialaffinity with certainprayers rather than others, although they did not understandexactly what the texts meant.1S For such purposesas healing or solving problems,particular texts are widely held to be effective. Many Parsischoose some of their prayersaccording to the day of the month,often reciting a text dedicated to the Yazad whoseroj it is; in somecases the numberof recitationsof a prayer is held to be important.16 Some Parsis consider the task of prescribingappropriate prayers to be the provinceof qualified priests,17 but it is clearly not unusualto passon advice about'effective' prayers or ritual acts to friends or neighbours.IS Prayer, in short, is widely held to be effective, and it seemsthat this effectivenessis generally felt to be unrelated to the intellectual 295 Conclusions understandingof the one who prays. Someinformants in fact reported that a bettergrasp of the meaningof a text had had an adverseeffect on their sense of well-being when praying.19 Only a minority of the intervieweesshowed a clear graspof what might be called the 'doctrinal context' of prayer - the way in which it relatesto the wider context of Zoroastrianteaching. Someinterviewees made it clear that their prayerswere mainly directed to God (Hormazd),2owhile in severalcases prayers to other Yazadswere also recited.21 Other informants' religious feelings seemedto be strongly focused on one or more Yazadsother than Hormazd,22who were often closely associatedwith their day of the month (roj). Severalof thosewho stressedthe importanceof prayer in their lives did not specify to whom they felt their prayerswere addressed,and in some casestheir words suggestthat they think of prayersas having a power of their own.23 Mrs 0, for instance,feels that the Bhika BehramWell in Bombay has helpedher during a difficult time. For her the Well obviously represents the power of the Waters,which can be invoked by meansof the hymn addressedto them. In anotherpart of the interview, however,the same informant ascribes satisfactory results to certain prayer sequences without implying that a particular Yazad was instrumentalin bringing theseabout. This suggeststhat, like many other Parsis,Mrs 0 assumes that prayersare connected with divine powersin someway but that they are effective in their own right, and not merely as a meansto addressa Yazad. Another interviewee describesthe effect of prayer, which he associateswith vibrations, as follows:24 ... one must always recite Yatha and Ashern, they are very powerful andvibrant prayers.And whenyou want to succeedyou mustalways go with the recitation of thesewords, [in order] not to get harmedin any way. Another very powerful prayer, we have been told, is the YengheHatam prayer. I was told this as a child. Our prayersare very vibrant ... I always feel the power, vigour, the vibrations from any suchactivities appertainingto our Zoroastrianreligion. I feel it whenI praybefore the sea,even when I praybefore the kuva [well], andat the Banaji AtashBehram well I havealways felt it. I feel I am gettingsome powerfrom outsideand going within; it clarifies, it signifies, it ignites my soul, and also the brain. A numberof informantssaid that someof their prayerswere primarily connectedwith (i.e. either directedto or prescribedin the nameof) such figures as Kookadaru, Homaji or Jal Baba.25 Observanceswith non- Zoroastrianassociations, such as prayers to the Virgin Mary, singing'The Lord is my Shepherd' as a protective mantra, Hindu prayers, or expressionsof devotion to Sai Baba or other gurus,26 were mentioned by someof thosewe interviewedP 296 Parsi Religion It should perhapsbe stressedthat many interviews indicating a less than perfectgrasp of classicalZoroastrian doctrine also suggesta strong senseof spirituality, a firm faith, or a deep commitmentto the religion expressedby meansof good works. Indicationsthat articulateviews on Zoroastriantheology do not featureprominently in a subject'sthoughts naturally tell us nothing aboutother aspectsof his or her religious life.

On traditional religious education A certain vaguenessabout doctrinal questionssurrounding the theme of prayer is hardly surprising in view of the nature of religious educationin the Parsi community. Many informants stated that they had receivedno religious educationat all, eitherat homeor in schooP8 Most of those who did receive some instruction - whether from parents,schoolteachers, from a priest in preparationfor their Navjote, or from a combinationof all three- saythat they were mostly taughtto memorisea numberof prayers,and learnedthe accompanyingactions from the example of adults in their family. Prayer and other daily observances,it seems,are what children in traditional householdsfirst experienceas 'religion'. In many casesthis seemsto have led to an understandingof religion primarily as a tradition involving a complex of words and actions rather than articulate beliefs, i.e. to a view of religion that stressesorthopraxy more than 'orthodoxy'in the Western senseof the word.29 As far as Zoroastriandoctrine was concerned, some interviewees were taught elementarymaxims, such as 'a Zoroastriannever lies', or 'Good Thoughts, Good Words, Good Deeds'. Several informants associated religious teaching with stories from the Shahname- a work whose contents,though of ancientIranian origin, are not principally concerned with questionsof belief. Only one informant remembereddiscussions on morals as part of religious educationat schoopo Until recently, therefore, the only form of religion most Parsis encounteredduring their formative years seemsto have been a faith- basedone. 31 Insofaras they were influenced by discussionson Zoroastrian teachingthis generallyoccurred later in life, which meansthat the belief paradigm was superimposedon a faith-oriented understandingof religion.32

Conclusion It is clear from all this that the religious lives of many Parsisreflect a conception of Zoroastrianism which is not primarily based on an intellectual understandingof a system of teachings,but on a view of religion as mainly consisting in a divinely-given set of prayers, 297 Conclusions observancesand rules, the deepersignificance of which neither can nor need be understoodby the human mind. A strong reliance on the effectivenessof prayerand ritual may always have beena characteristic feature of Zoroastrianismbut it is widely assumedby scholarsthat in ancient times, when a Zoroastrianworld-view informed all of Iranian culture,this orthopracticside was complementedand underpinnedby a greater understandingof teaching and doctrine. The almost exclusive emphasison the devotional,non-rational, and mysterious side of religion may have developedas a result of the community'slater history. In the course of the period betweenthe Parsis'arrival in India and the 19th century, when the influence of Western culture becamepowerful, the doctrinal knowledgeof the priesthoodseems to havedeclined 33 whereas its authority did not. Such a developmentis likely to have affected the community's understandingof the very nature of the religion; since neither the meaning of prayers, rituals and tarikats nor their original doctrinal context could be explained, lay Parsis presumablycame to think of religion as an essentiallymysterious phenomenon which could, with the help of priests,be usedfor their personalbenefit. The model of the Indian caste, moreover,which combineselements of religious and communalidentity, may havecontributed to a view of religion largely as part of community culture. Thus, priestly authority and community tradition togetherprobably fostered an orthopracticform of Zoroastrian- ism which stressedthe mysteriousand the miraculous,as well as the importanceof obedienceto priestly instruction.

THE QUESTION OF DUALISM, THE UNDERSTANDING OF OBSERVANCE, AND THE INDIVIDUALISATION OF RELIGION Another factor which may have played a considerablerole in the developmentof Parsi religion is the apparentchange in most Parsis' perceptionof mattersconnected with dualism.34 A community'sideas and beliefs with regard to the power of evil may obviously have profoundimplications for its understandingof the natureand function of religion generally,and of ritual and observancein particular. According to the scriptural tradition of classical Zoroastrianism, ritual and devotionalacts had the dual purposeof furthering good and defeating evil. If it is acceptedthat the conceptof evil haslittle meaningfor many modernParsis, the questionarises how this affects their understanding of the ritual aspectsof their religion.

The questionof dualism in the interviews A belief in the existenceof the Devil, a strongsense of sin, and a fear of hell are found in some forms of monotheistic religions, such as 298 Parsi Religion Christianity and Islam, as well as in dualist ones. The only formal element to define classical Zoroastrianismas a dualist system is the doctrine that the powers of evil are wholly separatefrom, rather than subordinateto, God. In any case,since classicalZoroastrian teaching is thus defined as dualist, for the purposeof the presentdiscussion other elements of the tradition which reflect a strong awarenessof the oppositionbetween good and evil - suchas a pronouncedsense of merit and sin or purity and impurity - will be regardedas expressionsof a dualist world-view. Plainly, such a way of understandingreality is not prominently reflectedin the accountspublished here. The word 'sin', for example,is twice used in light-heartedcomments,35 but never in a serioussense; noneof our informantsindicated that they were afraid of going to hell; the belief in an independentlypowerful devil36 is rarely mentioned. Only Dr Bharucha'sremark about 'this damnedAhriman' in connec- tion with the deathof her husband,shows that the Evil One represents an emotionalreality for her. (Perhapssignificantly, Dr Bharuchais one of the two informants who mention a real fear of Ahriman when speakingof her childhood.37) Mr Mistree andMs Khurody refer to their dualist beliefs in intellectual terms.38 A few other interviews contain remarks which could be regardedas traces of a dualist world-view, although the central beliefs of the speakerscannot be defined a dualist.39 It is clear, in any case, that most of our informants did not see the world in dualist terms, and some explicitly rejected such ideas. If the evidenceof the interviewsis representativeof wider trends,followers of 'esoteric'movements 40 are among the most articulate opponentsof the notion of dualism. Mr Doctor explainedan Avestanexpression normally understoodto refer to hell as denoting our terrestrial existence; Mr Pithavalastated that 'durvand' (Phi. druwand, 'evil person')is merely a term for non-Zoroastrians,from whom Zoroastriansshould stay aloof. ErvadYazdi Aibara andMrs Nusservanjeebelieve that evil exists'in men only'. Mrs Nusservanjee,moreover, distinguishesbetween 'evil' and ,Ahriman', the latter beingone of two oppositeforces createdby God. Dr Master-Moos refers to Ahriman and the demonsas 'souls createdby Ahura Mazda'. Parsis whose views on religion have not been shapedby years of studytend to ignoreAhriman altogether.Mrs E haddifficulty in recalling his name and associatedthe notion of evil powers with superstition. Others did not refer to the questionof evil at all, which suggeststhat their thoughtswere not much preoccupiedwith such questions.Several informants unequivocally explained good and evil as the effect of previouslives. 41

299 Conclusions

The conceptsof sin and pollution It seemsclear that large sectionsof the Parsicommunity have madethe transition from a dualist to a non-dualistparadigm as far as their ideas and beliefs are concerned.The question remains,though, how deeply this changehas affected other aspectsof religious life. SomeParsis - and scholars- assertthat in essencenothing haschanged on the ritual level, where good and evil, purity and impurity, are still felt to be stark and absoluteopposites. If this were true - i.e. if modern Parsi attitudes in matters of ritual and observancewere essentially similar to those associatedwith classical Zoroastrianism- then failure to observethe traditional religious rules and observancescould still be expectedto be strongly associatedwith evil and sin. Such views do not seem characteristicof the Parsi community in modernIndia. Far from defining her religion as one that emphasisesthe objectiveimportance of orthopraxy,Mrs V describedZoroastrianism as 'a very wise and simple religion ... [which has] nothing like Ten Commandmentsor millions of laws to follow.' Mrs V's opinion may owe somethingto the fact that she spent part of her life away from traditional Zoroastriancircles, but many other Parsisview their religion in much the samelight. Mrs Q, who would probablydescribe herself as orthodox, said that Zoroastrians 'have no enforced rituals, like the Catholicshave to go to churchevery Sundayand during Lent they have to abstain.'

The rules of menstruation Of all forms of observance,those which figure most prominentlyin the interviewsare the 'lawsof purity' surroundingmenstruation. It is probably significant that many informantssay that thesewere strictly observedin their grandparents'houses, less so by their parentsor in-laws, and at best perfunctorily in their presentlife. 42 Statisticalevidence would be needed to weigh the relative importanceof the various factors contributing to this trend; in the interviews frequent mention is made of the cramped housingof manyfamilies in modernBombay (which makesit impossible for a menstruatingwoman to 'sit separately'),43and of the fact that the younger generation tends to reject these customs.44 One informant implicitly referred to the adverseeffect the nuclear, as opposedto the extended,family has on such traditions.45 An aspectthat was perhaps too obviousto mentionexplicitly but which canbe inferredfrom the interviews,is the effect of moderneducation. One interviewee said that her grandmotherthought that diseasecould be causedby the shadowof a menstruatingwoman; anothergrandmother was certainthat pickleswould spoil if sucha womanwas allowed into the 300 Parsi Religion kitchen.46 It may be significant that sucha world-view, implying that the taboos surroundingmenstruation are basedon the laws of nature and infringementsmay do objectiveharm, is reportedmost often in connection with grandparents.47In the 1990sErvad Yazdi Aibara still maintainedthat a disregardof the rulesof menstruationis the prime causeof the declineof the world, but most Parsisnow view theseprecepts in a different light: that of obedienceto human rather than divine authority, man-made customrather than eternallaw. Severalinformants said they found the laws of purity unimportant.48 Four women describedtheir transition from a 'strict' householdto a 'liberal' one, where such laws were not strictly enforced.49 Although they hadobviously been taught to regardthe Zoroastrianpurity laws as important,these women clearly acceptedthe relaxedways of their new homeswithout wondering if they would tum them into sinners.The highly traditional Mrs 0 describedher youthful peccadilloesin this respectas pranks born of ignorance;the thought that they might be offencesagainst God, it seems,did not occur to her. Mrs N, who had a hysterectomyin order to be able to serve in her shop throughoutthe month, talked about this as a practical decision outside the sphereof religious merit or sin. Mrs L's father, who bought two adjoining flats becausehis traditional mother and his non-observantwife could not live in the same apartment,presumably regarded both life-styles as valid.

Other Tarikats About other religious laws, customs and observances,a range of opinions and attitudesis again attestedin the interviews. To judge by this evidence(which is of coursenot statistically significant), Khshnoo- mists and traditionalists tend to hold strongly that these laws are meaningfuland should be followed. The former havetheir own, esoteric explanationsfor the reasonsbehind thesecustoms. The traditionalistMr Antia is also convincedthat the tarikats have a scientific foundationand recountsinstances from his personalexperience where strict observance broughta positive result, or negligenceled to illness. (It is interestingto note however,that in Mr Antia's view one'sconduct in suchmatters has consequencesfor oneself rather than for the world at large; this may reflect a more generaltendency to think of the role of religion chiefly in personal and individual terms, on which see further below.) Mrs Nusservanjee,a Theosophist,holds no such views and is inclined to follow only those rules she regardsas sensible;several informants who do not belong to a particular movementdo the same thing.50 Others, particularly thosewho havehad Western-typeeducation, either dismiss such rules as archaic51 or observesome of them, partly from a senseof

301 Conclusions nostalgia.52 Apart from some strong traditionalists and Khshnoomists,in other words, few people would regard it as compulsory even in theory to observeall tarikats. Dr Bharucha'sdevelopment in this respectmay be illuminating: as a child, shewas told neverto walk barefootfor fear that Ahriman would enterher body throughher feet.53 In a later conversation with the presentwriter, shesaid: 54 As a child I thought it unfair that only Parsiswere forbidden ever to walk barefoot,when all other religions could do it freely. I thoughtit was unfair and I knew that God was never unfair, so I could not understandit. Later I understoodthat God won't mind about such things! It is our tradition that we must alwayswear shoes.God won't mind, you do it becauseit is your tradition. In other words, from a childhood belief that the taboo on walking barefootwas based on real, objectivedanger connected with the power of Ahriman, Dr Bharuchahas come to see it as a matter of tradition. Tradition offers an explanatorycontext for Dr Bharucha'sprofound spiritual life and she scrupulously observesits directions, but her remark implies that she does not think of theseas being objectively importantin the eyesof God. Thus an elementof the complex system of Zoroastrianlaws, rules and prohibitions continuesto be observed, but hascome to be understoodin a different way. Onceperceived as an absolutelaw, it is now held to be part of a wise and ancienttradition but no longer as the only way of fighting Ahriman or obeying God's Will.

Perceptionsof priestly rituals While suchceremonies as Navjotesand Jashans continue to havemeaning for many,the 'inner' rituals55 no longer seemto play an importantrole in mostParsis' religious lives, exceptperhaps in connectionwith deathand the afterlife. The Ijeshne ceremony,which in earlier times was regularly performed,is now celebratedmuch less frequently;56 such high rituals as the Vendidad and the Nirangdin are sometimescommissioned, often as part of the rites for a departed souI.57 Some Traditionalists, Neo- traditionalists and 'Esotericists'believe deeply in the efficacy of high rituals,58but to mostParsis such rites probablyseem too remote.The fact that one can now commissionhigh rituals at Udwadavia the Internet without any needfor further personalinvolvement,59 may seemstrange to outsiders,but in effect the practice continuesan ancient custom by modernmeans. 60 The crucial differencewith the pastmay lie in the fact that the importance of such rituals was formerly stressedby an authoritativepriesthood, whereas the modernlayman must be guided 302 Parsi Religion by his own lights in suchmatters. To sum up, the interviews suggest that choices in the sphere of religious practiceand observanceare now rarely motivatedby a mental associationbetween Zoroastrian observance and a cosmicbattle between good and evi1.61 Contrary to what is sometimesasserted, this suggests that attitudesinspired by dualism have virtually disappearedfrom the ritual sphereas well as the doctrinal one. The transitionto a non-dualist world-view, in other words, appearsto havebeen as profoundas it was widespread.

The tendency towards individualism It may be significant in this context that all informants who expressed themselveson the subject were of the opinion that all religions were equally valid, or essentiallysimilar. 62 Given the senseof the relativity of religious teachingimplied by this and by someof the views discussed earlier, together with the decline of priestly authority, the virtual disappearanceof a fear of the powersof evil, and the resultingtendency to regard religion predominantlyas a source of pleasantthings,63 it seemsnatural that most Parsis feel free to adapt to the pressuresof modern life by adhering to part of the religious tradition only,64 and generally shapetheir religious lives to suit their personalneeds and wants.Together with suchfactors as the decline of communalaspects of religion,65 this seemsto haveled to a different understandingof the very function of religion; from being at least partly a community matter concernedwith the objectivewelfare of the world, in the mind of modern Parsis religion seemsto be more exclusively associatedwith the well- being of the individual or the family.

THE BELIEF PARADIGM AND THE RECEPTION OF MODERN TEACHING As was said earlier, the interviews suggestthat, in the community and indeed in the minds of many individual informants,mental categories deriving from the faith paradigmcoexist with otherswhich are inspired by a very different understandingof the natureof religion, which is here called the 'belief paradigm'. Historically this state of affairs can be accountedfor by assumingthat a 'mental map' of religion which was shared by most Parsis before the community was exposedto strong Westerninfluences, now interactswith anotherset of concepts,values and ideaswhich may largely have beeninspired by Western,Protestant culture.

303 Conclusions

Pre-modem definitions of religion Just as a strong senseof communityprobably did much to preservethe religious tradition of the Parsisin the past,it also helpedto shapeit. As was suggestedearlier, the Hindu conceptof casteprobably played an importantrole in the way the Parsicommunity understood itself.66 This presumably implied that no clear distinctions were drawn between religious andethnic or communalidentity, so that whateverwas felt to be distinctively 'Parsi' was associatedequally with the group's cultural heritage and with its religion. Such characteristicfeatures of Parsi life probably had more to do with orthopraxy than orthodoxy;67 the community demanded- and implicitly guaranteedthe validity of68 - the observanceof rules and forms of behaviourwhich werefelt to belong to Zoroastrianism,but personalviews and intellectualbeliefs may have been considered largely irrelevant to a person's status as a Parsi Zoroastrian.69

The impact of Western definitions One can only speculateas to how, or indeedif, the average18th century Parsilayman would have defined Zoroastrianreligious beliefs. The 19th century, however, saw a profound change in the realities of Parsi religious life. Priestly authority declined sharply, as did the general confidencein priestly knowledge,which must until then have under- pinnedthe structureof Parsireligious life?O At the sametime, European ideasand valueshad an increasingimpact on the world-view of leading sectionsof the Parsicommunity. Educated Parsis must have learned that 'religion' neededto be definedas a separatecategory, distinct from other componentsof Parsi identity. Furthermore,their views on the essential nature and function of religion came to be largely basedon Western, Protestantideas, emphasising the importanceof personalbelief in, and awarenessof rationally formulatedreligious teachings. In addition to thesegeneral concepts, the Parsicommunity was faced with a range of Western academic opinions on their religion. These scholarly views differed from each other on many points but unan- imously regardeddoctrine as the essenceof Zoroastrianism,and it was often implied that the living tradition was corrupt.71 For whatever reason,72 the increasing knowledge of the Zoroastrian scriptures appearedto show that 'original' Zoroastrianismhad more in common with Europeanviews on what a religion ought to be than with current Parsi realities. In other words, insteadof the form of religion they had grown up with, cultural pressurewas brought to bear on the Parsisto acceptas their own a conceptof religion that stressedthe importanceof religious knowledgeand personalconviction. 304 Parsi Religion This developmentdeeply affected the community without, however, eradicatingold customs,beliefs and attitudes.The interviews show that the faith paradigm, based on a non-intellectual understandingof religion, continues to determine the religious lives of a significant sectionof the community,but it seemsequally clear that many people's confidencein the validity of that paradigmis shaken.Questions as to the true meaningof religion now preoccupymany Parsis to someextent. Mrs V says that she has becomeinterested in 'the Zoroastrianreligion as a religion, rather than as the Parsis were actually practising it.' Dr Y probably meansmuch the same thing when she says that 'ritual and religion are two different things.' Severalof our informantshad sought more religious knowledgeat somestage in their lives or felt they oughtto do so in future?3

The ideal of 'True Zoroastrianism' The impact of Westernconcepts, it seems,prompted Parsis to searchfor the original, 'true' form of Zoroastrianism.Based on God'srevelation to Zarathustra, this ideal religion was presumably held to consist essentially in a system of rational, wise and humane teachings. Its validity, as we saw, washeld to be supportedby the evidenceof Western academicpublications, and probably also by its perceivedsimilarity to other religions suchas Christianity and Islam. It was clearly believedto havelittle in commonwith contemporaryParsi reality, which was felt to be inadequateand which it was intendedto replace. In the courseof time, it seems,the notion that an ideal if unfamiliar form of Zoroastrianismexisted, was acceptedby important sectionsof the communityand affectedtheir thoughtson religion. It seemsunlikely that the concept of pluriformity, implying that various forms of Zoroastrianism could be equally valid, played a part in this ideal. Different belief-orientedapproaches to religious truth thereforeled to the emergenceof several movements(notably the Reformists, Theosophy, Ilm-e Khshnoom, and the Neo-traditionalists),which were in a sense competing in the quest for the one true form of Zoroastrianism.As teachingand doctrinewere felt to be essentialelements of religion, these movementspresented Zoroastrianism in termsof objective,more or less rational tenets.In doing so they further enhancedthe importanceof the belief paradigmin the minds of those equippedto take an interest in such things, whose opinions and definitions of religion inevitably influenced the rest of the community. More faith-oriented forms of Zoroastrianism gradually came to be perceived by many as old- fashionedand intellectually inferior.

305 Conclusions

The religious movements:74 teachingsand reception The history of Parsireligious movementssuggests that thosewho sought to rediscoverthe teachingsof the faith and to promotethe re-emergence of the true form of Zoroastrianism,encountered several problems. Apart from the fact that the community,whose understanding of religion had long beenbased on the faith paradigm,did not readily acceptany system of teachingsas a foundationof its religious life, the processof defining true Zoroastrianteaching itself proved to be fraught with difficulties. Oneof the chief problemsthe early Reformistsmust have encountered was that the implicit offer of Westernrecognition of Zoroastrianismas a respectablefaith camewith the proviso that no acceptablereligion could be dualist?5Initially this may not have seemedinsurmountable. Such factors as the decline of the intellectualtradition of the priesthood(with the resultingloss of the connectionbetween ancient teaching and modem views) and earlier influencesfrom the surroundingIndian culture, may have causedAhriman to becomea shadowyfigure even before Wilson attacked dualist beliefs?6 Initially, therefore, ordinary believers and modernist intellectuals may have had little difficulty in agreeingthat dualism was alien to their religion. In the long run, however, this discrepancywas to causegrave problems. Clearly the mostobvious way to rediscovertrue Zoroastrianismwas the study of the Scriptures,but to the unbiasedeye most of these77 undoubtedlyreflect a dualist world- view. Suchfactors musthave suggested at an early stagethat morethan a simple translation of the Scriptures was needed to ensure a valid interpretationof the Prophet'smessage. The discoveryby the German Iranist, M. Haug, that the Gathas were the only Avestan texts to be ascribedto Zarathustra,together with Haug'sassertion that thesetexts representeda pure ,led many Reformiststo regardonly the Gathas as authoritative?8From that time onward,there was no longer a consensuseven on the statusof the Avesta as an authoritativesource of religious truth. Of the religious movementsof the last two centuries,the Reformists now seem to be least influential among Indian Parsis. In several communitiesoutside India, on the other hand, ideas originating with this group continue to play a major role?9 This suggeststhat this very rational movement,which made few concessionsto traditional devo- tional life and implicitly rejected 'faith' as superstitious, seemed intellectually attractive for a time but ultimately failed to bring about the profoundchange of paradigmwhich would havebeen needed for it to gain ascendancyin India. Sucha changeof fundamentalassumptions is of courseoften causedby a move to a different cultural environment, which may explain the popularity of 'reformist' ideas among Parsis living in the West. 306 Parsi Religion Theosophy,another movementthat has long been influential, also seemsto havelost groundamong Parsis. Although ultimately basedon a system of teachings and 'beliefs', Theosophist thought contained elements that might appeal to faith-oriented Parsis: it stressedthe validity of the mysterious,while at the sametime presentingelements of Zoroastrian observanceas being capable of scientific explanation. Theosophymay thus have seemedto provide a link betweenthe faith and belief paradigms. Essentially, however, Theosophist ideas are cerebral,and complex; they explain elementsof Zoroastrianobservance in a way that seemsboth lucid and mysterious,but offer little outlet for devotional feelings. The fact that Theosophy can inform views on Zoroastrianismbut is not an exclusively Zoroastrianmovement, may havebeen a contributory factor to its decline in the Parsi community. Like Theosophy,Ilm-e Khshnoom is essentiallya system of occult teachings.In different ways both movementsattach great importance to Zoroastrian observance.Significant distinctions are that Khshnoomist interestin observanceand ritual is more strongly rooted in practice,and that the movementis Zoroastrianin origin. As in the caseof Theosophy, several aspectsof Khshnoomistteachings may attract'faith-based' Parsis, who could perceiveits complexteachings essentially as an expressionof divine wisdom which passes human understanding.The same is probably true of the Pundol movement. One can only speculate,at the time of writing, about the eventual impact of the major modemnon-esoteric movement, the Neo-tradition- alist group around 'ZoroastrianStudies'. After a period of spectacular popularity and successin the late 1970sand early 1980s,when Khojeste Mistree first beganteaching,80 the movementhas now reacheda more stablestage. Several of our informantssaid that they had learnedmuch from Mr Mistree or other membersof 'ZoroastrianStudies',81 but the group as such remains limited in size. As far as the contentsof Neo- traditionalist teachingsare concerned,their uncompromisingadherence to unpopularelements of classicalZoroastrianism, such as dualism,may prove an obstacle to wider acceptance.Moreover, as we saw earlier, althoughmany Parsisexpress the wish to learnmore about the doctrinal backgroundof their religion, the community'srecent history suggests that relatively few areprepared to acceptany versionof suchintellectual knowledgeas the main foundation of their religious lives. 'Zoroastrian Studies'is not exclusivelybelief-oriented, however. Mr Mistree saysthat he regardsintellectual 'belief' and 'faith' as complementaryaspects of religion, and devotionalpractices play an importantpart in the life of the group. During meetingsintellectual debatealternates with the chanting of Zoroastrianprayers, and visits to Zoroastrianshrines in Iran, led by Mr Mistree, often engenderstrong devotional or spiritual feelings in participants.82

307 Conclusions All of the 'religious movements'discussed here essentially regard teachingas the foundationof religion, andthus presuppose and inculcate the belief paradigmto someextent at least. The abovesurvey indicates, however, that the Neo-traditionalistmovement and llm-e Khshnoom, which are both more recentin origin and apparentlymore successfulin the community, acknowledgethe significanceof the devotional side of religion more strongly than the other movements.This could point to a trend away from a predominantconcern with intellectual'belief'. It may be that an increasingnumber of those who recognisethe importanceof an intellectualbasis for their religious life arenow preparedalso to admit the validity of their emotional needsin the sphereof religion, and to integratedevotion and observance intotheir fundamentallybelief-based view of religion.

RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY VS. PERSONALJUDGMENT A more spectacularinstance of the tendencyto adaptone's religious life to fit one's emotional needscan be found in the recent popularity of 'Babacults'. Most Babasare non-Parsis, but suchnewly emerging'home- grown' cults as that of Jal Baba and the Nagraniclearly form part of the same trend.83 The widespreadpopularity of these cults is generally spoken of as a recent phenomenonin the Parsi community,84 and it seemslikely that their influence is increasing. Typologically, the progressiveintegration of devotionalelements into someof the religious movementsand the growing popularity of Baba cults representvery different developments.The former are essentially belief-basedand acceptthe authority of the Zoroastriantradition. The nature of the Baba cults, on the other hand, suggestsa profoundly different approachto religion. The fundamentalattraction of suchcults may lie in the fact that they definereligion assomething mysterious and beneficial,and thusfit in with the faith paradigm.However, while other faith-oriented Parsis (such as Traditionalists) combine the faith paradigm with a strong reliance on religious authority, those who venerateBabas are clearly preparedto follow their personaljudgement in defiance of the condemnationof those who representor uphold religious authority. This suggeststhat, in addition to the faith and belief paradigms, anothercontributory factor to the pluriformity of Parsi religion can be found in differences in attitude to religious authority and personal judgement. As was said earlier, choice and individual discretion in religious matters inevitably playa role in modern Parsis' lives. The interviews suggest, however, that there is a perceptible difference between the views of those who exercise that judgementwithin the boundariesof traditional Zoroastrianismas they understandit,85 and 308 Parsi Religion those who rate the weight of their personal conscienceand under- standinghigher than that of authority.86 The tendencyto rely on either 'obedience'or 'personaljudgment', it seems,can be combinedwith both the faith and the belief paradigm.It could be argued that each combination predisposesParsis towards a particulartype of religious life, and thus to a degreeof affinity with one of the main trendsin modemParsi religion. Thesetrends can in fact be regardedas exponentsof different combinations. 1 Traditionalists representthe combination 'faith + obedience'.Their religious lives are largely basedon devotionand orthopraxy,and they understandreligion as an ancient and God-given system whose component elements work and interact in ways that are beyond humanunderstanding. The tradition, therefore,is to be acceptedand obeyedwithout question. 2 The religious movementswhich are still influential at the time of writing represent'belief + obedience'.Both 'ZoroastrianStudies' and the Ilm-e Khshnoommovement seek to understandthe true meaning of Zoroastrianism,and both groups accept that the basis for such understandingis the authority of the Zoroastrian tradition. The profound dissimilarities between the groups arise from their very different definitions of the sourcesof that authority, and from their respectiveattitudes to the occult.87 ZoroastrianTheosophists, while not confining their legitimatesources of knowledgeto the Zoroastrian tradition, accepta well-definedbody of teachingsin orderto elucidate the truth of Zoroastrianism,and could thus also be said to represent the combination'belief + obedience'. 3 The tendencyto integrateBaba cults and othereclectic elements into a life-style which is definedas Zoroastriancan, as we saw, be explained as deriving from the combination 'faith + personaljudgment'. Like Traditionalists, thesebelievers understandreligion as an essentially non-intellectualsystem of observance,which is expectedto produce benefits.However, while Traditionalistsregard their life-style as valid primarily becauseit is based on the authority of tradition, the 'eclecticist' obviously feels that the validity of religion can best be judged by one'spersonal experience of its beneficial results. Thus if eclectic practicesare seenor believed to be effective, it follows that they must be regarded as valid in spite of the disapproval of Zoroastrianauthority. 4 The combination 'belief + personal judgment' is perhaps most strikingly typified by the mentality of the early Reformists,who were looking for true Zoroastrianism,took it for granted that what they held to be true must form part of that religion, and were preparedto reform and reinterpretthe tradition to fit their views. In modemdays,

309 Conclusions this combinationis found in thoseParsis who incorporateelements of the tradition into their lives but are ultimately guided by rational judgmentsderiving from a modemworld-view. Generallyspeaking, the views of these'modernists' are too much in line with the spirit of the times to necessitatethe foundationor continuationof a movement. It is interestingto note that the groupsgenerally labelled 'orthodox' by the community itself (Traditionalists, Neo-traditionalistsand esoteric movements)belong to groups1 and 2. However different thesegroups may seem to an outsider, in the eyes of the community 'orthodoxy' largely seems to consist in a fundamental acceptanceof religious authority. In a book on Parsi religion, the voices of those who do not regard themselvesas practising Zoroastrians is of coursenot stronglyheard, nor canit be assumedthat theseParsis form a homogeneousgroup. It may be relevantnevertheless to suggestthat the absenceof both faith and belief paradigm(resulting in somecases from the fact that neither observance nor religious teaching played a role in childhood), together with a predominantreliance on personaljudgment,88 may lead to a world-view in which there is little place for religion. Mrs M's testimonymay not be untypical in this respect;brought up virtually without observanceor doctrine, she thinks of religion mostly as a basis for private morality (which is of course ultimately determinedby personaljudgment); she values Zoroastrianismbecause it has inspired her illustrious ancestors but otherwiseseems to have little affinity with it. Her remark, 'I think that religion is not rigid at all in its demands,so onetakes it or leavesit - and it is easier to leave it!' illustrates a remotenessfrom traditional Zoroastrianismwhich may be sharedby many who are born into the Parsi community.89

DEBATES ON RELIGIOUS ISSUES: A COMMUNITY AT CROSS-PURPOSES On the individual level, the interviewsshow that - in spite of inevitable uncertaintiesand confusions90 - mostParsis have found solutionsto the problemsand perplexitiesresulting from the factors mentionedabove, and havearrived at an understandingadequate to serveas a framework for their religious lives. Also, as was pointed out at the beginningof this chapter, the interviews indicate that enough survives of a common tradition to makedifferent forms of Zoroastrianismmutually intelligible as such. As far as the communityas a whole is concerned,however, the frequent discussions about religion - particularly about questions involving definitions of religious identity - show that the views and arguments of the various groups are too different to admit of

310 Parsi Religion constructive debate. (Ironically, given this diversity of views, such argumentsare generallybased on the assumptionthat only one form of Zoroastrianismcan be valid.) Argumentsabout the questionof 'marrying out' and conversionwhich are basedconsistently on either the faith or belief paradigmmay be coherentenough to impressthose who areof like mind, yet utterly fail to convincethose who have a different view of the nature of religion. The reasoning of those who are unconsciously influenced by both paradigmsnaturally tends to be less logical, and generallydoes little more than to make clear their personalviews. Ratherthan 'faith vs. belief', however,the principal factor dividing the community on these issues seems to be 'obedience vs. personal judgment'. Traditionalists (group 1),91 Neo-traditionalists(group 2)92 andmembers of esotericmovements (group 2)93 all tend to be opposedto a departurefrom tradition in this respect. On this issue, as on many others,what unites the 'orthodox' groupsis clearly their acceptanceof the authority of tradition. Thosewho advocatea more openpolicy often base their views on a rational interpretation of religion and on the validity of personaljudgment (group 4).94 Neither the interviews nor community consensussuggests that 'eclecticists' (group 3) have characteristicviews on this issue.95 The way in which incompatible unconscious assumptionsand attitudescan lead to complexitiesof reasoningin the caseof individuals, and to mutual incomprehensionbetween opponentsin a debate, is illustrated by several passagesin the interviews. For instance,Mrs E says: It is just common senseto me that Zoroasterwanted to convert the people to good, what he felt was the best for everybody. So why would he want to exclude some people, 'No, you are not fit for my religion, you are not fit for my thoughts!' I don't think that anyone with any intelligence or goodnessin him could do that, and I really don't see that it should be even an issue. We are supposedto be the charitablereligion, andwe arebeing so exclusiveand stupid. It makes no senseto me, I am sorry! The concept of 'religion' implied here -a belief-oriented form of Zoroastrianismwhose teachings may prompt outsidersto convert96 - is clearly distinct in Mrs E's mind from that of 'tradition', by which she meansParsi observance: I feel tradition is important.If we haveno tradition, slowly nothingwill matter,everything will disappearinto 'Why do this, why do that?'So I feel thesefew things are like hooks for you to identify what you are. Although Mrs E hasno doubtsthat shewould prefera Parsidaughter in law, she finds it difficult to decidehow important this would be to her:

311 Conclusions What I am trying to see is .... what is more important? I feel that eventually the soul has to be pure and good, the other things are extras in a way. How do I know that if he [her son] married a wonderful girl who loved the religion, why should she not want to follow our religion? And supposinghe married a very sophisticated money-grubbingParsi woman who did not care for any of this? You cannotbe really sure. As far as religion generallyis concernedMrs E predominantlythinks in terms of the belief paradigm,and what clinches the argumentfor her is the force of reasonrather than the weight of authority and tradition. When it comesto her own family, however,aspects of a more traditional set of assumptionsand values come to the fore and make her more doubtful. We find similar complexitiesin the views of Mrs H, who makesit clear that the faith paradigmof her youth now has little meaningin her life. Religion is essentiallya personalmatter for her, but her discoveryof a literature explaining the meaningof Zoroastrianismhas causedher to take a lively interest in these matters. The belief paradigm, in other words,has proved a more acceptablemodel than the faith paradigm.The questionof marrying out is an importantissue for Mrs H becausesome of her in-laws have married non-Zoroastrians.Part of the debateon the subjectbetween Mrs H and the Neo-traditionalistMrs Munshi97 goesas follows: Since there is this in your family, how is it reconciled? On the one hand one has given up part of the religion ... [Politely, but with somevehemence.] I don't think my sister-in-lawhas given up her religion at all! Not in the senseof practising it, of course, but oneforsakes something of the religion when one takes that step, and yet everythingabout the religion ... I don't think so! That may be the difference betweenwhat you are saying and what I am thinking. I don't believe my sister-in-law has forsakenanything. As a matter of fact both my nieceshave had their Navjote done,together with my children. And therewas a Zoroastrian priest who taught them their prayers. All the children go to the Agiaries. I don't think my sister-in-lawhas forsaken her religion at all! She hasjust married out of the community. The dilemma is going to come if these girls ... [do not marry Zoroastrians].I don't know what sort of Zoroastrianismthey [would] be handingover to their children. Becauseeven though they seetheir mother practise the religion at home and they take part in all Zoroastrianactivities and festivities, and they have this great anchor of Zoroastriangrandparents, uncles, aunts,nieces ... If they marry a

312 Parsi Religion non-Zoroastrian,I don't know. It is that generationwe should think about. In India, at leastin Bombay,they'll still seeit, we havea strong presencehere. But what about thoseplaces where there are just four Zoroastrianfamilies, or evenforty? Those kids are being rearedin a totally different environment...

In other words, in spite of her definition of religion mainly in terms of belief and her referenceto someaspects of observanceas 'hocus-pocus', Mrs H doubts if future generationscould practise a valid form of the religion without the exampleof the living tradition, which in practiceis largely basedon tradition and observance. Mrs H, who is interestedin and generallysupportive of the activities of 'ZoroastrianStudies', would agreewith Mrs Munshi on many issues. However,mutual incomprehensioncould hardly be more completethan at the point whereMrs H says,'That may be the differencebetween what you are saying and what I am thinking.' Mrs Munshi regardsmarrying out as wrong becauseshe holds that the Zoroastriantradition forbids it. Mrs H hasmade a rational appraisalof what shepersonally knows about the subject,and drawn her own conclusions. If Mrs H's reasoning could thus be called inductive, Mrs E's is deductive; her argument is based on the general premise that Zarathustramust haveconverted others, from which she concludesthat conversioncannot be forbidden in Zoroastrianism,and that non-Parsis may thereforeconvert. Using different typesof logic, both women(group 4) arrive at very similar conclusions.Mrs Munshi (group 2), who shares many of their belief-basedassumptions but for whom the weight of authority is greaterthan that of personaljudgment, is unlikely to seethe force of argumentsof either type, and vice versa.

As we have seen, profoundly different sets of assumptionsabout the essentialnature of religion, togetherwith dissimilar views on the role of personaljudgement, have caused Parsis to shapetheir religious lives in a variety of ways, and thus contributedto the emergenceof the range of religious views, trendsand movements that characterisesthe community today. Since it is widely felt at the same time that only one form of Zoroastrianismcan be right and valid, most Parsispresumably see the currentpluriform stateof affairs in a negativelight. Differences of this kind are of coursenot peculiar to Parsis,but the impactof suchdivisions may proveto be particularlystrong in their case. The communityis small and relatively well educated,which meansthat religious debates and disagreementsaffect the average Parsi more directly than they might do in other religions. Secondly,since religion is an importantcomponent of Parsiidentity, a generalfeeling of pessimism 313 Conclusions and a belief that the great days of the Parsisare over98 are presumably reinforced by the perceptionof modem religious life as muddled and possiblycorrupt. Against this, it might be pointed out that the interviews show that a tradition which is recognisably Parsi continues to inspire strong devotionalfeelings and a greatdeal of thoughton religion. Furthermore, however striking the dissimilarities between the various forms of Zoroastrianism that are currently in evidence, an analysis of those differencessuggests that they result from divergent interpretationsof what is essentiallya sharedtradition. This would seemto imply that modemParsi Zoroastrianism is no more corrupt- if also no lesscomplex - than the religion of most other communitiestoday. It is curious and perhapsironic that, whilst many Parsishold that all religions are equally valid, no such acceptanceof religious pluriformity informs their views on Zoroastrianism.If the different groups in the communitywere viewed as valid or at leastacceptable parts of a greater whole, rather than as exponentsof inadequateand thereforefallacious attemptsto achievea monolithic ideal,the communitymight be able to celebrateits contemporary,pluriform reality as anotherphase in the long and varied history of Zoroastrianismin India.

Notes 1 Mr Ranina,Dr Y, Mr Tamboly, Mrs H, and severalothers. 2 Mrs M, Mr B, Mr N. 3 Mrs V, Mrs E, in a senseMr B. 4 Seeabove, p. 144. 5 Mr Mistree, Mr Ranina,Dr Master-Moos,Mr Dadrawala. 6 Dr Bharucha,Mr 5, Mrs Q. 7 Mr Mistree, Mr Dadrawala,Dr Master-Moos,Mr T. 8 Mrs 0, Mrs V, Mrs V. 9 Mr Antia, Mr Doctor. 10 Mrs 0, Mrs E. 11 Mrs 0, Mr K, Mrs V, Dr Y. 12 Ervad Yazdi Aibara. 13 Mr T and Dr Y respectively. 14 For examplesof this usagesee e.g. theinterview with Ms Khurody (pp. 156, 160). 15 e.g. Mrs N. 16 See Mrs Munshi's accountabove, p. 41 n. 19. 17 Mrs 0. 18 See the interview with Mrs V. In its publication Ushta Te, the Neo- traditionalist organisation'Zoroastrian Studies' now publishesshort prayer formulas (nirang) as potentialremedies for variousproblems. Although these are generallychosen on the basisof their meaning,it is not felt to be essential that recipientsshould understandthe text. 19 Notably Mr Doctor and Mrs E. Mrs E's remarkson the subjectat the time of the recordedinterview were brief, but she expressedherself more fully in a conversationwith the presentwriter before the recordedinterview began.

314 Parsi Religion 20 Mr Mistree, Mrs Q, Mr S. 21 Seee.g. the interview with Dr Bharucha,whose worship of God is clearly the core of her existence;when a patient'slife was in danger,however, she called on the Yazad Sarosh.In the casesof both Mrs Q and Mrs X a devotionto the Waters seemsto act as a focus for their worship of God; as far as personal prayers are concerned,Mrs Q said that these were 'betweenmy God and myself'. 22 e.g. Mrs E, Mrs L, Mr T. 23 Interviews whereprayer plays an important role but no doctrinal context is mentionedinclude thosewith Mrs N, Mrs L, Mrs V and Dr Y. 24 Mr Antia, seeabove, pp. 76-7. 25 On thesefigures seeabove, p. 50. For an exampleof devotion to Kookadaru see the interview with Mrs U. On the prayersprescribed by the late Ervad Aibara seethe interview with Mrs L. 26 Or 'Babas',i.e. living peoplewho arebelieved to havegreat spiritual powers. On Baba cults seefurther below. 27 e.g. Mrs E, Mrs V, Mrs X. 28 e.g. Mr Mistree, Mrs V, Mrs E. 29 In Parsi usage'orthodox' is practically synonymouswith 'traditional', and appearsto be associatedprimarily with obedienceto authority in mattersof religion (see e.g. the interview with Ms Khurody, above, p. 153, and see further below). 30 Dr Y. 31 In recent years 'ZoroastrianStudies' has taken the initiative of teaching in primary schoolsin Bombay,which meansthat significantnumbers of children are now confrontedwith belief-orientedteaching at an early age. 32 Examplesare Mrs H, Ms Khurody, Dr Bharucha,and severalothers. 33 For exceptionsto this generaltrend seeabove, p. 55 n. 6. 34 On historical aspectsof this changesee Maneck 1994, Stausberg1997. 35 Mrs H saysof somethingshe considers justifiable, 'if it is a sin, it is between her andher Maker' (p. 174); Ms Khurody remarksthat it is no 'sin or crime' to readAvestan texts from a book (p. 160). 36 Mrs E, for example,had considerabledifficulty in rememberingthe nameof Ahriman. 37 Seeabove, p. 147; the other is Mr Pithavala(p. 248), d. n. 39, below. 38 This doesnot mean,of course,that thesebeliefs haveno emotionalreality for theseinformants. Soon after the interview with Mr Mistreewas recorded,Mrs Munshi was diagnosedwith a very serious illness. Reports to the present writer on the long processof recovery,in which the membersof 'Zoroastrian Studies'shared to an extent not normally known in the West, indicatedthat the existenceof evil was,or cameto be, perceivedby manygroup membersas far more than an intellectual idea. In a letter to the author (June 1996), Mrs Munshi wrote aboutthe emotionalcomfort of knowing it was not God who did this to her. 39 Dr Master-Moos explains, for example, that the machinations of her adversarieswere inspired by Ahriman; the rest of the interview suggests, however,that the conceptof evolution to ever higher stagesof development plays a far greater role in her metaphysicsthan dualism. Mr T's wife's remarks about the power of some ceremoniesto ward off evil spirits can hardly be takenas evidenceof a fundamentallydualist world-view, but these ideasobviously originatedin a dualist tradition. Mr Pithavala,who doesnot otherwise appearto hold dualist views, stated that prayer is particularly

315 Conclusions effective at noon becausethe sun is at its zenith and 'the strengthof evil is somewhat lessened' (p. 252); like Dr Bharucha, Mr Pithavala further mentioned a childhood belief that Ahriman might enter the body if one failed to follow certain rules (p. 248). The fact that two somewhatolder informantsreported such beliefs suggeststhat suchideas were not unusualin the earlier decadesof the 20th century. 40 This term is usedhere for thosegroups whose ideas are basedon a systemof occultteachings, such as the Theosophists,Khshnoomists and Pundolites. In its earlier stages,Ervad Aibara'scampaign to promoteKookadaru seems to have had someof the characteristicsof suchmovements (e.g. someteachings of an esotericnature and the beginningsof an organisation),but in its presentform the phenomenonis probablybest described as a cult (seealso above,p. 50f). 41 Mrs Q, Mr B, andtwo 'esotericists'(Dr Master-Moos,Mr Pithavala).The belief in reincarnation(on which see also above, p. 54), is in fact so widespread among Parsis that the magazineParsiana sent questionnairesto Western scholarsin the 1980s,asking whetherthey regardedreincarnation as part of Zoroastrianteaching. The debatestill continuesin Parsi circles. 42 e.g. Dr Y, Mrs L, Ms Khurody. 43 e.g. Mr T. 44 cf. the interview with Mrs A, whosedaughters said, 'Are we harijans that you are trying to tell us not to touch ... ' 45 Mrs M. 46 See the interviews with Mrs °and Dr Y respectively. Mr Pithavala also mentionedthe effect of menstruatingwomen on pickles. 47 Mr Pithavala,who was96 yearsold at the time of the interview, may safelybe included in this category(see previous note). 48 Mrs X, Mrs V; Mrs M implies a similar attitude. 49 Mrs 0, Mrs A, Mrs L, Mrs X. 50 Dr Y, Mrs X. 51 Seee.g. Ms Khurody'sremarks about herfather; the sameview canbe found in the interviews with Mrs V and Mrs M. 52 Mrs E, Mr N, Mr B. 53 cf. Mr Pithavala'sremarks discussed in n. 39, above. 54 This conversation,which was not recordedbut whosemain points were written down by the presentwriter immediatelyafterwards, took place in Bombay on 6 March 1996. The theme of the Zoroastrian ban on walking barefoot also occurs in the published interview with Dr Bharucha(p. 147). 55 i.e. the high ceremoniesthat can only be performedin a fire temple or an especiallyconsecrated area (see above,p. 9). 56 Information lowe to DasturKotwal; seealso the interview with Ms Khurody. 57 e.g. Mrs A, Mrs N, Dr Master-Moos,Mr Doctor, Mr Ranina,Mr Tamboly. In a communicationdated 3 March 1999, Mrs Munshi informs me that in her opinion the demandfor high rituals is increasingsignificantly. 58 See e.g. the interview with Dr Master-Moos.The increasedinterest in high rituals noted by Mrs Munshi (see previousnote) is presumablyto be found mainly amongthese groups. 59 See Internet, http://www.weareindia.com/parsibazaar/ praycer.html. 60 In the 9th centuryCE it was not unusualfor prieststo visit outlying areasin order to solicit commissions(and payment)from the locals for rituals which were to be performed in their absence in far-away fire temples, see Kreyenbroek1987b.

316 Parsi Religion 61 The Neo-traditionalists,who believein dualism,are presumably exceptions to this rule. 62 Mrs V, Mr 5, Mr Ranina,Mr N, Mrs V, Dr Y, Mrs Q, Mrs X. Such statements are almost a commonplacein Parsi discourse; some followers of esoteric teachings hold that the various religions are 'assigned'to individuals of different degreesof spiritual development(see above,p. 238). 63 Some informants (e.g. Mr Antia, Dr Master-Moos, Ervad Aibara, Mr K) seemedto imply that the validity of a person'sreligion can be demonstrated by the power of their prayersto bring aboutpositive results. 64 But seefurther below, under 'Religious authority vs. personaljudgment'. 65 Seee.g. the interviews with Mrs 0, Mrs A, Mrs N, and Mrs U. 66 See Writer 1996, and compareMr Pithavala'sreferences to the Parsis as a 'caste' (p. 247). For elementsof Hindu origin which are mentionedin the interviews seeIndex, s.v. Hindu. 67 Henceprobably the widespreadview that weddingcustoms and celebrations marking stagesof pregnancyand early childhood are as much part of the Zoroastrianreligious tradition as Navjotesor funerals (see above,p. 27). 68 Even in our time severalinformants (Mrs 0, Mrs A, Mrs L, Mr Tamboly) said that they had not questionedthe validity of religious observancesin their youth becausethese were followed by all communitymembers. 69 That sometraditional Parsisdo not strongly associatereligious identity with personalbeliefs evennow wasillustrated by a conversationI hadwith Dastur Dr EM. Kotwal (Bombay,August 1995), in which the latter inquiredabout my religion. The reply that I had none led to further questioning,which ended with a query as to my parents'religion. On learning that they had been Christians,Dastur Kotwal simply concluded,'Ah, so you are a Christian: 70 Seeabove, p. 45f. 71 For a brief surveyof early Orientalists'views seeBoyce's remarks on Hyde, Anquetil du Perron,Haug, and West (Boyce 1979: 194-204). 72 The priestly characterof the Zoroastrianscriptures probably played a role here, and may havereinforced a tendencyon the part of WesternIranists to describeZoroastrianism in terms deriving from their knowledgeof Christian or Islamic doctrine. 73 Mr Mistree, Mr Dadrawala,Dr Bharucha,Dr Master-Moos,Mr Doctor, Mrs Nusservanjee,Mrs V, Mr T, Dr Y; to some extent Mrs Q (who calls for a 'revival'), and Mrs E. 74 On Baba cults, which are not defined here as 'movements',see below. 75 On the role of the Rev. John Wilson in this processsee above, p. 46. 76 SeeManeck 1994. 77 On the Reformists' use of M. Haug's conclusionson the Gathas see Boyce 1979: 203, and below. 78 See Boyce 1979: 202-3. 79 Seeabove, p. 48 with n. 22. 80 See the interview with Mr Mistree. 81 e.g. Ms Khurody, Mrs X, Mr Tamboly. 82 See the interview with Mr Dadrawala. 83 On the ambiguousstatus of the Kookadaru-Aibaracult in this respectsee above,n. 40. 84 See the interview with Dr F (p. 103), and Mrs Munshi's remarks in the interview with Mr Tamboly (p. 189). 85 Mrs A, Mr 5, andMr T, for example,believe in the validity of the Purity Laws but acceptthat it is not always possibleto comply with all of them.

317 Conclusions 86 Membersof the latter group often mentiontheir independenceof judgement with a certainpride, e.g. Dr Y, Mrs H, Mrs E, and Mrs V. 87 Neo-traditionalistsregard Scripture and tradition as the exclusive basis of religious knowledgeand are not looking for esotericexplanations, whereas Khshnoom recognises BehramshahShroff's occult teachings as another legitimate source of authority. The same is true, mutatis mutandis, of the Pundolites. 88 The combination'no paradigm+ obedience'is unlikely to exist, or in any case to persistfor any length of time, as it would logically develop into 'belief + obedience'(the life historiesof Mr Mistreeand Ms Khurody showelements of sucha development). 89 Dr F's husbandindicates that he often, though not always, thinks along the samelines. 90 Mrs X, for example, uses belief-type argumentsto justify her eclectic but clearly faith-basedreligion; Dr Y clearly has faith in the power of prayer,but in other mattersshe attachesgreat importance to understanding. 91 Mr Antia, Mr Ranina. 92 Mr Dadrawala,'Zoroastrian Studies'. 93 Mr Doctor, Mr Pithavala,Mrs E's mother. 94 Mrs V, Mrs E, Mrs H, seefurther p. 312f. 95 Mrs X, whoseviews and assumptionslargely correspondto thoseof group 3, is strongly againstmarrying out, but thereis not enoughevidence to suggest that her views are characteristicof the group as a whole. 96 After the interview, Mrs E emphaticallyasked the presentwriter whetherhe would wish to convert to Zoroastrianismif this were possible. 97 One of the reasonsfor Mrs Munshi's uncharacteristicopenness during the interview with Mrs H may havebeen that the two womenare acquainted and know each other's point of view, which could have made a more reticent approachseem unnatural. 98 Mr N, Mr B. See also Luhrman1996.

318 Appendices 1 Divisions of Time in Zoroastrianism

MONTHS, DAYS, WATCHES

[Theseare given in the form generallyused by Parsis.]

MONTHS

1. Fravardin,Farvardin 7. Meher 2. Ardibehesht 8. Ava(n) 3. Khordad 9. Adar 4. Tir 10. Dae 5. Amardad 11. Bahman 6. Shehrevar 12. Aspandad,Aspandarmad

DAYS

1. Hormazd 5. Aspandad, 9. Adar 14. Gosh (Lord Wisdom, Aspandarmad (Fire) (Soul of the Ox) God the Creator) (Beneficent Devotion) 10. Ava(n) 15. Dae-pa-Meher, 2. Bahman (Waters) Dep-Meher (Good Thought) 6. Khordad (Creator'sday (Wholeness) 11. Khurshed before Meher) 3. Ardibehesht (Sun) (Best Righteous- 7. Amardad 16. Meher ness) (Immortality) 12. Mohor (Mithra, Guardian (Moon) of Order) 4. Shehrevar 8. Daepadar, (The Power Dep-Adar 13. Tir 17. Sarosh which must be (Creator'sday (PlanetMercury) (Hearkening, chosen) before Adar) between God and Man) 319 Appendices 18. Rashne 22. Govad 25. Ashishvang 28. Zamyad (The Judge) (Wind) (Recompense) (Earth)

19. Fravardin, 23. Dae-pa-Din, 26. Ashtad 29. Mahraspand Farvardin Dep-Din Oustice) (Holy Word) (All Souls) (Creator'sday before Din) 27. Asman 30. Aneran 20. Behram (Sky) (EndlessLight) (Victory, Success) 24. Din (Religion) 21. Ram (Peace)

The last five daysof the year are known by the namesof the five Calhas: Ahunavad,Ushtavad, Spentomad, Vohukhshathra, and Vahishtoisht.

THE WATCHES OF THE DAY (GEH) HAVAN geh: from daybreakto mid-morning. RAPITHVIN geh (in spring and summer): from mid-morning to mid- afternoon. SECOND HAVAN (in autumn and winter, when the spirit of Rapithvin is thought to be underground):from mid-morning to mid-afternoon. UZIRAN geh: from mid-afternoonto sunset. AIWISRUTHRIM geh: from sunsetto midnight. USHAHIN geh: from midnight to dawn.

320 2 Word List

The aim of this word list is to explain common Gujarati and Iranian termswhich occur in the interviews.For termswhich arenot found here (suchas the namesof divinities or prayers),the readeris referredto the Index.

Achu Michu a welcoming or celebratoryceremony Adar Fire Adaran Fire, Atash Adaran sacredfire of the secondgrade Adravanu, the first day of the weddingceremonies, often also regardedas the engagementday Afarganiyu fire vase Afrinagan a ceremony.See also Jashan Agar batti incensestick Agharni a ceremonyheld during pregnancy Agiary fire temple AmeshaSpentas, Amshaspands, greatdivine or angelic beings Ameshaspands,Amahraspandan Anjuman assembly,community, local council Annaroja the five daysof eachmonth when some Parsis abstainfrom eatingmeat Aramgah cemetery ArdibeheshtniChavi a divining ritual Arti, aarti Hindu act of worship Ashirvad 'benediction',part of the weddingservice Ashodad cashgift to a priest Atash Fire Atash Behram fire temple of highestgrade Atashkade fire temple (Iranian usage) Atash Niyayesh the prayerto Fire AtashnuGit a long songwith religious connotations Athornan priestly caste,member of priestly family Ava(n) the Waters,water Ava(n) Ardvisur Niyayesh the prayerto the Waters Avesta the SacredBook of the Zoroastrians Baba 'holy man'

321 Word List Baj (1) silencekept on certain occasions;(2) anniversaryof a death;(3) a religious ceremony Bangli a building for funerary purposes,in the precinctsof the Towers of Silence Bareshnum purificatory ritual Baug (1) Parsi housingestate or 'colony'; (2) area where Navjotesand weddingstake place Behdin memberof a non-priestlyfamily Besna ceremonyheld when a baby learnsto sit Boy fuel to be offered to a temple fire (by priests) Boyvala priest serving a sacredfire Chaharom (observancesof) the fourth day after death Chana chickpeas Chashni (1) ritual tasting of consecratedfood; (2) the food itself Chatthi observanceof the sixth day after birth Chavi ceremony seeunder Ardibeheshtni Chavi Cheragno Namaskar a prayer Chok chalk pattern Chokkhai purity Dadar(ji) Creator,God Dadgah Fire, Atash-eDadgah sacredfire of the third grade Dahi machli a tray with yoghurt and fish, exchanged betweenfamilies as part of the wedding ceremonies Dahyu (1) spiritual region; (2) plane of nature Dakhme,dakhma, dokhme Tower of Silence Dakhme-nashini,dokhme-nashini exposureof the deadin the Towers of Silence Dal id., lentils, pulse Dalni pori round flat cakeswith sweetdal filling Dar-e Meher place for performanceof high rituals Dargah Sufi-type shrine Darun, dron 'sacredbread', consecrated and partakenof by priestsduring somerituals Dasmu (observancesof) the tenth day after death Dastur(ji) (1) a High Priest; (2) a priest Dasturi formula recitedby nasesalarsbefore laying out a body Dhan Teras 13th day of the secondhalf of the Hindu month of Aso, when someParsis wash their jewellery in milk Dhandar patyo rice with sweetdal and a savouryfish dish Dhobi washerman,laundry

322 Word List Diso day; deathanniversary Divo oil lamp, often kept burning as a religious symbol Divo adarni rit a ceremonialexchange of gifts during the weddingrituals Doongerwadi Towers of Silence Dron, see Darun Druj, drug personificationof Evil Drujo Demana 'Houseof Evil', Hell Dua, doa prayer Dua magvi offering personalprayers for blessings Dudh phul milk and flowers rubbedover a child before its bath on festive occasions Dussera a Hindu festival Ek-so-eknam 'the 101 Namesof God', a prayer Faraziyat the obligatory prayers Fareshta (1) angel; (2) a ceremony Farman command Farohar, Asho Farohar fravashi (q.v.) Farokhshi a ritual for the soul of the dead Farvardiyan, Fravardiyan fravashis (q.v.) Fravashi an aspector part of the soul Fui paternalaunt Gah seeGeh Gahambar a gatheringof religious and social importance,centred around a communal meal Garbo, garba (1) dancewith singing; (2) the song Garo Demana 'Houseof Song',Heaven Gatha days the last five days of the year, namedafter the five Gathas Gathas the most sacredtexts of the Avesta, probably composedby Zarathustra Geh, gah watch (of day or night) Geh-sarnu,geh-sarna recitation of the Gathas by priest during funeral Gomez unconsecratedbull's urine, seealso Taro Gor jaggery (brown sugar) Gorani womanwho specialisesin tasks of a religious nature,such as preparingdaruns (q.v.) Gorni bharvani rit ceremonyheld when a baby beginsto eat solids (mostly in villages) Goyan professionalsinger

323 Word List Gulabdan containerfor rose-water Guru spiritual teacher Haldi turmeric (powderor paste) Hamajor, Hamazor ceremonialway of greetingeach other Hambandagi communalprayers Hamkara (in Parsi usage)an importantdivine being Hamkara day the day of the month devotedto a hamkara (q.v.) Havangeh watch of the day, from daybreaktill mid- morning Hamayasht a sequenceof rituals Hoshbam (1) dawn; (2) a prayerrecited at dawn Ijashne, Ijeshne see Yasna Iranshah the Atash Behramat Udwada Jamo, jama white overcoatworn by priests JamshediNavroz the New Year festival celebratedon 21 March Jarthoshtno Diso (1) the 11th dayof the monthof Dae,the death anniversaryof the ProphetZarathustra; (2) a prayerfor this occasion Jashan a ceremony.See also Afrinagan Jashn-eSadeh an ancientIranian festival, not generally observedby Parsis Jhabhlu loose smock, with Chineseembroidery, worn by children on somesolemn occasions Jorani Kriya ceremoniesfor surviving spouse,which are performedtogether with thoseof deceased Jori pori ceremonialgift of a cradle and other things when mother and baby leave mother's parents'house Kali Chowdas 14th day of the secondhalf of the Hindu month of Aso, when somepeople engage in black magic Karma id., a Hindu concept Khandiyo, khandiya professionalwho takescorpse into the Tower, corpse-bearer Kharaptu yellow pastemade with turmeric and wheat flour Kharek arecanut Khariyu trotters Khichri 'yellow rice' Khichrini rit a ceremonyforming part of the wedding celebrations Khordadsal the 6th day of the month of Fravardin, celebratedas Zarathustra'sbirthday

324 Word List Khoreh, khorre (in Parsi usage)an auraemanating from the body (Old Iranian khvarnah) Khorshed sun Khvan table for ritual purposes Kriya ceremony,ritual Kumkum a red powderor paste Kusti 'sacredgirdle' Larvo a sweet Lengha loose trousers Laban incense Labandan incenseburner Machi (1) a 'throne'of nine piecesof sandalwoodto be offered to a sacredfire; (2) the ritual offering of this wood Madav saro ceremonyin which a plant is sown or planted,part of the weddingcelebrations Mah Bokhtar Niyayesh a prayer addressedto the Moon Mahino month Malmal thin muslin cloth from which the shyav (q.v.) is made Manthra SacredWord, prayeror sacredformula Martab, Maratib (1) the secondinitiation ceremonyfor the priesthood;(2) (the priestholding) the degree thus obtained Masiso (observancesperformed) one month after a death Mathabanu scarf-like headcover Matku, matlu, matla earthenwarepot MisvanemGatu purgatory Mohalla, mahalla quarter,area, part of town Monajat devotionalsong Moridar plain dal without spices Muktad festival dedicatedto the spirits of the dead, beginningon the 10th day before Navroz and traditionally lasting for 18 days Mushkil Asan (1) 'problem-solver',epithet of Behram; (2) a popularceremony in honourof Behram Nahn, nahan a purification ritual Najar evil eye Nasesalar professionalwho lays out a deadbody and placesit on the bier, pall bearer Navar (1) the first initiation ceremonyfor the priesthood;(2) (the priestholding) the degree thus obtained

325 Word List Navjote initiation as a memberof the community Navroz New Year Nirang (1) consecratedbull's urine (2) a short prayer formula Nirangdin a ritual to consecratebull's urine Niyayesh prayer Ovarna rite to removeevil Pachli ratnu uthamnu the Uthamnaof the fourth morningafter death Padan piece of cloth covering the mouth, generally worn by priestsduring rituals Padyab ablution of handsand face, usually preceding the untying and retying of the kusti Paghri, pugree Parsi cap, seealso pheta Pagladu ceremonyheld when a baby beginsto walk Pahlavi, Pehelvi Middle Persian,the languageof many Zoroastrianreligious works Paidast (Parsi) funeral Paigambar prophet Paivand 'contact',made by two peopleduring funeral by holding one end of a cord each Pallu, pallav loose front part of the sari Panchmasyu ceremonyheld during fifth month of pregnancy Panthak 'parish' Panthaki 'parishpriest' Papeti last Catha day, originally known as Pateti Parab feast day, observedwhen day and month devotedto a prominentYazata coincide Parsipanu Parsi culture and identity Pateti seePapeti PatIo a small platform Patyo a thick curry with fish (see dhandar patyo) Pavi spacefor ritual purposes Pazand late Middle Persianwritten in Avestanscript Peheramni gift of cashmade on specialoccasions Penda a sweet Pheta Parsi cap, seealso paghri Pichi a healing ritual Pichori piece of cloth which a child wearsover the shoulderduring Navjote (q.v.) before investiturewith the sudreh (q.v.) Pijama baggytrousers Pithi a yellow powderwhich is mixed with turmeric and usedat weddings

326 Word List Pithi chorvani rit 'pithi-rubbingceremony', part of the wedding ceremonies Prakash (divine) light Qibla (1) directionof prayer(Muslim usage);(2) fire chamber(Zoroastrian usage) Randel, rander, randel bharvani rit a ceremonyperformed some time after a wedding Rangoli chalk pattern(on thresholds) Rapithvin geh (in spring and summer)watch of mid- morning till mid-afternoon Rasi astrologicalcalculations to identify the letters with which a child's namemay begin Ravo semolina Roj day of the month, eachroj being devotedto a divine being Rupiya pehervanikriya solemnexchange of gifts of money to signify an engagement Sabi portrait (of Prophet,etc.) Sachkar the ceremonyof laying out a body Sagan a short ceremonyto greet and honours.o. Sagdid the rite of exposinga corpseto the gazeof a dog Sagri a small fire kept in the precinctof the Towers of Silence Saheb Master,lord Salgireh anniversaryof the enthronementof a sacred fire Saoshyant Saviour Sapat slipper Saturn a ceremonyfor the deadin which prayersare said over food and drink Ses silver tray usedon ceremonialoccasions Sev sweetvermicelli Sezdo the ceremonyof payingthe last respectsto the dead Sheri Gahambar(q.v.) for women Shyav set of muslin clothes,which is ritually consecratedduring someceremonies for the dead Sohvasan a womanwhose husband is alive Sopari betel nut Soparo a hollow silver or metalcone, representing the mythical Mt Hara Sudreh,sadro 'sacred'shirt

327 Word List Sukhad sandalwood Suprani rit the 'winnowing ceremony',part of the weddingcelebrations Suraj vadhavanirit a ceremonyto greetthe sun Swastik Indian swastikasymbol Tandorosti (a prayerfor) well-being Taro unconsecratedbull's urine Tavil exegesis Toran garland,usually of flowers Ukardi lutvani rit a gameplayed during the weddingdays Ushahingeh the dawn watch Uthamna, Uthamnu a funerary ceremony Uthyanu synomymof Uthamna, q.v. Uziran geh the late afternoonwatch, 3.40 p.m. till sunset Vadhavo ceremonyto welcomea new baby to the father'shouse Val a pulse,bean Val ne rotli dish of val (q.v.) and bread Valavo day of bidding farewell to the fravashis (q.v.) Varadhni rit part of the weddingcelebrations Varovar the rites of the eighth day after a celebration, which in a sensecomplete it Vendidad (1) an Avestantext; (2) a ritual Yasna, Ijeshne, Ijashne (1) the central priestly ritual of Zoroastrianism;(2) the liturgy of this ritual Yazata, Yazad, Yajad divine being

328 Bibliography

Bose, S. and R. Kullara (1978), A Socia-economicSurvey of the Parsis of , Delhi Boyce, M. (1975, 1982), A History of Zoroastrianism,vols. I, II, Leiden and Cologne Boyce, M. (1977), A Persian Strongholdof Zoroastrianism,Oxford Boyce, M. (1979), Zoroastrians: their Religious Beliefs and Practices, London etc. Boyce, M. (1984), Textual Sourcesfor the Studyof Zoroastrianism,Manchester Boyce M. and EM. Kotwal (1971), 'Zoroastrianbiij and dron', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African StudiesXXXIV, pp. 56-73, 298-313 Chiniwalla, E (n.d.), The EssentialOrigins of Zoroastrianism,Bombay Choksy, J.K. (1997), Conflict and Cooperation: Zoroastrian Subalternsand Muslim Elites in Medieval Iranian Society,New York Corbin, H. (1989), 'Azar (Adar) Kayvan' in: E. Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica, London and New York, vol. III, pp. 183-7 Desai, Sh.E (1977), History of the BombayParsi Panchayat1860-1960, Bombay Dhalla, M.N. (1914), Zoroastrian Theologyfrom the Earliest Times to the Present Day, New York Dhalla, M.N. (1975), An Autobiography,trsl. by G. and B.H.J. Rustomji, Karachi Duchesne-Guillemin,J. (1962), La religion de l'Iran ancien, Paris Geldner,K.E (1896), The Sacred Books of the Parsis, 3 vols., Stuttgart Eduljee, H.E. (1991), Kisseh-i Sanjan, Bombay Firby, N. (1988), European Travellers and their Perceptionsof Zoroastrians in the 17th and 18th Centuries,Berlin Hinnells, J.R. (1988), 'BehramshahShroff' in: E. Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopaedia Iranica, London and New York, vol. III, p. 100f. Hinnells, J.R. (1996), Zoroastrians in Britain, Oxford Hinnells, J.R. (1997), 'ContemporaryZoroastrian philosophy', in: B. Carr and I. Mahalingam(eds.), Companion Encyclopaediaof Asian Philosophy, London and New York, pp. 64-92 Karaka, D.E (1884), History of the Parsis, 2 vols., London Kotwal, EM. andJ.w. Boyd (1982), A Guide to the Zoroastrian Religion: a Nineteenth Century Catechismwith Modern Commentary,Chico, California Kotwal, EM. and J.W. Boyd (1991), A Persian Offering. The Yasna: a Zoroastrian High Liturgy, Paris Kotwal, EM. and P.G. Kreyenbroek(1992, 1995), The Herbedestanand Nerangestan, vol. I: the Herbedestan;vol. II: Nerangestan,Fragard 1, Paris Kreyenbroek,[P.] G. (1985), Sraosa in the Zoroastrian Tradition, Leiden Kreyenbroek, P.G. (1987a), 'The Zoroastrian priesthood after the fall of the Sasanianempire' in: Ph. Gignoux (ed.), Transition Periods in Iranian History , (Actes du Symposiumde Fribourg-en-Brisgau),Louvain, pp. 151-166 Kreyenbroek,P.G. (1987b), 'The Dadestanf Denfg on priests',Indo-Iranian Journal 30, pp. 185-208 Kreyenbroek, P.G. (1993), 'On Spenta Mainyu's role in the Zoroastrian cosmogony' in: C. Altman Bromberg (ed.), Bulletin of the Asia Institute 7, pp.97-103

329 Bibliography Kreyenbroek,P.G. (1994), 'Mithra and Ahremanin Iranian cosmogonies'in: J.R. Hinnells (ed.), Studiesin Mithraism, Rome, pp. 173-82 Kulke, E. (1974), The Parseesin India, Munich; repro New Dehli, 1993 Luhrman, T.M. (1996), The Good Parsi: the Fate of a Colonial Elite in a Postcolonial Society,Cambridge, Massachusetts and London Mama, N.F. (1944), A MazdaznanMystic: Life of the Late BehramshahNavroji Shroff, Bombay Maneck, S. Stiles (1994), The Death of Ahriman: Culture, Identity and Theological Change among the Parsis of India, unpubl. thesis, University of Arizona, UMI order no. 9426587 Menant,D. (1898), Les Parsis: histoire des communauteszoroastriennes de l'Inde, Paris; repro Osnabriick1975 Mistree, KP. (1982), Zoroastrianism: an Ethnic Perspective,Bombay Mistree, K[P.] (1990), 'The breakdownof the Zoroastriantradition as viewed from a contemporaryperspective', in: S. Shakedand A. Netzer (eds.), Irano- Judaica IT, Jerusalem,pp. 227-54 Modi, J.J. (1922), The Religious Ceremoniesand Customsof the Parsees,Bombay Russell, J. (1989), 'Parsi Zoroastriangarbiis and moniijiits', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,pp. 51-63 Smith, G. (1878), The Life of John Wilson, D.o., ER.S: For Fifty Years Philanthropist and Scholar in the East, London Stausberg,M. (1997), 'John Wilson und der Zoroastrismusin Indien: Eine Fallstudiezur interreligiosenKritik', Zeitschrijt fUr Religionswissenschajt5, pp. 87-114 Stausberg,M. (1998), Faszination Zarathustra, 2 vols., Berlin and New York Taraporewala,I.J.S. (1951), The Divine Songsof Zarathushtra,Bombay Wadia, KJ.B. (1931), Fifty Years of Theosophyin Bombay, 1880-1930,Madras Writer, R. (1994), ContemporaryZoroastrians: an UnstructuredNation, Lanham,New York and London Writer, R. (1996), 'Hindu caste: custodianof Parsi survival in India', in: H.J.M. Desai and H.N. Modi (eds.), K.R. Cama Oriental Institute, SecondInternational CongressProceedings, Bombay, pp. 185-94

330 Index

Aban, seeAva(n) Aibara, N.N., 42, n. 19,50,86,258f., 316 Abed Saheb,see Masters n. 40; paranormalpowers of, 237, AchaemenianEmpire, 12 258f.; prescribesprayers, 210, 221, Achu Michu (ceremony),19, 28, 194 262f.; promotescult of Kookadaru, Adar (Yazad of Fire), 22, 39; - roj, 24, 63, 210, 221, 260f.; teachingsabout 245,247,319;month, 24, 319. Seealso figures from Shahname,268; and Fire. Purity Laws, 221 Adaryan, synonymof Atash Adaran, q.v. Aibara, Y.N., 258-71 Adravanu (ceremony),28-9,105. Aiwisruthrim geh: (watch), 62, 71, 320; Afarganiyu (Afargan, fire vase),92,113, (prayer text), 62 157, 202, 220, 263, 279. Alexanderthe Great, 12 Africa, 105, 232 Alien cults, seeunder Baba cults, Afrinagan (ceremony),10,39,159 Eclecticism,Exorcism, Non- Afsun-eShah Faridun (prayer text), see Zoroastrian underFaridun Amardad(Ameretat, Immortality, an Afterlife, 234f.; no opinions on, 190, 217 AmeshaSpenta), 5; - roj, 319; month, Agharni (ceremony),35, 70, 117, 180,214, 319; -sal, 42 n. 33 219,287 Ameretat,see Amardad Agiary, seeFire temple AmeshaSpentas (Amshasfands, Ahmai raeshca (prayer), 256 Ameshaspends,Beneficent Ahriman (Angra Mainyu, Evil Immortals): 4-5, 78, 142f., 144; 148, Intention, devil), 4, 5, 194, 237, 271, 268; 'intellectualconcept', 161 298f.; createdby Ahura Mazda,235, Aneran (roj), 248, 320 255; may enterbody, 147, 248; Angra Mainyu, seeAhriman responsiblefor death,152; causes Anjuman (assembly,community, local menstruation,148; his name council), 53, 115; - Atash Behram,52, forgotten, 190; -ic animals,209, 285 257; - table for Muktad, 25. See also Ahunavaiti Catha, one of the Cathas, q.v. Hama Anjuman. Ahura Mazda (Hormazd,Ohrmazd, Anquetil Duperron,A.H., 46 Hormajd, God), 4, 132, 227, 247, 262, Aquarian Age, 237 269 et passim; as Creator,224, 258; is Arabi, Ibn, 132 not all-powerful, 150; hasnot created Aramgah (cemetery),108, 110, 116 evil, 255; is shining Light, 205; equals Ardafravash,as object of worship, 39. Shiva and Cosmic Consciousness, Seealso Fravashi. 210f.; exclusivebelief in, 79; Ardibehesht(Asha, Asha Vahishta,Best communicationwith, 104f., 148, 150, Righteousness,an AmeshaSpenta), 5, 151, 232; seenas friend, 161; 22, 79; Laws of, 91; - Yasht, 110, 118, associatedwith Zarathustra,205; not 191; for healing, 114, 152,217,256;- imaginedin particularform, 188; (Yashtni) Nirang, 113; for healing, 78, belief in power of, 185; will help in 95, 112, 152 181, 208, 215; -ni Chavi times of trouble, 105, 146; prayersto, (divining ritual), 20; - roj, 72, 245, 319; 296. See also Hormazd. month,319 Aibara, Mrs N., 267; as successorto Ardvisur (Ardvisura ; Ava N.N. Aibara, 266, 270 Ardvisur, a Yazad), seeunder Ava(n)

331 Index ArtaxerxesII, 11 AthornanMandaI (priestly Arti (Hindu ceremony),222, 253 organisation),57 n. 54. Asha, seeArdibehesht AthravanEducational Trust, 53-4 Asha Vahishta,see Ardibehesht Atman (Hindu concept),210 AshernVohu (prayer),8, 61, 62, 73, 76, 78, Aura, 86, 237; affectedby menstruating 96, 97, 98, 100, 103, 107, 127,135, 145, women,253. Seealso Khoreh. 166, 182, 222; recited in special Auspicious:days or occasions,18f., 96, manner,134; recited three times, 146 287; '- and inauspicious'as Parsi , seeAshishvang categoriesof thought, 189 Ashirvad (ceremony),33f., 108; single -, Authority, priestly, viii, 9, 12, 13, 53, 294; 33; Sanskrit-, 33, 117; term unknown, relianceon, 187, 295 with n. 17, 298, 192 302 Ashishvang(Ashi, Yazadof Prosperity), Ava(n) (Aban, Waters),23, 63, 148, 181, 95,248;- raj, 22, 77f., 192, 206, 248, 320 206,207,267; - Ardvisur, as Ashtad(Yazad of Justice),248, 257; - raj, favourite Yazad, 224, 225, 247; 248,320 - (Ardvisur) Yasht, 73, 113, 242; Aslaji Agiary, 22, 51, 192, 210; - Yasht prayedin connectionwith connectionwith Meher mahinoMeher childbirth, 94; - Niyayesh (prayer), raj, 22, 210 see under Niyayesh; - raj, 319; Asman(Yazad of Sky), 248; - raj, 248, month, 73, 319; -nu parab, see under 320 Parab Aspandad(Spenta Armaiti, Avesta,6-7, 232, 245 et passim;discovery Aspandarmad,Beneficent Devotion, by Westernscholars, 46, 306; as an AmeshaSpenta), 17,247; favourite sourceof religious authority, 306; Yazad, 251; short formula addressed Khordeh -, seeunder Khordeh; to, 251; - raj, 247, 319; month, 319 --Pehlevi, seeAvestan, Pahlavi Aspandarmad,see Aspandad Avestan, 6; study of, 78, 232, 233, 239, Astrology, 78, 88, 108, 109, 213, 245, 249, 241, 243, 254, 282; vibrations of, 250, 271 with n. 124, 240f.; venerablebut Atash, a term for fire, q.v.; -nu Git (Song incomprehensible,185 of the Fire), 20, 93, 180, 207; Azar Kaivan, 49 - Niyayesh,see under Niyayesh; -nu parab, seeunder Parab Baba cults, 50, 55, 68f., 79, 100, 103, 173, AtashAdaran (fire of the secondgrade), 308, 309; rejection of, 106, Ill, 114, 9,52,119 144, 189, 257, 279 Atash Behram (fire of the highest BabulnathTemple (Hindu), 227. grade),9, 24, 44, 84, 119, 169; four Bahman(Vohu Manah,Good Thought, visited in one day, 113, 120, 143; four an AmeshaSpenta), 5, 143, 211, 247; visited in turn, 245; threevisited on comesto a good child, 148f.; New Year's Day, 220; speaksto one, observancesfor, 64, 73, 98,189,214, 236; Udwada-, seeIranshah; Navsari 220, 224, 256,287 (see also under -,249 Parab); - Yasht (payertext), 96; - raj, Atash-eDadgah (sacred fire of the 319; month, 319 lowest grade),9, 265; diva hasstatus Raj: (ceremony),10, 64, 70, 75, 146, 159; of,269 for Ram Yazad as part of wedding Atashkade,see Fire temple ceremonies,32, 220; for Homaji, 216; Atash Padshah(King Fire): as an for Kookadaru,216; Shehen-, 121 honorific term for an Atash Behram, n. 25; Varadhpattarni -, 32; (prayer- 236 with n. 13; for sacredfires text, protectiveformula); jamvani generally,259, 260 - (protectiveformula for eating), 17, Athornan (priestly class),62, 69£., 90f., 28; nirang pivani - (formula for 97, 98, 165, 180, 276 drinking nirang), 28; - of Sarosh,37 Athornan BoardingMadressa, see with n. 55, 78, 92, 96, 113, 118, 127, underMadressa 151, 216, 240, 253; (ritual silence):

332 Index 'eatingin -', 17; 'taking the -', 28, 37 Birth: ceremoniessurrounding, 34f.; with n. 55; 'completingthe -', 28 Purity Laws connectedwith, 71 Banaji Atash Behram,77,104,194,210; Birthday, 27, 61,194,212,240,288;roj -, connectionwith Mondays,210, 221; 27, 224; the first, 36f.; visit to fire connectionwith Jal Baba cult, 50 temple on, 27, 220; Zarathustra's,27. Bangli (building), 37, 39 See also under Parab. Bareshnum(purificatory ritual), 15 n. 29, Blavatsky, H., 48 82 Bode, EA., 256 Bath: morning, 215; after haircut, 226; Body, astral,ethereal or subtle,236, 241, after function connectedwith death, 251 82,194;with milk andflowers, 19, 27, Bombay (Mumbai), xiii et passim; ceded 211; before religious activities, 17, to British, 45 147,252 BombaySamachar (newspaper), 55, 88 Battle, betweenGood and Evil, 4, 5, Boy (wood offering to sacredfire), 18, 303 81, 111, 259, 267 Baug (Parsi housingestate; place for Boyce, M., 138f., 141 ceremonies),85 with n. 39, 124 n. 106, Boyvala (priestserving a sacredfire), 239 155,285 Bridge betweenHeaven and Earth, see Bazm-eDunya (debatingsociety), 248 Chinvad Bridge Bed: forbidden to lie on exceptat night, Buddhism,132, 133, 184 179; iron or steel,39f., 65, 91, 179 Behdin (non-priestlyclass), 61, 62; Calendar,47, 19f.; significanceof, 172f., differencesbetween Athornan and -s 247f. 69f.; mutual perceptionsof Athornan CamaAthoman Institute, M.E and -s, 101; marriagesbetween (Madressa),57 n. 55, 75, 78, 259, 267 Athornan and -s, 113, 165, 180 Cama,K.R., 250 Behram(Verethraghna, Warhram, Caste:the term usedfor Parsis,247; BehramYazad, Yazad of Victory), 22; influenceof the concepton Parsiself- as favourite Yazad, 22, 120, 148, 192, image,44,304 216, 220, 225, 239; faith in, 206; Cats,285 appealsto, 102; - Yasht, 74, 120, 195, Ceremony,see Ritual 216, 217, 220, 240; - Yasht Nirang, 74; Chaharom (fourth day after death),39, connectionwith Mushkil Asan,20, 225 270,282 with n. 66; - Mushkil Asan, 216 with Chakra (Hindu concept),238 n. 45; - Varjavand,50 with n. 37, 231, Chalk designs,see Rangoli 237; - roj, 72, 77, 205, 320; Atash-, see Cham(village in Iran), 169 underAtash Charity, 52, 80, 84, 86f., 144, 173, 185f., Belief (intellectual,as oppposedto 188, 191, 213, 226; offered when 'faith'), 293; seenas irrelevant to problemsare solved,226; 'unique religiousidentity, 89, 304; - paradigm, featureof Parsicommunity', 173; 'not 293,303f. unique',87 Besant,A., 222, 256 Chashni (partakingof consecratedfood): Besna (ceremony),36, 71, 94,109,209, - food, 126, 223 214, 219, 225, 256 Chatthi (ceremony),35, 71, 106, 109, 180, Bhagaria(priestly lineage),81 209; Chatthimai, 35 BhagavadGita (Hindu text), 247 Cherag (magazine),246 Bharucha,J., 145-53; as teacherof Cheragno Namaskar(prayer), 183 religion, 159, 206 Childbirth, 34f., 94 Bhikha BehramWell, 23, 73, 296 Chiniwalla: J., 232, 233; brothers,242 Bible: 'we have no book like', 247; 'is ChinvadBridge (Chinvad Pul), 6, 39, 188, in languageone can understand', 234f., 245, 282 185 Choice, 174; in classicalZoroastrianism, Billimoria, Ardeshir, 246. 6; in modemreligion, 303 Birbal, storiesabout, 107 Chokkhai, seePurity

333 Index Christ: love for, 11,211; picture of, 211; Dasatir,49 his aura affectedby menstruating Dastur, K.N., 166; objects to moving woman,253 sacredfire, 86 Christian: influence of - environment, DasturGi): (highestpriestly rank), 53, 115, 129, 190, 197,211,213,218,233; 250; (as courtesytitle), 98, 116, 197, Novenas,96; - hymn as protective 198; '-s do nothing', 252; Manvant manthra, 191; visits to - shrine(s),184, - Sahebs,268 227; greatrespect for -ity, 279; Dasturi (prayer formula), 37 missionaries,46, 306 with n. 75; Day, seeRoj - Scientists,144 Death,282; rituals for the soul after, 37f., Cleanliness,62, 278 95; appropriatelength of time for Communication:with Ahura Mazda, theserituals, 39, 80, 182f., 225; 105£, 148, 151,232; with ownfravashi, - anniversaries,64, 208, 211, 245 238; problemsof - in public debates, Deen Parast (magazine),58, n. 64, 165, 31Of. 168 Community: problems,81, 175, 186, Demavand,Mt, 49, 50, 243, 250 280f.; spirit, 66, 212f., 289 Demon(s),created by Ahura Mazda,235 Comprehension,of religion, 293, 297; Destiny, 209, 227, 242,250 (previous) lack of, 126f., 131, 149f., Dhalla, M.N., 213, 254 181, 191, 197, 287; is improving, 167, Dhan Teras (Hindu festival), 95, 193 with 176 n. 31, 211, 240 Conversion,195, 227, 285f. Dhandar patyo (a festive dish), 21, 37 Cosmic Law, 235, 238 Dharma (Hindu concept),238 Creation,an accountof, 235 Diaspora,Parsi, 280 Creator,see Ahura Mazda, Dadar, Dae Din: roj, 320. Seefurther Daena. Cults, Parsi,50f., 308, 309. Dinno Kalmo (prayer), 151, 183, 240 CusrowBaug, 85f.; fire temple in Dishes,for specialoccasions, 21, 23,104, - (Karani Agiary), 86, 96, 264 211 Cyrus (Achaemenianking), 169 Diu, 168 Dabu, K.S., 82, 149 with n. 19, 256, 284; Divali (Hindu festival), 211 wrote againstB.N. Shroff, 243 Divo (oil-lamp), 17, 62, 92, 98, 119, 161, 191, 216, 217 et passsim;kept burning Dadar (Creator),224, 258 24 hours, 118, 207; not kept in house DadysethAtash Behram,77, 111, 113 becauseof its venerablestatus, 174, Dae (Creator): month, 319; -padarroj, 269; on birthdays,240, 288; nearplace 24, 63, 247, 319 wheres.o. died, 162, 202; lit in fire Daena (Din, religion, consciousness), temple, 17, 119; lit only by S.o. in a 248; Mazdayasni- (Zoroastrian stateof purity, 157; not touchedby Religion), 238 womanin menses,118,207; as typical Daeva (dew, diw), seeDemon elementof Parsi observance,154 Dahm (a Yazad), 39 Divo-adarni ceremony,31£., 208 Dahyu: (spiritual region), 234 with n. 9; Doctor, A.F., 86, 239-45 (plane of nature),244 Dogdov Mata (Zarathustra'smother), Dakhme(dokhma, dokhme),a term for 268f. Towers of Silence,q.v.; --nashini Dogs, 209, 285; '-'s morsel', 17,224 (disposalin Towers of Silence),167, Dokhma (dokhme),see Dakhme, Towers of 168, 206, 242, 280, 282f., 288; Silence overcominginitial dislike of, 226 Dominic Xavier, St (Christian Saint), Dalni poris (cakes),23, 73, 107, 206, 287 213,217 Dar-e Meher (place for performanceof Doongerwadi,see Towers of Silence high rituals), 9; term usedfor fire Dress,Parsi, 107, 248 temple,265 Dron (darun, 'sacred'bread), 10, 70 Dargah (Sufi-type shrine), 189 Drujo Demana(House of Evil, Hell), 244 Darun, seeDron Dua (personalprayer), 295

334 Index Dua Nam-setayeshne(prayer), 181 Farohar, seeFravashi Dualism, 5, 47, 144, 157, 158, 159, 244, Farokhshi(ceremony), 11, 114, 159 298f. Farvardin,see Fravardin Dudh pak pauv (a dish), 21 Farvardiyannu parab, see under Parab. Dussera (Hindu festival), 67 See also Fravashi. Fasli: calendar,47, 104, 106, 245, 255, Earth, offering drink to, 17 279; Khalis - calendar,47; - Atashkade, Eclecticism, in religious matters,164f., 250 192, 21Of., 216f., 227, 209; rejection of, Fatalism,5 79, 103, 166, 251; uncertaintyabout, Feasts,11 227 Festive days, 18f., 161, 189; 193 Education,religious, 53, 61£., 84, 92, 107, Fire, 207; symbol of purity, 9; sacred,9; 145,169,218,225,276,286,297;in consecrationof, 9, 89f., 167; Zoroastrianschools, 212; too little, emotional attachmentto, 119, 127, 191, 193, 198; recentimprovements, 143, 169; sacred-s in Iran, 142, 169; 167,176,188;by example,215, 288; by communicateswith believer, 141, meansof stories,178, 190, 206, 239, 143, 236; Khshnoomistsobject to 257f., 281; for children of mixed relocation of sacred-, 86; Yazads marriages,175, 198; later in life, 115f., associatedwith, 240; 'birthday' of, 149f.; information gatheredfrom see Parab; hearth -, see under books, 172, 176, 191; priestly Kitchen education,81, 100 Fire temple(s) (Agiary, Atashkade),250; Ek-so-ekNam (101 Namesof God, a visiting, 17-8; regularvisits to, 73, 76, prayer), 74, 151, 216 99, 177,223,225; visits on certain raj, Ervad (Herbed,priestly title), 52 245; visits on festive days, 185; visits Esotericbeliefs, 231-71, 299 with n. 40 in times of stress,98; visits for Evil, 4f., 298f.; connectedwith previous departedsoul, 182; visits as way of incarnations,226; exists in men only, finding a spouse,223; non- 255, 271; is least powerful at noon, Zoroastriansnot allowed in, 200; 252; wardedoff by prayer or ritual, experiencesin, 99f., 143, 169; 190,194;associated with superstition, favourite, 96, 127, 143; tour of forty, 194 79; numbersof - in Bombay, 52, 81; Evolution, see underSoul interestin history of, 279 Exorcism, Parsistaking part in, 246, 253 Fravardin,- mahino - raj, 22; - raj, 320; month, 319. See also Fravashi. Faith (as opposedto intellectual belief), Fravardiyan, seeFravashi 97f., 144, 151, 169, 181, 213, 295; Fravashi (jarohar, aspectof humansoul), shakenas a result of learning 41 n. 16; Ahura Mazda createdhis Avestan,242; - paradigm,293f. own, 235; is SpentaMainyu within Family, extended,103, 288, 300 us, 210; communicationwith own, Faraziyat (obligatory prayers),17 with 238; photographof own, 238 n. 5, 71, 120, 167, 260 Freemasons,222 Fareshta: (ceremony),10, 28, 223; held Free Will, 288f. when problemsare solved, 226; as Funeraryrites, 37f., 73f., 80, 197, 208, part of wedding ceremonies,180; 282, 288; traditional funeral, 162; ('angel'),206 controversyabout, 241; at aramgah, Faridun, Shah(legendary figure), 23, 108 41-2 n. 19; venerationpromoted by N.N. Aibara, 41 n. 19,210,221, 268; Gah, seeGeh magical powersascribed to, 23, 41 Gahambar,11, 64, 67f., 186, 212f.; n. 19; Afsun-e-ni Nirang (Pak-afsun-e women's- (Sheri), 67, 111; held for ShahFaridun, prayertext), 41 n. 19,79, the soul of the dead,284 95,216;connection with Meher, 22, 41 Ganesh(Hindu deity), 192 n. 19,268 Garbo (dance,song), 213 with n. 33.

335 Index Garo Demana (Houseof Song, Heaven), Havangeh: (watch), 73, 261, 320; Second 244 -, 320; (prayer), 78 Gatha days, 26, 107 Head,covered, 238, 248, 281 Gathas (sacredtexts), 6, 7, 107, 184, 207, Healing: throughprayer, 96, 152, 295; 208, 210, 251,254, 262, 306 prayersfor - prescribedby N.N. Gayatri Mantra (Hindu prayer),207 Aibara, 210, 221; practices,74, 78, 95, Geh (gah): (watch of the day), 11, 256 173, 320; observancesin each, 71, Hearthfire, seeunder Kitchen 104. 252, 262; (prayer for the Heaven,6, 244. Seealso Garo Demana. watch), 181, 216 Hell, 6, 244, 298f. Seealso Drujo Demana. Geh-sarna (ceremony),37 Hindu: influences,126; -ism and God, seeAhura Mazda reincarnation,257; Ashram, 184; Godrej, N. P., 54 shrines,see Jivan Mama, Shitla Good Thoughts,Good Words, Good Mata, Babulnath;festivals, see Deeds,112, 232, 283, 297; insufficient Divali, Dussera, Kali Chowdas, Dhan as definition of Zoroastrianteaching, Teras 132 History, Parsi, 44f.; as componentof Gorani (womanwho prepares'religious' senseof religion, 278, 286, 294 food),25 Hom (Haoma): (Yazad), 268; (sacred Gorni bharvani rit (ceremony),36, 71 liquid), 268; - Yasht, 118, 152 Goyan (singerof religious songs),20f., Homaji, 50, 64, 79, 114; is a saint,257; Raj 180,219 for, 216 Guidance,divine or mystical, 87f., 128, Hormazd:roj, 72, 77, 205, 245, 319; - 129f., 133, 134f, 137f., 139,227,236f., Khodae (prayer),41 n. 4, 61; - Yashtni 261f., 295 Nirang (prayer), 113. See further Guilt, 67, 119 Ahura Mazda. Gujarati (language),117, 197, 244; Horoscope,30, 109; of prospective problemof not knowing, 208, 217,282 spousesmust match, 108,250 Guru, 255 Hoshbamprayer, 71 House:building, 102; moving, 117; Haftan Yasht, seeHaptan Yasht ceremoniesin private -, 146, 163 Hair, 40, 72; nevercut on certain days, Hysterectomy,109, 284, 301 104; bath after haircut, 226; first haircut at Udwada,113 Identity, seeunder Parsi, Parsipanu, Hama Anjuman (the whole community), Zoroastrian 22 Ignorance,about religion, 184, 191, 193, Hamajor, seeHamazor 197f. Hamayasht(Homayasht, sequence of Ijashne, Ijeshne, seeYasna ceremonies),for the dead,187, 188 Ilm-e Khshnoom,48f., 232f., 242f., 246f., Hamazor (Hamajor, specialway of 307, 309; early teachers,232; greeting),212 'improbable'beliefs of, 149; meaning HambandagiGoint prayersession), 51, of the word khshnoom,244 212 Impurity (ritual), consequencesof, 80, Hamkara, 72; - days, 22, 72, 76, 79, 191 82,300f. Haoma, seeHom Incense,see Loban Happiness,as aim of religious teaching, Individualisation,of religion, 303 207,303 Initiation ceremonies,see Navar, Haptan Yasht Vadi (Haftan Yasht,a prayer Navjote, Martab text), 74, 78 Intellectual understandingof religion, Hara,Mt, representedby silver cone,18 seeunder Belief Hathevaro ('the joining of hands',part of Interlife (period betweenincarnations), the weddingservice), 43 n. 49 251 Haug, M., 306 Intermarriage,see Marrying out Haurvatat,see Khordad Iran, visits to, 134f., 142, 169,307

336 Index Iranshah(Fire), 52, 86, 169 161; 'the KhshathraVairya, seeShehrevar ultimate fire', 278; 'not my fire', 143; KhshnaothraAhurahe Mazdao (dedicatory rememberedat noon, 252; imparts formula), 76, 146 true message,236. See also Udwada. Khshnoom;see Ilm-e Khshnoom Islam, conquestof Iran, 13f. Khudavind Khavind (religious song), 118, 218 Jadi Rana,44 Kirlian photography,238 Jal Baba(s),50f., 192; 'cult beganas rival Kitchen: menstruatingwoman cannot of Kookadarucult', 237; connection enter, 108, 213f.; 'sanctifiedwith with Banaji Atash Behram,50 prayers',277; - fire, 62, 84, 92, 118, Jam-e-Jamshed(newspaper), 55, 118, 168, 179, 254; praying to - fire, 214, 277; 243,286 - decorationsfor parab of Fire, 24 JamaspAsa,K.M., 87 Kookadaru,J.S., 50, 79, 89f., 106, 192, JamshediNavroz, seeunder Navroz 209f., 221, 237,259f., 316 with n. 40; is (legendary figure), 268 a saint, 257; and Meher Yazad, 209; Jarthosht, seeZarathustra - Baj, 210, 216; -ni Nirang, 216; 'is at Jartoshtno Diso (prayer text), 216 the highestlevel of humanevolution', Jasa-meAvanghe (prayer), 41 n. 4 269; his popularity, 90; miracles Jashan (ceremony),10, 28, 36, 63, 68, 76, associatedwith, 216, 257; - Trust, 89, 112, 114, 120, 126, 141, 144, 158, 159, 263f.; - fire temple in Sanjan,89, 265 160, 194, 219f., 246, 302; for health, Kotwal, EM., 58 n. 58, 80, 87, 90, 168, 220; after moving house,118; for the 187,188 dead,265; Company-, 158, 177 Krishna (Hindu deity), 211 Jejeebhoy,Sir Jamsetjee,84 Krishnamurthi,J., 133 Jivan Mama (a Hindu shrine), 68 Kriya, seeRitual Jorani kriya (ceremonies),39 Kusti (sacredgirdle), 7f., 65, 85, 92, 142, Jori Pori (ceremony),36 164, 205, 206, 253, 281; investiture Journey,ceremonies connected with, 21 with, seeNavjote; Vasidi -, 16; as badgeof Zoroastrianidentity, 99, Kabbalah,131 175f., 279; 'doing the kusti', 16, 17, 18, Kadmi(s), 47, 52, 62, 239 with n. 21 19, 20, 23, 33, 51, 71, 75, 82, 92, 100, Kaikhusrow (legendaryfigure), 106, 105, 107, 141, 147, 155,189,207, promotedby NN. Aibara, 210, 268 215,245;after calls of nature,179, 252, Kali Chowdas(Hindu festival), 95, 211, 255, 283; againstevil magic, 211; 240 wearing - helps solve problems,206; Karani Agiary, 237, 264. See also under special- for time of menstruation,66, CusrowBaug. 159,256;new - in caseof illness, 197; Karma (Hindu concept),238, 257; worn off and on, 240; giving up presentlife shapedby, 251; Meher, wearing,215, 278, 283; going back to Saroshand Rashneas Lords of, 251 wearing,202, 279; (professional) Kem-Na Mazda (prayer), 61, 182 - weavers,65,92; - prayerssee under Khandiyo (corpsebearer), 38,114,280 Prayers; Khichri (yellow rice), 64; -ni rit, Kutar, D., 115f., 117, 178, 206 (ceremony),32 Khordad (Haurvatat,Wholeness), 5, Lakshmi (Hindu ),95, 181 319; - raj, 319; month, 319 Larva (a sweet),35, 37, 68 Khordadsal(Prophet's birthday), 27, Levels, of spiritual understanding,232f. 191 Lie, 148 Khordeh Avesta,7, 78,259,262 Light: divine, 205, 260; Prophetsborn Khoreh (khvarnah), 270f. with n. 120. See from, 268f. also Aura. Laban (incense),17, 21, 23, 30, 32, 35, 37, Khorshed(Yazad of Sun), 247; - Yasht, 62, 84, 92, 96, 103, 113, 120, 202, 224, 191; - Meher Niyayesh,see under 245, 279; againstevil spirits, 119; Niyayesh evocativesmell of, 199; practicegiven

337 Index up, 207, 214, 219, 288; said to make Mathabanu(headscarf), 107, 113; worn to the housedirty, 84 avoid evil, 238 Logic, 313 Mazda,see Ahura Mazda Lohrasp(shah)(legendary figure), 90, Meals, customsconnected with, 17 238; promotedby N.N. Aibara, 210, Meaning: of religion not understood, 268 185, 189f.; of religion discovered,185; of religious laws and observances, Machi ('throne'of wood offered to fire), 167f., 172, 176,241; deeper- of 18,28,34,37,39,65,77,80,96,113,114, Avestanwords, 233, 243; of the 119,224;when a child is born in the calendar,172f., 247f.; younger family, 186; on deathanniversaries, generationmore interestedin - of 211; vow to offer -, 226f. religion, 222; of weddingceremonies Madav saro (ceremony),30, 108, 113, 175, explained,220 180, 192,208, 213; thoughtto be a Meher (Mithra, Yazad,guardian of Hindu ceremony,287 Order),22f. with n. 18; 'givesspiritual Madressa,53; Athornan Boarding -, 57 guidance',247; 'Lord of karma', 251; n. 55.; M.E CamaAthornan Institute, prayedto for health,208; connection 57 n. 55, 76, 78, 152, 57 n. 55, 75, 78, with Aslaji fire temple,22, 192, 210; 259,267;Sir J,J. -, 57 n. 55, 253, 254 promotedby Kookadarucult, 209; Mah (Moon): - Bokhtar Yazad,224; - and Faridun,23 with n. 19, 268; Bokhtar Niyayesh,see under Niyayesh - Yasht, 191; - mahino - roj Mahraspand(Yazad), 248; roj, 320 (Mehragan),22f., 64, 76,268;- roj, 77, Malesar(area in Navsari), 62, 64, 67 96, 319; month, 319 Malido (food associatedwith Jashan),141 Meherji Rana,Dastur, 55, n. 6 Mantra, seeManthra Meherjirana,E.s., 49 Manthra, 233, 252; tapesof Avestan-s, Mehragan,22, 76, 268. See also under 238; Christian hymn as -, 191,296 Meher. Marriage: arranged,69, 113, 117, 213; Menstruation,39-40; attitudesto, 300f.; basedon own choice, 93; lack of causedby Ahriman, 148; negative interestin, 209; betweenAthornan effects of presenceof menstruating and Behdins,69f.; Zoroastrian woman, 68, 179f., 253, 270f.; her teachingson, 233, 235 prayersgo to Ahriman, 148; Marrying out (intermarriage):the traditional rules surrounding,65f., debateon, 55, 195f., 311f.; acceptance 90f., 179f.; specialkusti worn during, of, 195f.; objectionsto, 82, 85, 167, 168, 39,66,159;menstruating women not 174f., 209, 242; 'vibrationsdo not allowed into housewhere Muktad match',195; usedto causeshame to ceremoniesare performed, 249; not to relatives,196; attitudesto women light divo, 157; rules felt to be who married out, 174; as possible embarrassing,91, 180; 'nothing evil reasonfor lossof Zoroastrianidentity, about -', 207; as excuseto avoid 280; children of such marriages,175, observances,212. See also under 198f., 227, 289 Purity Laws. Martab (Maratib, priestly qualification), Minocherhomji, N.D., 223, 254, 257 52, 90, 146, 180, 258, 260 Miraculous,or unusualexperiences, 76, Mary, Mount (a Christianshrine), 184, 85t., 105, 116, 120, 129f., 133, 134f., 285 141,160,161,165f., 169,234,236,237, Mary, Virgin, 51, 54; picture of, 211; 260f., 277; reportsof, 257f.; connected prayerto, 207, 217; love for, 211 with non-Zoroastrianshrines, 227; Master-Moos,Dr Meher, 166, 231-8 prayeras causeof, 262f., 295; Master, Munchershah,246, 249 connnectedwith illness,152, 181£.,262 Masters(Abed Sahebs,Sahebdelan, Mirza, H.K., 57 n. 51, 87, 239, 254f. Sahebs):in Ilm-e Khshnoom,234, 243, Mistree, Khojeste,100, 126-45,150, 152, 249f.; in N.N. Aibara'steachings, 268, 160, 185, 188, 197,200, 201, 206, 208, 269 307

338 Index MisvanemGatu (purgatory),257 during, 240f.; for children of mixed Mithra, seeMeher marriages,175, 198f.; in Atash Mixed marriages,see Marrying out Behram,106; first - in East Africa, Mobed (priestly title), 53, 152 232; - prayers,61 Modernists,47f., 172-203,310 Navjot Shikshak(textbook), 61 Moghul Empire, 45 Navroz (New Year), 11,26,249,288; Mohor (Yazadof the Moon), 247; raj, 319 Jamshedi-,25,220 Monajats (devotionalsongs), 61,107, Navsari,24, 51, 52, 65, 81, 186, 187, 246, 206, 218; recited, 74; sungduring 249; dargahs in, 189 communitysessions, 213 Neo-traditionalists,47, 54, 307, 309f. Moon: observancesconnected with New Age movements,131£. phasesof, 21. Seealso Mah, Mohor. New Year, seeNavroz Mota Faliya (neighbourhoodin Nim-Yazad(half divine), 233, 235 Navsari), 64 Nirang: (consecratedbull's urine), 28, Mourning, 182f., 202 219; (powerful formula, shortprayer), Movements,religious, 47f., 306f. See 74, 95., 102, 113, 117, 152,256,314 also Ilm-e Khshnoom,Neo- n. 18; written down, 74; books of -s, traditionalists,Pundolites, 74 Reformists,Theosophy. Nirangdin (ceremony),10, 89, 93, 158, Muktad: (days), 25f., 79, 158, 159, 187, 175,258;miraculous power of, 234; 212, 220, 249, 287, 288; dearthof performedfor the dead,187f., 234, priestsduring, 25; (service),80, 108, 245, 284, 302; explainedby priest, 202,269;performed at home, 146f., 284 249; - table, 25-6, 108 Niyayesh(prayers), 8, 239; preferred Mumbai, seeBombay becausethey are short, 211; Mah Mushkil Asan (ceremony),20, 69, 96, 101, Bokhtar - (to the Moon), 21, 71, 181; 107, 193, 205f.; disapprovalof, 107, Ava (Ardvisur) - (to the Waters),73, 114,240;connection with Behram, 207208,214;Atash - (to Fire), 63, 71, 206, 225; with Behramroj, 193; done 96, 113, 119, 120, 181, 215, 251; to be on Tuesdays,216; associatedwith recited seventimes, 256; Khorshed Friday, 216 Meher - (to Sun and Meher), 61, 78, Mysticism, in Parsi religion, 55 n. 6 96, 113, 181, 216 Non-Zoroastrian(s):Parsis must stay Nagrani,51, 189, 227 aloof from, 247; not allowed into fire Nahn (purificatory rite), 11,28with n. 40, temples,200; - shrines,227, 285; 33,36; beforeNavjote, 28, 65; before influenceof - religious literature,280 Muktad days, 249; after childbirth, Nostalgia,280f., 294 71, 117, 214, 219, 287; after Nusservanjee,N., 210, 253-8, 301 menstruation,91; after entering Tower, 114 Obedience,to authority, 61, 91£., 219, Nails, 40; nevercut on certain days,104, 308f.; is characteristicof older 108 generations,189 Najar (evil eye), 194 Observances,9-11, 16f.; vary between Namaskar,Divano (formula paying families, 16, 93, 187, 191,303; learned homageto the divo), 92 later in life, 157f., 191£. Names,101, see Ek-so-ekNam Occult: interpretationsof Zoroastrian NasaDruj (demonof pollution), 241 terms, 250; - meaningof religion, Nasesalar(pall-bearer), 156, 162, 280 254f.; -ism, 243 Navar (initiation ceremony),52, 78, 90, Ohrmazd,see Ahura Mazda, 97f. 146, 180,258,260,276; sponsored Hormazd for soul of the dead,111; confers Olcott, H.S., 49 materialbenefits, 78 Orthodox: Parsi usageof term, 47, 50, Navjote, 27f., 64f., 77, 97, 127, 147, 155, 54, 153, 189f., 310; 'positive 179, 186,219,287;no photography qualification', 168

339 Index cnthopraxy,46, 50, 142 Passage,rites of, 27f. Ovarna (ceremonialact), 19 Patio (woodenplatform), 18, 19,36, 199 Padyab-kusti,8, 16 Pavi (spacededicated to ritual or Paghri (or pheta, Parsi cap), 29, 248 religious purpose),80 Pagladu (ceremony),36, 71, 94, 106, 109, Pazand(language), 7 209,219,225,256,288 Penda (a sweet),34 Pahlavi (Pehlevi, language),7, 78, 239, Persian(language), 7 254, 282; - literature, 7, 13f. Personaljudgement, 308f.; importance Paigambar Saheb(Prophet), 268f. of, 175f., 180 Paivand ('contact'during funeraryrites), Peterson,J., 88f. 37 Petit, Sir Dinshah,84 Pak-afsun-eShah Faridun, seeunder Pheta, seePaghri Faridun Photograph:of own fravashi, 238; Pallu (pallav, front part of sari), 34, 35 Khshnoomicview of -y, 234, 238, Panchayet,see Punchayet 240f., 250 Panchmasyu(ceremony), 34£., 70, 180, Pichi (methodof healing), 95, 112, 152 214 Picture(s):of Zarathustra,18, 21, 27, 64, Panthak ('parish'),45, 259 98,102with n. 69, 113; of deceased Panthaki (parishpriest), 70, 86, 264; life relatives,224, 279; of Kookadaru,50, of a -' s wife, 70f. 210, 221, 259f.; of Shahnamefigures, Papeti(Pateti), 26, 153, 194; in Navsari, 90, 210, 221; 268; of non-Zoroastrian 248 figures, 100, 184, 211 Para-mobed,159 Pilgrimage,28, 120, 207; to Iran, 169, Parab (festive day), 22f., 63f., 77, 114, 183,186. 174, 189, 193, 207, 240, 246, 251; not PithavalaB.D., 246-53; teachingof, 255 observed,109, 225, 268, 283; Pithi chorvani rit (ceremony),31,192; felt associatedwith biorhythms,255 to be meaningless,180 - of Bahman,24, 64, 73, 107, 220, 256 Pluriformity, see under Religion - of Fire, 24, 63, 73, 77, 96, 101, 107,109, Pollution, 300f. 119f., 181, 193, 214f., 220, 240; Porushaspa(father of Zarathustra),268f. traditional customsnot observed,256 Pragmatism,190 - of Fravashis, 22, 64, 73, 96, 101, 111, Prakash, seeLight 120,214,220 Prayer,7-8, 64, 116, 295f.; the word also - of Waters,23, 63f., 73, 77, 96, 101, 107, usedfor rituals, 156, 160, 182 with 109,119,193,220,287;associated with n. 19,197with n. 37,295;power of, God's goodness,255; celebrated 76£., 150f., 152, 185, 213, 252; without dalni paris, 107, 120,255; miraculouseffects of, 73, 76, 277; goes celebratedby bringing seawater into to spritual bank account,235; and the house,219 vibrations,76,201, 233, 258, 288; gives Paranormal:experiences, 126, 127, 136, strength,72; createsatmosphere, 288; 236; little experienceof the -, 160, 286 Avestan-s incomprehensible,185; Parsi: history, 14, 45f., 289, 294, 303f.; faith shakenon learning meaningof, numbers,51, 83; identity understood 242; 'meaningmakes no sense',195; in non-religiousterms, 102, 103, 287; affinity with special -s, 295; loss of identity, 84, 253, 280; senseof preferencefor short -s, 211; choice of decline, 280f., 289, 314; heritage,186, -s on basisof astrology,245; number 278, 289; warmth of - culture, 154; of recitationsis significant:, 41 n. 19, generosityand charity, 173; 98,146;-s taughtfor Navjote, 27, 172, traditional dress,218, 248; project to 215 et passim; taughtby N.N. Aibara, help rural -s, 185, 186 210, 262f.; effective -s passedon to Parsipanu (Parsi identity), seeunder friends, 295; special- taughtby Parsi father, 276; only short -s taughtto ParthianDynasty, 12 children, 118; learning -s without

340 Index understanding,61, 117, 172, 247; Purity Laws, 8, 65, 82, 90f., 108, 112, 148, reading-s from book, 104, 160, 166, 219; attitudesto, 180, 187, 300f.; 172, 216; -s for family recited in fire strictly observed,65f., 90f., 187, 213f., temple, 177; kusti -s, 66, 97, 118, 127, 252f., 271; not (strictly) observed,108, 159, 167, 182,215, 253; Khudavind 207, 225, 287; rejectedentirely, 256; Khavind regardedas -, 118; - niche, observancevaries between families 100; - room, 104, 105, 118, 146£. and evenindividuals, 65f., 187, 214, Praying, 7-8, 72, 76. 79, 98, 100f., 104£., 219; infringementsof, 66f., 301; 106, 116£., 145f., 152, 177, 178, 179, observancehampered by practical 181, 183,212, 219, 220, 276, 277, 295f.; constraints,82, 106, 118, 180, 271, 300; with properattitude, 104, 201, 218, mostly observedby older generation, 247; without understanding,117, 145, 165, 179, 180, 283, 300f.; are 172f., 213, 218, 239, 283; with some unfamiliar, 192; learnedlater in life, understanding,181; with intuitive 225; return to observing,157f.; understanding,247; from force of exaggeratedobservance of, 174; habit, 185; helpful althoughone does negativefeelings aboutsome, 91,148, not know why, 195; for mentalpeace, 163, 179; concerningmenstruation, 8, 183; will not solve problems,176; 39f., 65f, 77, 90f., 174, 242f., 270f., '- less doesnot meanlack of faith', 300f.; after childbirth, 71, 193; after 224; to expressgratitude to God, 117, calls of nature,179, 283; connected 181; to combatevil, 226; for with deathand funerals,194; forgiveness,146, 147; for health, 152, concerninghair and nails, 72, 108, 208; for the dead,182f., 208, 252; to 118,284;for men,72, 108; as observed escapereality, 176; giving up, 199, in priestly households,70, 72, 90f., 98 283; in fire temple, 113; to fire in kitchen, 214, 277; - sessionswith Qibla (fire chamber),259, 260, 262,266 family, 109, 118, 222f.; communal Qisse-yeSanjan (Kisseh Sanjan, Qissa-i- - sessions,212; and menstruation, Sanjan),44 108,148,207,214;to non-Zoroastrian figures, 217f.; importantin family life, Rae (inner self), 247 118 Rainidar ShahBehram Varzavand Pregnancy,34f. Saheb,see under Behram Press,Parsi, 54, 55 Raj, 45, 46 Priests,see Priesthood Ram (Yazad of Joy), 32, 39, 72, 220, 247; Priesthood(Athornan): history, 45; - roj, 72, 320 hereditarynature of, 9, 45; division RamanaMaharishi, 222 into panthaks,45; training of, 81, 177; Randel bharvani rit (ceremony),34 hierarchy,52-3; numbersof, 53; Rangoli (chalk designs),17, 154, 286 shortageduring Muktad, 25,180,269; Rapithvin geh: (watch), 267, 320; working conditionsof, 53; customs (prayer), 254 of, 69f., 90f.; relations with laity, 70, Rashne(Yazad of Judgment),39, 247, 101, 111, 180; priestsbring bad luck, 251, 257; roj, 320 101; initiation into - confersmaterial Rasi (systemof namingchildren based benefits,78 on astrology),71, 94, 117, 180, 225 Prophet:-s born from light, 268f. See Reformists,47-8, 190,305,306,309 also Zarathustra. Reincarnation,48, 49, 54, 149, 183,208 Protestantinfluences, 45, 53, 303 with n. 16, 222, 226, 245, 251, 256£., Punchayet:Bombay Parsi -, 52 with 279; taughtby Zarathustra,251; break n. 48, 169, 185; Surat -, 186 the cycle of, 234; Zoroastriansare too Pundol,M.N., 50 highly evolved to need,58 n. 62, 149 Pundolites,50, 307, 318 n. 87 witn n. 21, 226, d. 245 with n. 42, 286; Purgatory,6 is for all but the most advanced,269; Purification ceremonies,9, 11 Ahura Mazda,Meher, Saroshand Purity (ritual), 8 Rashnedetermine next birth, 251

341 Index Relativism,religious ('onereligion is not Sanskrit,33, 253, 254 better than others'),81f., 87f., 106, Saoshyant(Saviour), 6 150, 184, 200, 209, 217f., 222, 238, 311, Sari, 158; worn in specialParsi way, 202; 314 ceremonywhen it is worn for the first Religion: different ways of defining, time, 29; special- for visiting fire 45f., 53, 293f.; pre-moderndefinitions temple, 180 of, 304; impact of Westerndefinitions Sarosh(Sraosha, Yazad of Hearkening), of, 45f., 53, 304f.; sourceof pleasant 22, 38, 39, 148, 150f., 225, 236, 247, effects,294, 303; 'love of my life', 145; 257; invoked at time of crisis, 150f.; 'is a personalmatter, 174, 175, 201; 'not my protection',217; 'Lord of karma', the sameas ritual', 178,289;beyond 251; book on, 236; ceremoniesfor, 38, humancomprehension, 190; essence 108; - Yasht Vadi, 118, 183, 258; -nu is humanity,209; is aboutbasic patru (observance),38; - raj, 72, 205, morality, 289 245, 319; - Baj, seeunder Baj Resurrection,6 SasanianEmpire, 12f. ,6 Saturn (ceremonyfor the dead),10, 11, Ritual(s): referredto as 'prayer(s)'q.v.; 25, 32, 39, 76, 108, 159, 183, 194,208 'outer',9, 141; 'inner', 9, 302; with n. 17, 218, 224 with n. 65, 295; attitudesto, 302; power of, 76, 160, performedby laymen,26,108,113; as 234; humannature needs, 253; part of weddingceremonies, 32, 220; importanceof, 241, 244, 253; 'bring -no Kardo (text), 113, 117, 120, 249 onecloser to God', 188; may help soul Saviour, seeSaoshyant reachChinvad Bridge, 235, 245; 'not Scholars,Western, 304, 306 sameas religion', 178, 289; shouldbe Scriptural tradition, 6f.; transition from maintainedto preserveParsi identity, oral to written transmission,13 253; 'hocus-pocus',175; learning to Seclusion,of women: during perform, 159f.; knowledgeof, 72; are menstruation,39, 66, 90f., 108 112, unfamiliar, 191f.; - for the soul, 187f., 148,179,284;not observedin 302 (seealso Hamayasht,Navar, parentalhome, 219, 225; after birth, Nirangdin, Vendidad, Yasna) 71, 94, 163, 176, 214 Rivalry, betweencults, 237 Secularism,280 Raj (day of the Zoroastriancalendar), 11, Seleucids,12 319f.; favourite, 96; all equally Ses (tray), 18, 28, 92, 287 et passim important,78; no knowledgeof, 287; Sezdo(ceremony), 38 perceivedconnection with Yazads, Shah,Mrs Roxan D., 168 with n. 41. 274£., 296; - birthday, 61, 224, 287 Shahname(Persian epic): as sourceof Rosicrucians,251 religious teaching,57 n. 56, 61, 101, Rupiya pehervanikriya (ceremony),29 107, 112, 116, 178, 206, 219, 231, 248, 257,281,297;veneration for figures Sabi, seePicture from - promotedby N.N. Aibara, 41 Sachkar (ceremony),37, 80, 241, 282 n. 19, 268 (seealso Faridun,Jamshid, Sadeh,Jashn-e (feast), 76 Kaikhusrow, Lohrasp) Sagan (short festive ceremony),18, 21, Shankar(Hindu divine being), 69 214,225,240 Shehenshahi(s),47, 52, 62, 104, 279 Sagdid (ceremony),37f., 290 n. 12 Shehrevar(Khshathra Vairya, Shahrivar, Saheb,see Masters The Power that must be chosen,an Sahebdelan,see Masters AmeshaSpenta), 5, 106; - raj, 319; Sai Baba, 51, 68f., 96, 106, 111, 141, 144, month,319 184, 189, 192,211, 217, 253, 257 Shekaste,shekaste, Shay tan (formula), 16, Saints,Zoroastrian, 257 62, 75, 92, 179, 216 Salgireh days (anniversariesof Sheri, seeunder Gahambar. foundation of a fire temple), 27 Shitla Mata, temple of (Hindu shrine), Sandalwood,see Sukhad 68 Sanjan,211; fire temple in, 89f., 265 Shiva (Hindu deity), 210f.

342 Index Shroff, B.N., 48, 49f., 133, 232, 237, 243, purification, 67, 179,245;used to 249f.; storiesabout, 101; his 30 years' ward off evil magic, 211 silence,243, 250; his works come to Tata: family, 84; J.R.D., 88 light, 234; his methodof teaching,234 Tavil (exegesis),243 Shyav(set of muslin clothesused for Teaching,religious, 53-4, 297 ritual purposes),25, 27, 39 , 144, 149, 150 Sin, 6, 300f. Theology,4f., 305f.; doesnot play role in Sitting separate(ly),see under Seclusion religious life, 97 Smallpox, curesfor, 68 Theosophy,48, 307, 309; asa philosophy, Smells,associated with religion, 156, 199 222,246;'teaches real meaningof Smoking, 85 religion', 254f.; and reincarnation,257 SodawaterwallaAgiary, 259, 264 Time, End of, 6 Sohvasan(woman whose husband is Tir (Tishtar) Yazad, 247, 255; roj, 319; alive), 30, 31, 32, 35, 180, 270 month,319 Soul: journey after death,234f., 244f., Tishtar: - Yasht, (text), 254; seefurther 252, 282; comfortedby sincere underTir prayers,252; evolution of, 233, 235, Toran (garlands),18,286 257,269;male and female -s are Towersof Silence(Doongerwadi, Dakhme, halvesof one original whole, 235 Dokhme),8, 37-9, 40, 52, 64, 73, 80, Spectrochromemetry,238 111, 152, 190, 226, 266f., 280; Spendarmad,see Aspandad atmosphereat, 197, 282; enteredby SpentaArmaiti, see Aspandad non-professionals,114f., 156; current SpentaMainyu (BeneficentIntention), 4, problems,280, 282f., 5; 'is Fravashiwithin us', 210 Tradition: Parsi,281; importanceof, 168, Spiritual: experience,286; quest,131£., 194; growing up without -s, 191,202, 132; wisdom, 233; powers,269 175, Spirituality: Zoroastrian,142f., 297; Traditionalists,47, 61-120, 301, 309 associatedwith Yoga, 206f. Tray, see Ses Sudreh (sacredshirt), 7f., 28, 37, 85, 141, Trusts, 79, 185, 186 142, 156, 164, 175,206 240, 248; separate- during menstruation,66, Udwada,44, 65, 82, 127, 143, 161, 172, 271; giving up wearing,215, 278, 283; 183, 184,207, 277f., 287; IranshahFire re-adopting,202, 279 installed at, 44; ceremonies Sufism, 132f. performedat, 111; visit or pilgrimage Sukhad(sandalwood), 202, 210,224; sent to, 28, 70, 77, 120, 186; project to to fire temple, 223, 283; smell of, 156 restore,277f.; atmospherein the old Sun: greeting,see Suraj vadhavanirit. See days,277. Seealso Iranshah. also Khorshed. Ukardi lutvani ramat (game),32 Suprani rit (ceremony),30, 192, 208 Unvala, J.M., 149,239 Suraj vadhavanirit (greetingrising sun), Ushahingeh: (watch), 71, 260, 320; 19,107 associatedwith early stageof Surat, 51, 52, 76, 80, 89, 108, 249, 258; evolution of soul, 257; (prayer text), Punchayet,186; Atash Behram,52, 71 177 Uthamna (Uthamnu, ceremony),38f., 76, Swami (Hindu spiritual leader),207 163, 197; afternoon-, 38; pachli-ratnu -,38 Tandorosti (prayer for well-being), 151, Uziran geh (watch), 73, 320. 183; on birthday, 240 Taraporevala,I.J.S., 232 Vanant Yasht (text): for healing, 152; Tarikats (observancesand religious nirang of, 118; for healing, 101, 152 customs),75, 241, 244; attitudesto, Varadhni rit (ceremony),32 301 Varadhpattarni baj (ceremony),32 Taro (unconsecratedbull's urine): used Varasyo (white bull), 14 n. 21 early in the morning, 16; for Varovar (ceremony),34

343 Index Vegetariandiet, 35, 48, 107, 149; during 145,146,222;power of, 165f., 182, 190, days connectedwith Bahman,24, 73, 217, 276; brings direct 98, 149, 189, 193, 214, 224, communicationwith Ahura Mazda, Vendidad: (ritual), 7, 10, 74, 144, 268; 232; recited on receiving news,111; power of, 234; for soul of deceased, recited in specialmanner, 134 95, 110; as part of Hamayasht,187; Yazads(yazatas, divine or angelic (text), 7, 158, 233, 262 beings),5, 78, 269, 296; favourite, 113, Verethraghna,see Behram 120; all equally important, 77f.; and Vibrations, 76, 195, 197, 201, 233, 238, raj, 247f., 269; 'are attributesof God', 240f. with n. 25, 258, 288, 295 255 Visions, 237 Yazd (town in Iran), fires of, 169 Vispe Humata (prayer formula), 207 YazdagirdIII, 13 Vohu Manah, seeBahman YengheHatam (prayer), 76 Vows, 113, 114, 226f. Yoga, 205,206,209 Vultures, 280, 282 Zaehner,R.c., 135, 138 Wadia: family, 84; Neville -, 285f. Zamyad(Yazad of Earth), 248; - raj, 320 Wadiaji Atash Behram,52,104,111, 114 Zand,7 Watch (of the day), seeGeh Zanzibar,115, 116 Waters, seeAva(n) Zarathustra(Zoroaster, Zarathushtra, Wedding, 105; ceremonies,29-34, 98, Jarthosht),3f., 27, 75, 114, 149, 195, Well, garlandsoffered to, 23, 64, 73. See 243, 268f., 305; his reform, 3f.; faith in, also Bhikha BehramWell. 100, 205; identified with Ahura Westerninfluences, 45f., 53, 84, 304£. Mazda,205; 'greatestYogi of all', 207; Wilson, J., 46, 306 with n. 75 'alchemist',257; 'a Saheb',268; 'Work is worship', 176, 181,219,294 picture of, seeunder Picture(s) World ZoroastrianOrganisation Zend-Avesta,see Avesta, Zand (W.Z.O.), 184f., 186, 276, 277, 280; ZoroastrianCollege, 115, 231, 237 ManagingCommittee of, 184; - Trust Zoroastrianidentity: stressedin Funds,185; projects,185, 186,277,280 childhood, 112, 145; sudreh and kusti as markersof, 8, 28, 279; observance Ya Ahu, 258 as markerof, 202; loss of, 280; 'makes Ya Hu, 135 one unique',173 Yasht (text), 7, 239; favourite, 111 Zoroastrianism:'true -', 305f.; classical, Yasna (Ijeshne, Ijashne): (ceremony),10, 3ff., 294, 298; modern,16f., 44f., 10; 268; now rare, 158, 302; powerof, 234; definitions of, 293f. part of Hamayasht,187; (text), 7 'ZoroastrianStudies', x, 58 n. 58, 126, Yatha Ahu Vairyo (prayer), 8, 61, 76, 78, 144, 145,159, 197, 198,208, 307 97,98,100, 103, 107,110, 112,127, 135; Zurvanism,14 n. 5

344