DOCSLIB.ORG

The Relationship of the Home Office and the Ministry Of

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Relationship of the Home Office and the Ministry Of THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE HOME OFFICE AND THE MINISTRY OF LABOUR WITH THE TREASURY ESTABLISHMENT DIVISION 1919-1946 AN EVALUATION OF CONTRASTING NEEDS NORMAN GEORGE PRICE Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD London School of Economics (University of London) 1 UMI Number: U042642 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U042642 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 t h e s e s F 68 nu-oaaiS ABSTRACT The thesis examines three Departments of the British Home Civil Service from 1919 to 1946: the Home Office, the Ministry of Labour and the Treasury Establishment Division. The study investigates the contrasting needs, in establishment terms, of an old "Secretary of State" department the Home Office, performing a largely regulatory role, with a new department the Ministry of Labour performing an administrative role, and the relationship of both over establishment matters with the Treasury. The study assesses the roles of individual Administrative Class civil servants in the three departments from the rank of Principal to Permanent Secretary: with particular reference to the relationships existing between the Permanent Secretaries of the two departments and the Permanent Secretaries of the Treasury and their Controllers of Establishments. This is followed by an assessment of the work of the Treasury Establishment Division during the first 14 years of its existence from 1919 to 1933, comparing the work of the Standing Committee of Establishment Officers with the Home Office and Ministry of Labour reorganisation of their administrative staff during the same period. This is followed by an assessment made from examining the years of growth in the two Departments from 1933 to 1939 and the relationship of the Home Office and the Ministry of Labour with a reorganised Treasury Establishment Division. The study finishes with the examination of the changing needs of the two Departments during the war years 2 from 1939 to 1945: with their extended roles when the Home Office took on administrative as well as regulatory roles in contrast to the Ministry of Labour (and National Service after September 1939) taking on regulatory as well as administrative roles. The role of the Treasury Establishment Division after the retirement of Warren Fisher in 1939 is measured against the impact that wartime staffing needs brought to the Division. The thesis concludes, first, that the restraints of the Treasury Establishment Division on establishment matters did not differ greatly over the claims made by the two Departments, despite their different historical backgrounds in the Home Civil Service, and their contrasting roles. Second, the effect of these restraints would have had a greater, and possibly harmful, impact in 1939 had the Home Office not quickly changed its incestuous establishment policy and adopted the Fisher concept (originally formulated in 1919) for the interchange of Administrative Class civil servants between departments: whilst, in contrast, the Ministry of Labour was able to adapt its pre-war administrative role to meet the requirements of its extended wartime role. Third, that the personality, style and political attitudes of the individual Permanent Secretaries had small effect on the success (or otherwise) of their dealing with the Treasury Establishment Division. This final conclusion is drawn from the effects of Ministerial intervention on establishment matters concerning individual Administrative Class civil servants. 3 To: Grace, Christine and Janice 4 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 Introduction to the three Departments in 1919 1/1 Historical background to the Home Office and the Ministry of Labour. 1/2 The Permanent Secretaries in 1919. 1/3 The Treasury in 1919 and the creation l a of the Establishment Division. 1/4 Civil servants and Government in 1919. 1/5 Conclusions. CHAPTER 2 The Home Office, Ministry of Labour and Treasury Establishment Division 1921-33 2/1 The Permanent Secretaries: Anderson At the Home Office, Wilson and Floud at the Ministry of Labour. 2/2 The organisation of the three Departments and their broad relationships. 2/3 The years of crisis - 1926 and 1931. 2/4 Contrasts in the structure of the three Departments. (0 / 2/5 The Controllers of Establishments and the Departmental Establishment Officers. 2/6 Conclusions 4*^ CHAPTER 3 The Treasury Establishment Division 1919-1933. 3/1 The extension of its role. 3/2 The relationship with Departmental '35 Establishment Officers. 3/3 Conclusions. CHAPTER 4 Two contrasts in the role of the Treasury Establishment Division 1919-1933. 4/1 The work of the Standing Committee of Establishment Officers. 5 4/2 The Home Office and Ministry of Labour reorganisation of administrative staff. 4/3 Conclusions. CHAPTER 5 The years of growth 1933-1939. 5/1 The Permanent Secretaries: Scott at the Home Office, Floud and Phillips at the Ministry of Labour. 2- 5/2 Departmental relationships with a restructured Treasury Establishment Division. 5/3 Conclusions. CHAPTER 6 The years of war 1939-1945. 6/1 The wider role of the Home Office. 6/2 The extended role of the Ministry of Labour and National Service. 6/3 The reforming Permanent Secretary at the Home Office Maxwell: the final years of Permanent Secretary Phillips at the Ministry of Labour and National Service. 6/4 The Treasury Establishment Division after Fisher. 6/5 War-time Committees on establishment matters. 6/6 The Treasury Establishment Division 1939-1946. A 6/7 Conclusions. CHAPTER 7_ Conclusions / T v w O \4 > 6 LIST OF TABLES Permanent Secretaries. Home Office, Ministry of Labour and Treasury. Controllers of Establishments. Organisation Chart. Treasury 1920. Organisation Chart. Treasury 1927. Organisation Chart. Treasury 1932. Organisation Chart. Home Office 1933. Organisation Chart. Ministry of Labour and National Service 1941. Administrative Class civil servants in Home Office and Ministry of Labour 1919. Administrative Class civil servants in Home Office and Ministry of Labour 1933. Administrative Class civil servants in Home Office and Ministry of Labour 1939. Administrative Class civil servants in Home Office, Ministry of Home Security and Ministry of Labour and National Service 1940. Administrative Class civil servants in Home Office and Ministry of Labour and National Service 1945. BIBLIOGRAPHY STRUCTURE OF BIBLIOGRAPHY A . Primary Sources 1. Parliamentary Papers and Government Publications. 2. Public Record Office documents. 3. Archive documents. B . Secondary Sources 4. Books 5. Articles and pamphlets 8 INTRODUCTION This thesis is a study of administrative history and its objective is to examine the contrasting personnel or "establishment" needs of two departments, the Home Office and the Ministry of Labour, and their relationships with the Division of the Treasury concerned with all establishment (now generally referred to as personnel) matters. The study follows these needs from the beginning of 1919 through to the changing requirements of the two departments during the 1939 to 1945 war and ending in March 1946. The study investigates the contrasting needs in establishment requirements of an old "Secretary of State" department, the Home Office, performing a largely regulatory role, and a new department, the Ministry of Labour, performing an administrative role, and the relationships of both over establishment matters with the Treasury Establishment Division. Winnifrith, writing in 1958, 12 years after the end of the period studied (when as Third Secretary at the Treasury he was responsible for establishment work) defined its main features under three heads(l). 1. Control of conditions of service, especially pay; 2. Control of numbers and grading; and 3. Control of personnel e.g. recruiting, cross-postings between departments. 9 These controls had existed since the creation of the Treasury Establishment Division as part of the 1919 Civil Service reforms, and allowing for the fact that his paper was originally addressed to the Society of Civil Servants (a trade union representing the executive grades in the Civil Service), he may have wished to give a favourable picture of the relaxation of the rigid control by the Treasury Establishment Division in the post-war years. Under these three heads Winnifrith considered that Treasury control was absolute for the first and second but not for the third. For the first, Treasury control was over the main conditions of service, with approval being required for any alterations in the pay, hours, or leave for the four "Treasury" classes of civil servants and for all departmental classes. For the second, Winnifrith considered that Treasury control, if need be, was absolute, and until 1939 it was. But, he conceded, what this study shows, that during the war this absolute control could not be maintained, and that the delegation of control to departments that followed the war (and which was in operation when he was writing twelve years later) was a result of war-time delegation. On the third, he conceded that
Load more

Recommended publications
  • London Calling: BBC External Services, Whitehall and the Cold War 1944- 57
    London calling: BBC external services, Whitehall and the cold war 1944- 57. Webb, Alban The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author For additional information about this publication click this link. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/1577 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] LONDON CALLING: SSC EXTERNAL SERVICES, WHITEHALL AND THE COLD WAR, 1944-57 ALBAN WEBB Queen Mary College, University of London A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D) 1 Declaration: The work presented in this thesis is my own. Signed: '~"\ ~~Ue6b Alban Webb Declaration: The work presented in this thesis is my own. Signed: Alban Webb ABSTRACT The Second World War had radically changed the focus of the BBC's overseas operation from providing an imperial service in English only, to that of a global broadcaster speaking to the world in over forty different languages. The end of that conflict saw the BBC's External Services, as they became known, re-engineered for a world at peace, but it was not long before splits in the international community caused the postwar geopolitical landscape to shift, plunging the world into a cold war. At the British government's insistence a re-calibration of the External Services' broadcasting remit was undertaken, particularly in its broadcasts to Central and Eastern Europe, to adapt its output to this new and emerging world order.
    [Show full text]
  • Megaphone Bureaucracy: Speaking Truth To
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. 1 Introduction FINDING VOICE Is politics broken? The dramatic events of the past decade have left many commentators convinced that there is something decidedly abnormal going on. A series of shocks— both economic and geopolitical— have combined to generate a ‘perfect storm’ of popular disquiet with democratically elected leaders around much of the world. First, the global financial crisis of the late noughties stung the world economy. Trailing in its wake has been a gradual but cumulatively dramatic increase in wealth inequality. Works such as Thomas Piketty’sCapital in the Twenty- First Century have struck an unexpectedly deep popular chord with people convinced that the financial bargain between elites and the rest is no longer holding. Over the same period, the long civil war in Syria and continued unrest in north Africa has fuelled new waves of refugees desperately striving to find safety in Europe. Their arrival has added to popular disquiet about immigra- tion levels across the continent, triggering intense public debate about their impact on the social and economic life of the EU and its constituent nations. That disquiet has blended with new fears about security to create a more hostile environment towards immigrants than Europe has seen at any time since World War Two. Irregular but not infrequent terrorist attacks have added to the nervousness that perhaps nation states are not able to keep 1 For general queries, contact [email protected] © Copyright, Princeton University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • (C) Crown Copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/23/83 Image
    (c) crown copyright Catalogue Reference:CAB/23/83 Image Reference:0029 (THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT). SECRET. COPY NO. CABINET 29 (36). Meeting of the Cabinet to be held in the Prime Minister's Room, House of Commons, on THURSDAY, 9th APRIL, 1936, at 12 Noon. AGENDUM. PROGRAMME OF NEW CONSTRUCTION FOR 1936. ' (Reference Cabinet 10 (56) (b) to (e)). Memorandum by the First Lord of the Admiralty CP. 105 (56) - circulated herewith. (Signed) M.P.A. HANKEY, Secretary to the Cabinet. 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.1. 8th April, 1956. '(THIS DOCUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT) SECRET. COPY NO. CABINET 29 (36). CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cahinet held in the prime Minister's room, House of Commons, on THURSDAY, 9th APRIL, 1936, at 12 noon. PRESENT: The Right Hon. Stanley Baldwin,- M.P. , Prime Minister. (in the Chair). The Right.. Hon. The Right Hon. J. Ramsay MacDonald, M. P. , Neville Chamberlain, M.P. , Lord president of the Council, Chancellor of the Exchequer. Tie Right Hon. The Right Hon. '. The Viscount Hailsham, Sir John Simon, G.C.S.I., Lord Chancellor. K.C.V.O., O.B.E., K.C., M.P., Secretary of State for Home Affairs. The Right Hon. The Right Hon. A. Duff Cooper, D.S.O., M.P., Malcolm MacDonald, M.P., Secretary of State for War, Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs. The Right Hen, The Most Hon. The Viscount Swinton, G.B.E., The Marquess of Zetland, M.C., Secretary of State for G.CS.I., G.CI.E.
    [Show full text]
  • THE LANCASHIRE MINERS, THOMAS GREENALL and the LABOUR PARTY, 1900-1906 J. Hill, B.A., Ph.D. HE Lancashire and Cheshire Miners' F
    THE LANCASHIRE MINERS, THOMAS GREENALL AND THE LABOUR PARTY, 1900-1906 J. Hill, B.A., Ph.D. HE Lancashire and Cheshire Miners' Federation (LCMF) was J. the first of the big county miners' unions to become affiliated to the Labour Party. It did so in 1903, a full six years before the general passage of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB) from Liberal to Labour. This early alignment of the Lancashire Miners with the new party, though an event of some significance in Labour politics, has not elicited very much detailed comment from historians,1 for whom the explanation for Lanca­ shire's affiliation has been sought in the unique convergence of pressures affecting the miners of this region. It is generally recog­ nised that the Lancashire Miners shared with their fellow workers in other coalfields a desire for parliamentary representation as a means of securing remedial legislation for the industry. Thus the LCMF had been a prominent campaigner for the Eight Hour Day ever since the issue had first been raised in the early iSgos and had later come to embrace a number of other legislative objectives, including the controversial demand for the nationali­ sation of the mining industry.2 Consequently, the Lancashire Federation was no stranger to electoral activity and in 1892 and again in 1895 had mounted campaigns in trie Wigan coalfield to elect miners' leaders to Parliament. Indeed, the Federation President Sam Woods had represented Ince3 as a Lib-Lab for three years from 1892. But historians have been quick to point out that a feature
    [Show full text]
  • Recall of Mps
    House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Recall of MPs First Report of Session 2012–13 Report, together with formal minutes, oral and written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 21 June 2012 HC 373 [incorporating HC 1758-i-iv, Session 2010-12] Published on 28 June 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee The Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to consider political and constitutional reform. Current membership Mr Graham Allen MP (Labour, Nottingham North) (Chair) Mr Christopher Chope MP (Conservative, Christchurch) Paul Flynn MP (Labour, Newport West) Sheila Gilmore MP (Labour, Edinburgh East) Andrew Griffiths MP (Conservative, Burton) Fabian Hamilton MP (Labour, Leeds North East) Simon Hart MP (Conservative, Camarthen West and South Pembrokeshire) Tristram Hunt MP (Labour, Stoke on Trent Central) Mrs Eleanor Laing MP (Conservative, Epping Forest) Mr Andrew Turner MP (Conservative, Isle of Wight) Stephen Williams MP (Liberal Democrat, Bristol West) Powers The Committee’s powers are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in Temporary Standing Order (Political and Constitutional Reform Committee). These are available on the Internet via http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmstords.htm. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press notices) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/pcrc. A list of Reports of the Committee in the present Parliament is at the back of this volume.
    [Show full text]
  • Welsh Disestablishment: 'A Blessing in Disguise'
    Welsh disestablishment: ‘A blessing in disguise’. David W. Jones The history of the protracted campaign to achieve Welsh disestablishment was to be characterised by a litany of broken pledges and frustrated attempts. It was also an exemplar of the ‘democratic deficit’ which has haunted Welsh politics. As Sir Henry Lewis1 declared in 1914: ‘The demand for disestablishment is a symptom of the times. It is the democracy that asks for it, not the Nonconformists. The demand is national, not denominational’.2 The Welsh Church Act in 1914 represented the outcome of the final, desperate scramble to cross the legislative line, oozing political compromise and equivocation in its wake. Even then, it would not have taken place without the fortuitous occurrence of constitutional change created by the Parliament Act 1911. This removed the obstacle of veto by the House of Lords, but still allowed for statutory delay. Lord Rosebery, the prime minister, had warned a Liberal meeting in Cardiff in 1895 that the Welsh demand for disestablishment faced a harsh democratic reality, in that: ‘it is hard for the representatives of the other 37 millions of population which are comprised in the United Kingdom to give first and the foremost place to a measure which affects only a million and a half’.3 But in case his audience were insufficiently disheartened by his homily, he added that there was: ‘another and more permanent barrier which opposes itself to your wishes in respect to Welsh Disestablishment’, being the intransigence of the House of Lords.4 The legislative delay which the Lords could invoke meant that the Welsh Church Bill was introduced to parliament on 23 April 1912, but it was not to be enacted until 18 September 1914.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    British Policy Towards Russian Refugees in the Aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution Elina Hannele Multanen Ph.D. Thesis The School of Slavonic and East European Studies University College London University of London ProQuest Number: U120850 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U120850 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT This thesis examines British government policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War in Russia. As a consequence of these two events, approximately one million Russians opposing the Bolshevik rule escaped from Russia. The Russian refugee problem was one of the major political and humanitarian problems of inter-war Europe, affecting both individual countries of refuge, as well as the international community as a whole. The League of Nations had been formed in 1919 in order to promote international peace and security. The huge numbers of refugees from the former Russian Empire, on the other hand, were seen as a threat to the intemational stability. Consequently, the member states of the League for the first time recognised the need for intemational co-operative efforts to assist refugees, and the post of High Commissioner for Russian Refugees was established under the auspices of the League.
    [Show full text]
  • Free Churchmen and the Twenty Years' Crisis
    Free Churchmen and the Twenty Years' Crisis T was E. H. Carr who coined the term "Twenty Years' Crisis" to I describe the period between 1919 and 1939. The optimism of the "war to end war" soon faded as Europe was wracked by new tensions and conflicts. If the Great War had witnessed the defeat of the German bid for Europeari hegemony, it had left fresh problems in its wake. The new states of Europe wrestled with the problems of nation­ building. Mter their success in the civil war, the Bolsheviks consoli­ dated their position in the Soviet Union. In Italy, Mussolini came to power and a new ideology "Fascism" had appeared. Despite the restrictions of the Treaty of Versailles, German aspirations remained uncertain. Britain and France were frequently at loggerheads on the question of reparations from Germany. The United States played little part in European afiairs. British governments and people had to recognize that the absence of war did not mean tranquillity. The Irish Free State was established after a bitter struggle. The 1926 Imperial Conference recognized equality of status between Britain and the Dominions. Political activity in India began to gather pace. Japanese power in East Asia became steadily more apparent. Writing in 1918, J. H. Shakespeare dreaded lest "the Free Churches should maintain automatic movements and cries while with brain and heart, and even conscience, asleep, they march on through the wonderful new world, missing its golden harvests and deaf to .its significant calls". 1 The golden harvests proved elusive, and Free Churchmen did not find the "wond.erful new world" greatly to their taste.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945 Jordan I
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-7-2018 Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945 Jordan I. Malfoy [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC006585 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Malfoy, Jordan I., "Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945" (2018). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3639. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3639 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida BRITAIN CAN TAKE IT: CHEMICAL WARFARE AND THE ORIGINS OF CIVIL DEFENSE IN GREAT BRITAIN, 1915 - 1945 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY by Jordan Malfoy 2018 To: Dean John F. Stack, Jr. choose the name of dean of your college/school Green School of International and Public Affairs choose the name of your college/school This disserta tion, writte n by Jordan Malfoy, and entitled Britain Can Take It: Chemical Warfare and the Ori gins of Civil D efense i n Great Britain, 1915-1945, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment.
    [Show full text]
  • Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
    Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan)
    [Show full text]
  • Published in the Clarity Journal 62
    Clarity Number 62 November 2009 In this issue The Hon. Nathan Rees, MP Journal of the Opening address 5 international association Dr. Robert Eagleson Ensnaring perceptions on communication: promoting plain legal language Underlying obstacles to lawyers writing plainly 9 Wessel Visser The credit crisis has its roots in Main Street, not Wall Street 14 William Lutz Plain language and financial transparency: What you don’t understand can cost (or make) you money 16 Lynda Harris Making the business case for plain English 19 Ernest Gowers (Ann Scott) Plain words 22 Ben Piper Righting the wrongs of rewriting 30 Pam Peters Keynote address International trends in English style and usage 34 Candice Burt Laws set the framework for plain language in South Africa 41 Angela Colter Assessing the usability of credit card disclosures 46 Caroline Lindberg Developing plain language multilingual information about the law 53 The Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG Closing address Plain concord: Clarity’s ten commandments 58 Clarity and general news How to join Clarity 15 Call for special papers 15 Thanks to Richard Woof 18 Guest editor for this issue: Coming conferences 21 Neil James Phil Knight retires from Clarity committee 33 Member news 65 Editor in chief: From the President 66 Julie Clement Members by country 67 Patrons The Rt Hon Sir Christopher Staughton, The Honorable Michael Kirby, and H E Judge Kenneth Keith Founder John Walton Committee President: Christopher Balmford ([email protected]) Members: Country Representatives plus Simon Adamyk, Mark Adler, Michèle Asprey, Peter Butt, Sir Edward Caldwell, Richard Castle, Annetta Cheek, Julie Clement, Robert Eagleson, Jenny Gracie, Philip Knight, Robert Lowe, John Pare, Daphne Perry, John Walton, Richard Woof.
    [Show full text]
  • Preface Chapter 1 Introduction
    Notes PREFACE 1. Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, p. 458. 2. In the First World War deaths of UK service personnel were 722 785, and civilians’ 1414. Whereas in the Second World War deaths of UK service personnel were (including merchant navy) 336 642 while civilian deaths were 60 284. Thorpe, Britain in the Era of the Two World Wars, pp. 49–50. 3. Cited in Fussell, Wartime, p. 131. 4. Fussell, Wartime, p. 140. 5. Malinowski, ‘A Plea for an Effective Colour Bar’, Spectator, 27 June 1931. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1. Barkan, The Retreat of Scientific Racism, p. 1. 2. Malik, The Meaning of Race, p. 124. 3. Rich, Race and Empire in British Politics, p. 149. 4. ‘On 2 July 1949, for example, the Picture Post enquired “Is there a BRITISH COLOUR BAR?” and found to their evident surprise that indeed there was.’ CCCS, The Empire Strikes Back, pp. 68–9. 5. Condit and Lucaites, Crafting Equality, p. 173. 6. King, Separate and Unequal, p. 113. 7. Rex and Tomlinson, Colonial Immigrants in a British City, p. 38. 8. Lauren, Power and Prejudice, p. 35. 9. Rich, Race and Empire in British Politics, p. 149. 10. Condit and Lucaites, Crafting Equality, p. 171. 11. King, Separate and Unequal, p. 114. 12. Rose, The Negro in America, pp. 320–1. 13. ‘The intense phase of racial prejudice in the British Empire did not last very long. By the 1930s, as Dr. Perham has pointed out, the interest of the British in continuing to occupy the former German colonies caused them to emphasize the difference between their own racial attitudes and those of Hitler’s Germany.’ Symonds, The British and Their Successors, p.
    [Show full text]