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COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY EXTENDED UNITS OF THE HOPI AND LAKOTA (SIOUX): A STUDY OF THE DETERIORATION OF STRUCTURES AND FUNCTIONS

Benjamin Grant Purzycki

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Purzycki, Benjamin Grant, "COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY UNITS OF THE HOPI AND LAKOTA (SIOUX): A STUDY OF THE DETERIORATION OF KINSHIP STRUCTURES AND FUNCTIONS" (2004). Nebraska Anthropologist. 68. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro/68

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Nebraska Anthropologist by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS OF THE HOPI AND LAKOTA (SIOUX): A STUDY OF THE DETERIORATION OF KINSHIP STRUCTURES AND FUNCTIONS

Benjamin Grant Purzycki

Drawing on a body of classical and contemporary ethnographic resources, one finds a number of coriflicting conclusions and assumptions in not only the evolutionary role of the extended family and its fUnctions, but also-in a post-colonial context-how these units as well as their roles andfUnctions change. When comparing a number of sources, we find that extended are explained in diametrically opposed terms (e.g. some say extended families result from hunter-gatherer while others attribute it to agricultural groups), creating conflicting theory obviously not considered together as often enough­ hence the necessity of comparative study between traditionally agricultural Hopi and hunter-gathering Sioux. By comparing these two drastically different groups, through to particular facets ofthe two family extensions, one concludes that the two extended families looked at drastically differ in fUnction, while remaining quite similar in form. On the one hand, traditional Hopi extended families fUnctioned as an economic extension, whereas the Sioux extended families fUnctioned primarily as a military extension.

Introduction vastly different (in function) family extension system from the Sioux, who By looking at two very different developed a military extension family American Indian nations, both system. Certain facets of both kinship traditionally and contemporaneously, we terminologies and practice inform and find a number of interesting facets of reinforce the nature and specific extended families, how they are useful, functions of the respective extensions. how they have changed, and how their When we examine the processes of differences have influenced the familial colonialism and the assimilation structures in a colonial context. The programs installed by the United States Hopi, pastoral agriculturalists, serve as government, we find the installation of the quintessential example of matrilineal mechanisms in order to' specifically and structure (and ) systematically alter these types of whereas the Sioux, traditionally hunter­ extended families. gatherers, serve as an anomaly on a As a note, the terms Oceti number of fronts regarding our Sakowin (translated as Seven Council anthropological knowledge and Fires), Sioux, and Lakota will be used approaches to social structure and interchangeably. Oceti Sakowin literally kinship organization. means "Seven Council Fires", a term When extended families are which the Sioux use to denote closely examined and compared, we fmd themselves, including bands, , a disparity in their respective functions. tiospaye (extended families), and The Hopi, employing an economic individuals. Lakota is used due to the extension traditionally established a author's use of the Lakota

The Nebraska Anthropologist, vol. 19,2004, pp. 16-31 16 [Purzycki] COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 17 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS rather than the dialects of the Dakota or designations of the Hopi clan system. Nakota. According to Richard Maitland Bradfield, the Hopi clan, or nya mu is Traditional Hopi Social Organization composed of three fundamental characteristics: a) "All the members of The Hopi Pueblos, located in the the clan are supposedly descended from northeast comer of Arizona, have a single ancestress, the foundress of the endured a number of changes in their clan"; b) "Traditionally, the principal social structure due to a number of kinds of property ... were held in the factors. Traditionally pastoral­ name ofthe clan"; and c) "Each clan has agriculturalists, politically, the Hopi its own name, its own sacred objects were a male-based, theocratic , (wuya), and its own clan in which while domestically the women had much the sacred objects are stored" (1995: 10. more power. In other words, Hopi men Emphasis in origina1.). In other words, were responsible for farming and Hopi clans claim a relationship with the religious duties, more or less same female , collectively own monopolizing the latter, whereas elder specific property, and are responsible for women were in charge of most their respective religious articles and rules and affairs and were the storage units. sole owners of the house and other As the members of the clans are resources as discussed later. With an all related to a "single ancestress," initial glimpse of the household, an according to Harry C. James, "the clan apartment or "house block" consisted of relationship system .. .is based upon the basic . Because the unilateral descent through the of Hopi are a matrilocal social the tribe" (1956: 39). According to organization, also included would be, Beaglehole, the individual, on the other according to Earnest Beaglehole, hand, has "obligations and duties of both "unmarried or widowed and groups ofkindred ... [;] his bilateral of the , married , kinship affiliations" (1937: 6). An their and children, and also interrogation of this conflict is in order if widowed or divorced " (1937: 5). we are to understand both the Mischa Titiev adds that "a natural thing individual's obligations as well has how for a Hopi to do in the event of a the extended family is maintained vis-a­ 's death is to adopt the children of vis economic and religious participation. the deceased, an act that implies no Bradfield writes that "while change either in residence or certain limited resources (e.g. wild-seed terminology, and that scarcely affects the tracts) remained the property of the tenor of household life" (1971: 10). community as a whole, the principal Obviously, with this concerted focus on resource, namely agricultural land, was the matriarch's kin and their residence, vested in (matri-) lineages; post-marital the nuclear family model is not residence was firmly matrilocal; and the applicable unless there are not any of the individual family or household" (1995: above to live in a family'S block, but 376). Among the number of things the would of course if they existed. The size matriarch of the household is responsible and scope of Hopi families, with notions for are household utensils (Titiev 1971: of familial identity formulate the 16; Beaglehole 1937: 10), "bedding of 18 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19, 2004J

sheepskin and rugs, the simple Hopi was extremely simple-a furniture ... basketry, as well as the com dissatisfied took his belongings and other produce stored in the house, elsewhere, a disgruntled wife merely set but produced by her husband or male her husband's possessions outside her relatives ... [and she] controls clan lands door" (1944: 2). It is quite clear that the assigned to her household, the garden matriarch of the Hopi household had an plot ... orchards and the peach house" and impressive amount of power both within all of the (Beaglehole 1937: 10) and all and outside of the household. As the of the "produce from the land" nucleus of the household and extended (Clemmer 82). Interestingly enough, "if family, a 's influence and role a married man builds a new house away surfaces in the Hopi vocabulary as well. from the house block of his wife's We see the structure of the people, as occasionally he may to escape household group reflected in Hopi conflicts with his wife's , the familial terminology. Ego's is house becomes the wife's property and called Ina 'a as well as an who descends to her daughters" (11). marries into the extended family. Similarly, as noted by Harry C. James, According to Titiev, Ina 'a is used for while a husband lives with his wife and "Father, father's , father's sister's her family, "even after he , mother's father's brother's son, continues to consider the house of his mother's father's sister's son, all men mother and of his sisters his real home" belonging to the father's clan ... [and] all (1956: 40). This is only a scratching of husbands of an ingu'u" (1971: 17). the surface, however, of the Hopi Ingu 'u translates as "mother" and is used household. for in the matrilineage as well. On the nature of the household , regardless of , are called itself, Fred Eggan writes that "the Itiwaiya. These cousins are only called relation of sisters to one another-and to Itiwaiya if they are offspring of members their mother-is the foundation of the of the extended family (cousins married Hopi household group. This in are called Imu 'wi) (Titiev 1944: 8-9; relationship, based on the closest ties of Bradfield 1995: 275. The latter source , residence, and common uses the term inii'ii for mother and occupation, lasts from birth to death and mother's sisters.). It is clear that the influences their lives each day" (1950: kinship terminology employed by the 36). Sisters are responsible for each Hopi reflect that of extended family other's children and share all of the kinship systems insofar that similar labor. Eggan notes that "sororal terms are used for those who are is not practiced, nor is there within the same household. any tendency toward the sororate or In terms of participation in public levirate" (36). Also, "the importance of affairs, ranging from decision-making to the bond between siblings ... does not ritual life, the Hopi were clearly find expression in ... fraternal " patriarchal in this respect. Vine Deloria either (112). A mother sometimes turns Jr. and Clifford M Lytle write that "the over the house to a favorite , but original Pueblo government was a usually the eldest sister inherits the theocracy of priests who filled offices control of the household" (36). Dorothy derived from supernatural or religious Eggan notes that " among the sources. A council of priests represented [Purzycki] COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 19 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS the Pueblo in its internal self-governing might be predicted" due to a number of aspect, and their function was what we developments in the last quarter of the would today describe as judicial-the Nineteenth Century: interpretation of tradition, the articulation of custom, and the growth in the importance of large herd application of existing beliefs in new animals; political influence from a situations" (1988: 19). larger society of more hierarchically organized neighbors, the Americans; To conclude, it is necessary to permanent invasion of the ecological classify the specific type of extended niche by communities of Navajos ; and family the Hopi had in order to the possibility for men to acquire distinguish between both other variations economic wealth independently of of the extended family as well as the women through selling labor, crafts, livestock, and wool (82). extended family system which "exists" presently. It would seem accurate to call In other words, as larger herds become it an economic extension due to the fact more necessary for better living, outside that its functions were specifically for influence, and simply better methods of food production, clan maintenance and acquiring income would likely drive perpetuation, and it ensures property for males to seek income elsewhere (land offspring. There is a tacit assumption, not owned by ). Considering however, that needs to be addressed, males were traditionally solely namely that an extended family responsible for the harvesting and perpetuates because of marriage and shepherding, and traditional rates of -bearing. growth do not facilitate comfortable. living now, women will have an Contemporary Hopi Social increased dependence on men as they are Organization bringing the income in from other sources. Whiteley notes that "there is at While this may be the case, Scott least one obvious problem with using Rushforth and Steadman Upham note classical descent theory as an that beginning around 1910, there has explanatory system for Hopi society: been "a decline in the significance of The Hopi have refused to remain frozen lineages, clans, and phratries. This in the ethnographic present of 1932 decline is accompanied by an increase in through 1934 [when Titiev and Eggan the importance of nuclear families as conducted their fieldwork]" (1998: 56). residential and economic units," However, many aspects of indicating the infiltration of the national, traditional Hopi social structure survive or arguably global, economic system today. Presently, there are roughly 30- (1992: 159, 168). This is supported by 40 clans in total on the Hopi reservation the (then) emerging neolocality of Hopi (Bradfield 1995: 10). According to newlyweds. Titiev notes that "under Richard o. Clemmer, "Hopis continue to present conditions there is an increasing determine descent, of certain tendency for young couples to build kinds of non-moveable property such as for themselves ... Nevertheless, all houses, and clan affiliation through the houses belong to women and are female line," (1995: 13) although "a transmitted only to female heirs" (1971: change of to 16). So there are surviving qualities of 20 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19, 2004J the nya mu, but as economic Traditional Sioux Social Organization independence, rather than codependence, emerges, the function of the extended Not much is really known about family dissolves. In sum, it is quite clear the Sioux prior to European invasion, that the breakdown of the traditional although there has been some Hopi extended family and the speculation that they once inhabited developing nuclear family model was for what is now know as South Carolina, economic reasons, rather than i.e. an farming, getting pushed out by the extended family could not support itself Iroquois circa 1500 (Mails 1990: 13). on a cash-economy basis, as detailed What is known is Sioux residence in above. Wisconsin and Minnesota (mni water + s Emily Benedek writes that the + ata many; Buechel and Manhart 2002: "[traditional] Hopis have historically 201,479) but, as Thomas Mails writes, resisted the concept of a Tribal Council. for "all intents and purposes the Sioux Each village considers itself an are a people who came into being in the independent entity. Its residents are late 1600's, when first they moved as a members of different clans, each has nation into the Midwest and buffalo slightly different clan stories, and even country" (1990: 13) considering what is the language differs across the mesas" seen as "traditional" Sioux and (1992: 30). Benedek notes, concerning spiritual belief and practice is based on political influence: "Because each of the the surrounding area and its non-human fourteen Hopi villages considers itself an inhabitants of the Plains region including autonomous unit and because clans the Black Hills (Looking Horse 1987: within the villages compete for authority 67; Brown 1989; Neihardt 2000; Lewis on certain matters, it is often difficult to 1990). come to a consensus" (44). In other Pasternak, Ember, and Ember words, traditional Hopi communities note that "In bilocal societies people (clusters of nya mu) act independently may trace descent through either , of one another, thereby rendering an or may provide some other basis for overarching governing body invalid in supra-family organization apart from both practicality and principle. The common descent" (1997: 214). This is traditional division of labor and the case in what we know of Lakota responsibilities maintained a more or social organization. In addition to our less balanced public and private politics lack of understanding of the Oceti with little to no reason for creating a Sakowin during their woodland congress, as economic self-sufficiency residence, there is a general lack of was maintained. We see this process of understanding of the structure of Lakota change in the extended family structures or localities. In all of the of the Lakota Sioux as well. However, literature reviewed for this essay, not there are many differences as the one offers a kinship chart regarding post­ primary functions and various aspects of marital residence. This is a result, which the extended families of the Sioux are is demonstrated below, of the flexibility quite different from those of the Hopi of locality due to what is likely the status Pueblos. of the respective of the married couple. Like the Hopi, foundations of the [PurzyckiJ COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 21 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS social structure and organization of the respectively) used for women married Sioux (Oceti Sakowin) reside in the into the mother's and/or father's family extended family, (tiospaye) although (Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre). they serve quite different purposes. However, a much better indication of Royal B. Hassrick writes that "bands this is the fact that, also like the Hopi, were extended family units headed by a "men owned nothing but their clothing, a Band Leader chosen for his war record horse for hunting, weapons and spiritual and his generosity. Such a leader was items; homes, furnishings, and the like often the patrilineal head of his family, were the property of their wives" responsible to them and to his division (Jaimes and Halsey 1992: 318). This for its proper functioning" (1944: 339). suggests that the Lakota were matrilineal Here Hassrick, not alone, uses "clan" at one point but there were not different and "tyospe" (sic) interchangeably, terms for mother's relatives and father's while elsewhere, he calls the "tiyospe" relatives (as seen among the Hopi). For (sic) "clannish" (1964: 12; Powers all intents and purposes, the Sioux 1986). The important factor to note here practiced bilocality or neolocality, for all concerning the crystallization of tiospaye and all aunts are the same term is what is valued in a leader, namely a (when a male is speaking, he uses prestigious history of battle. LeksilTunwin respectively) (White Hat While " was commonly 1999: 16). Hassrick comments on post­ practiced by the wealthy ... marital residence, although not was considered highly virtuous" explaining how it is determined (Hassrick 1944: 339). What Hassrick specifically: neglects to note, however, is how "wealth" was determined among the Young married couples might live Lakota. Wealth, in terms ofthe Lakota, briefly with one or the other's parents, but this was inconvenient and for any should be equated with status, rather length of time unworkable, because of than an amount of material possessions. the avoidance taboo among parents-and As noted by John G. Neihardt, "you had [sic] children-in-Iaw ... As a result, a to be a great warrior and a good man to young couple was usually given a tipi to attain the chieftainship" (1985: 320). In be pitched in front of one or the other parents-in-law's lodges, where they other words, good warriorship was the might enjoy the proximity of their measurement of who qualified for a family without the embarrassingly prestigious position in Lakota polity. difficult situations occasioned by the Marla N. Powers writes, without taboo (1964: 98). providing any references, that "there is some speculation, based on kinship Considering the nature of how prestige is terminology, that the Dakotas were measured among the Lakota, upon originally matrilineal" (1986: 25). marriage, one would gravitate to the While, like the Hopi, the same term tiospaye with the most respected leader (Ina) is used for both mother and as its head. In effect, post-marital mother's sister, we find that the Lakota residence among the Sioux fell term for father (Ate) is also used for somewhere between bi- and neolocality. father's brother, unlike the Hopi. There According to Thomas Biolsi, "in th are also similar terms for aunts/uncles­ the third quarter of the 19 century, [the by-marriage (TunwinlalLeksila Sioux] were an equestrian, bison­ hunting, warring, 'stateless,' social form 22 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19, 2004J in which the primary sociopolitical units of your life. They say if a [kola] gets were kinship-based, leader-centered shot down in battle then his [kola] has to bands (tiaspaye) and larger intermittent, go in and rescue him" (1999: 18). The ecologically and militarily strategic bond between two kolapi (pI.) extended political clusters" (1995: 29). Hassrick much further as well in traditional notes the fundamental reason for Sioux Lakota social life. Hassrick writes that a organization in this respect: kola was "literally obligated to marry the wife of his deceased kola ... There is an Such a family tended to ensure the large indication that two men in the force of man power necessary for relationship of kola might have sexual communal hunting and concerted war activity. A solitary man, his wife, and access to the same woman, and that small children would be at an extreme exchange of wives between kola was an disadvantage in acquiring sufficient expression of that relationship" (1944: meat and in gathering an adequate 340). In other words, the camaraderie supply of wild fruits and vegetables to between two kolapi was extremely sustain themselves for long periods. In strong, with potential wife-sharing (no addition, they would be easy prey to marauders" (1964: 12). other source mentions this quality of this relationship, however). Nothing in the In sum, the combat-prestige of a male available literature questions the nature dubbed him leader of the tiospaye, of the living kola's new relationship with which is formed on the basis of safety the extended family of his deceased and food collection. Biolsi' s notion of a comrade, let alone the state of the "militarily strategic political cluster", extended family he leaves. One could however, is incorrectly attributed to the conjecture that the wife and children of "larger" formation of Lakota groups (the the deceased would join the living kola's Oceti, or Council Fire; see section I.), as tiospaye and his kinship duties would the tiospaye is the foundation of all become twofold. ecological and military strategy. According to Ward Churchill, Coupled with the fact that "Lakota "[a]nother aspect of traditional Lakota women traditionally maintained at least community organization has always four warrior societies of their own," it is been the direct interaction of the various clear that the organization of the Oceti Tiospayes in comprising a multifaceted, Sakowin was designed for military multilevel national governing purposes (Jaimes and Halsey 1992: 316; structure ... [i.e.] 'partiCipatory Powers 1986: 87). We see this in democracy'" (2002: 414). The tiospaye traditional marriage practice as well as as a political organization is further another interesting aspect of Lakota supported by the fact that alliances. . "Ultimately ... Lakota marriage was an This aspect was the kola, or exogamous union that cemented an "particular" friend (Buechel & Manhart alliance between two tiyospayes" 2002: 182). The bond between two (Steltenkamp 1993: 11-12). As the kolapi was extremely important and conditions of both economic, residential, interesting facet of Sioux kinship. and military life of the Sioux have Albert White Hat Sr. writes that "to changed over the years, the concomitant acknowledge another man as a [kola] is altering of the tiospaye occurs as well. to commit to that individual for the rest Contrary to the Hopi, who maintained [Purzycki] COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 23 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS

traditional structure far longer, the Sioux according to individual and nuclear­ tiospaye has undergone a number of family based ownership, was based on changes. and carried out with a nuclear-family structure in mind. Deloria and Lytle Contemporary Sioux Social write that this legislation was based on Organization the following formula:

Hassrick writes that "as a result 1. To each head of a family, one­ of the generalized disintegration of the quarter section (of land). Plains Indian culture, there is a 2. To each single person over eighteen years of age, one-eighth section. loosening of the lineal and collateral 3. To each child under eighteen bonds within the society" (1944: 347). years of age, one-eighth section. The reason, he claims, for this 4. To each other single person under "generalized disintegration" is that eighteen years of age living, or who may be born prior to the date of the "band organization has become order to the president directing submerged in the struggle for individual allotment of the lands, one-sixteenth security brought about by the extinction section (1983: 9). of the buffalo, and the horse and war economy" (347). Marla N. Powers, in Needless to say, it is clear that Allotment response to one Lakota woman's was based on individual and individual criticism, writes that "the tiospaye has "family" ownership, which would changed, and if it has become dismantle the localities of the tiyospayes. 'dysfunctional,' it is because its few Biolsi's notion of "competence" political functions have been supplanted refers to the weight and prestige given by the U.S. government" (1990: 495). In (by the U.S. bureaucratic agents the target source, she states that "The assessing the Lakota) to various presence of different [religious] individuals in terms of how well they are denominations provided a framework to assimilating (thus stimulating the desire keep the old tiospaye alive even though to assimilate more in order to receive the it was now politically and economically benefits of doing so) (1995: 35-39). defunct" (1986: 193). As described "Degree of Indian blood" refers to the below, this is not the case. Along both method of measuring "blood quantum" lines, and more recently, Thomas Biolsi in order for the U.S. government to both argues that the creation of a F oucauldian define who is an Indian as well and in "'matrix of individualization' and doing so, undermining how the Indians subjection" caused the breakup of the define what being Sioux is (sovereignty) tiospaye (1995). and taking the land which "mixed­ Biolsi breaks the process of bloods" of less than the quota of "subjection" into four modes, namely "Indianness" were allotted (40-42). In "empropertiment, competence, degree of response, Yankton Sioux have "issued Indian blood, and registration of certifications of Indian identity to " (1995: 30). craftspeople who, although not "Empropertiment" reflects the Allotment biologically native, had been adopted legislation of the U.S. government. The and raised by emolled tribal members passing of the General Allotment or from an early age" (Churchill 2003a: Dawes Act of 1887, which divided land 41). Biolsi notes that "closely 24 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19,2004] connected to the status ofthe blood had lost our school, most of our children, quantum ... was the administrative and our spiritual commitment," (1995: establishment and recording of an 436) not to mention defense from federal individual's genealogy. Family marshals (Ibid.; Churchill 2003b; relationships-which quickly became Matthiessen 1991). nuclear family relationships listed under However, sometimes it is a male head and patronymic family difficult to discern between the name, whether or not the actual domestic contemporary uses of tiospaye with that unit looked like this" (1995: 42). In of "family", with an implied nuclear other words, lineages were recorded by structure, however. Alex White Plume, the Office of Indian affairs as nuclear whose land is annually raided by the family units rather than who was DEA to cut down the persistently actually living together. These records recurring hemp crop there, has been were the determining factor in noted as the "head of his Tiospaye establishing who were the "proper heirs" (extended family)", (Melmer 2003) ofland which a father was allotted (43). whereas elsewhere these raids occur on Biolsi does not claim military "the White Plume Tiosape [sic] land", pacification (circa 1885) had little or (LaDuke 2002: 242) indicating a nothing to do with the breakup of the persistence of the tiospaye, although the tiospaye, he attributes these "modes of literature available indicates it has subjection" to internal pacification or become much more of an economical "bureaucratic control" rather than extension, rather than the traditional military pacification (i.e. external) via military extension. the very external (to the Sioux) Office of There are a number of Indian Affairs run by Euro-American inconsistencies within anthropological bureaucrats (29). literature, and quite a number of During the insurgency period of uncovered grounds both in terms of the mid 1970s through the early 80s, extended family formation, as well as (American Indian Movement and function. The next section surveys a others), we see the use of the tiospaye number of the more prominent problems reemerging as both its traditional found within socio-anthropological military function, but also as a method of theory concerning family extension, cultural renewal (Means 1995: 411). An their functions, and how the Hopi and example of this is the Yellow Thunder Lakota can provide a few answers to Tiospaye, which occupied a portion of questions, as well as serve as excellent the Black Hills of Wyoming (which by examples of how present scholarship is law, the Sioux should still rightfully own limited. and have usufruct rights to the area. Matthiessen 1991; Churchill 2002: 113- Theoretical Considerations and 134). While Yellow Thunder's Unanswered Questions occupation was eventually legally legitimated (Churchill 2002: 127), it fell Whiteley states that while apart and eventually became, in the "structural-functionalism has long been words of Russell Means, "little more debunked ... there is a curious theoretical than a safer alternative to living on the half-life for the understanding of streets or mooching from relatives ... We particular [which perpetuates its [Purzycki] COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 25 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS use]" (1998: 49). He argues that "Hopi compartmentalization of the different 'structure' .. .is not effectively addressed social institutions within a social body by structural-functionalist descent-theory will effectively and in much more models. Hopi social structures, detailed fashion provide a better especially clans, are not corporate understanding of those structures and entities formed around joint estates in their respective functions. If there is a property ... and to transform them into contradiction where two structures meet such entities---especially via 'the or overlap, more investigation would be principle'-is to misconceive Hopi doxa expected. and praxis" (49). In other words, Returning to Whiteley, he Whiteley argues that Hopi matrilineages, "finds" a contradiction in structural­ among their social structure, are not functionalism with what he (or more group bodies, which revolve around the poignantly, how) observed. As opposed home because that belief misunderstands to "The vertical structure [of] matrilineal Hopi religion, which generally takes descent groups," Whiteley argues that it place outside of the home. Whiteley's is "the horizontal' structure that intersects "general" statement is clearly incorrect the descent groups [which] comprises on account of his specific addressing of religious sodalities and kiva groups" "the lineage principle." Whiteley sees (1998: 57). Kiva groups do, in fact '''structure' as an order of cultural value overlap members, yet do not "reside" and protocol received from the past and anywhere (as a matrilineage does), nor engaging action via events" (30). In can it rely on itself for reproduction (as a effect, the functions and forms of household does). In sum, families (which the examples provided Descent is an important concept for the here should have illustrated well enough understanding of Hopi society. by now), let alone socially constructed However, its importance lies in the cultural use of descent as an idiom to institutions at large, are composed of the delineate individual and group statuses meaning and practice by the participants, and in the practical effect these statuses rather than the actions andlor roles of have upon social action, not in its and the participants themselves. supposed conformance to a rigid set of theoretical precepts about unilineal A. R. Radcliffe-Brown notes that descent groups [that structural­ "the concept of function ... involves the functionalists do]" (79). notion of a structure consisting of a set ofrelations amongst unit entities, the In other words, the "descent" should not continuity of the structure being have to mirror what we may think about maintained by a life-process made up of unilineal descent, but rather how it is the activities of the constituent units" used as an expression, essentially, about (1952: 298). In other words, offered by defining the status of people and Jerry D. Moore, "social structure organizations and their impact on includes all interpersonal relations, the society. Whiteley, however is confusing differentiation of individuals and groups the substance for shadow, or at least by their social roles, and the attempting to merge the two. relationships between a particular group Clemmer attributes "this of humans and a larger network of confusion [as stemming] from a failure connections" (1997: 145). In effect, if to understand a fundamental point about one were to subscribe to this definition, Hopi social organization ... : that clan 26 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19,2004] and lineage are not isomorphic with historical examples of the Lakota regard to one another. Neither was ever tiospaye as a form of military extension. the primary unit, nor is there any reason While Francis Paul Prucha notes that the either should have been" (1995: 311). In bison slaughters of the mid-late 1800s other words, not only do they not have a "destroyed the Indians' independence similar structure or appearance, but the and ability to wage war," we find that ties are of a different origin and nature this lack of resources actually increased altogether as well. They differ in the military operations of the Lakota function and participants; a lineage (1986: 179). In effect, the Lakota comprises a household and the males tiospaye and the military raids they which have left, while a religious clan carried out were about control of has only men from various lineages. resources, rather than collection of The lineage is a female gerontocracy resources. A prime example is the while the religious clan is a male-only devastating conflicts between Lakota endeavor whose leadership is based on and Pawnee over bison, where the knowledge. Especially in the case of the former were by then equipped with guns Hopi sexual division oflabor, (see and the latter not equipped with the below) structural-functionalism would military protection (from the Sioux) as clearly be a more prudent method to promised by the U.S. for bison hunts apply in order to obtain better accuracy (Wishart 1994: 181). as well as ease of interpretation. James H. Howard, quoting from On the nature of the extended a definition borrowed (from a lecture) by family's function, M. F. Nimkoffand Leslie A. White, defines a clan as "a Russell Middleton note that the corporate kinship group the members of "paramount advantages of the extended which consider themselves to be related family are economic" (1960: 217). and who trace their descent to a common Further, the "stability of residence [is] an ancestor. This ancestor, however, unlike additional circumstance making possible that in a lineage, may be extended family organization, since a mythical ... rather than a known person" highly nomadic life militates against the (1979: 135). So, according to this development of large families" (224). It definition, the Sioux were/are clearly not is quite clear this is not the case for the organized into clans, (as stated in Lakota, considering extended families, Howard 1984: 87) as bloodline, , and the making of kolapi marriage, or adoption determines who is clearly indicates that while "nomadic in the tiospaye (White Hat Sr. 1999: 28). life" may "militate against" developing Returning to the concept of kola, an large families, carrying out successful unanswered question is whether or not war parties and strategies warrants the making of two kolapi was ever extended families-and was quite central (frequency would be likely difficult or to the tiospaye. In other words, the impossible to calculate) performed on "paramount advantage" of the extended the wishes of members (likely the family for the Oceti Sakowin was leaders) of two different tiospayes as a military prowess. conscious effort to attain political When considering Nimkoff and alliance. Middleton's explanation of extended As mentioned above, some families, it is important to look at scholars (e.g. Hassrick, Powers) have [PurzyckiJ COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 27 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS used "clan" and tiospaye particular mother-child groups" (1974: interchangeably. The inherent problem 23). The Hopi clearly maintain their with confusing these two forms is most gendered roles this way, as women apparent when Powers writes that "the control the domestic sphere, whereas tiyospaye, sometimes numbering several men control the public. The Hopi hundred, came into existence as matriarchs are clearly in control over migrating groups of extended families much more of the public domain than fused with others" (1986: 26). While a Rosaldo would predict, however. As an tacit assumption of this statement, example, Beaglehole notes that "If a namely the political activity of the man wishes to present some of [his tiospaye, is mostly correct, she simply family's] harvest to his sister or mother, neglects the translation of the word, he may do so freely only before it is which when taken literally, accurately received in his wife's house. Thereafter describes the word's usage. Ti means he must ask his wife's permission before "to live, dwell, abide" or "lives disposing offield crops" (1937: 1O} together", while ospaye means "group," On the other hand, regarding the let alone the translation of Oceti Sakowin Lakota division of labor, we fmd another (Seven Council Fires. Buechel & interesting conundrum to Rosaldo' s Manhart 2003: 304,247; White Hat Sr. definition of the public/private 1999: 28). It would be more accurate to dichotomy. In terms of traditional Sioux call the tiospaye the group which lives labor, according to Powers, "women together joined by, as Albert White Hat accompanied their husbands and Sr. notes, "blood, marriage, or adoption" brothers on the buffalo hunt and helped (28). If anything, a clan would be the them butcher the buffalo," indicating people spoken for by the itancan, or that women directly participated in the "chief'" at council meetings (price 1994). main source of food collection (bison) The point here is not so much a push and preparation (1986: 83). That, in toward clarity and consistency in addition to the above-mentioned female anthropological terminology, but the warrior societies, further renders importance of political structure in Rosaldo's thesis invalid in this case. All Lakota social organization; confusing in all, the question arises as to whether terms with extant Lakota terminology or not hunter/gatherer extended families obscures both lexicons (anthropological around the world primarily function as and Lakota) and the structures they military extensions, considering not only describe. their rarity.among extended family­ The Hopi provide one of the best based groups, but also their rarity among examples which fall under Michelle traditional peoples as a whole. Zimbalist Rosaldo' s domestic and public Pasternak et al. note that dichotomy, with one major exception. "matrilocality will occur only when the She writes that "domestic ... refers to timing of purely external warfare those minimal institutions and modes of requires women to do at least as much as activity that are organized immediately men in primary subsistence" (1997: around one or more mothers and their 225). This is clearly not the case for the children; 'public' refers to activities, Lakota who were bilocal/neolocal, institutions and forms of association that although once again, we do not know if link, rank, organize, or subsume matrilocality was practiced originally 28 THE NEBRASKA ANTHROPOLOGIST [vol. 19,2004] and carried into their movement west. generalizations of their work. By Their use of warfare is historjcally contrasting these· two peoples, we proven to be exclusively external, both logically find the different functions and defensively and offensively (Wishart can come up with the reasons why these 1994; Prucha 1986; Hassrick 1964). The distinctions are evident. literature on the Hopi, on the other hand, By looking at the changes of does not provide any insight into these family extensions over time, due to whether or not purely external warfare colonization and U.S. imperialism, we was as evident, although it may be safe find a number of surviving qualities of to assume that it was, given the rigidity the traditional family structures, how of matrilocality. There is an interesting . they have adapted, and how they have example, however, of internal historical changed-all of which reemphasize conflict between two tiospayes that has traditional forms of household groups. lasted for four generations. When The theoretical work, which Jerome Crow Dog killed another itancan attempts to understand and explain these Spotted Tail over the latter's accepting groups, has been successful in some money from the u.S. government (and a areas, while weak in others. This woman). According to Lakota tradition, diachronic comparative study hopefully when one kills another, this "bad blood" strengthens socio-anthropological is carried through four generations. endeavors as well as raises questions Chief Leonard Crow Dog writes that which are not answered. "The blood guilt is still there. Spotted Tail's blood is still dripping on me. It References Cited lasts four generations. My son will be free from it" (1995: 39). The Spotted Beaglehole, Ernest. Tails have since forgiven the Crow 1937 Notes on Hopi Economic Life. Dogs, although the Crow Dogs cannot New Haven: Yale University Press. go near the Spotted Tails without Benedek, Emily. invitation (38). 1992 The Wind Won't Know Me: A History ofthe Navajo-Hopi Land Conclusion Dispute. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. As extended families have Biolsi, Thomas. developed over the ages, we find their 1985 "The IRA and the Politics of functions to be quite different when Acculturation: The Sioux Case". compared. The Hopi Pueblos, an American Anthropologist 87. example of economic extension­ 1995 "The Birth of the Reservation: through a strict division of labor and Making the Modem Individual ownership--are quite different from the among the Lakota." American military extension of the Sioux. The Ethnologist 22(1 ):28-53. Hopi extended family could clearly be Bradfield, Richard Maitland. considered an archetypal example of 1995 An Interpretation ofHopi agricultural matrilineal/focal extended Culture. Duffield: Richard Maitland families, as defined by Nimkoff and Bradfield. Middleton, while the Sioux clearly do not fall under many of the [PurzyckiJ COMPARISON OF THE TRADITIONAL 29 AND EXTENDED FAMILY UNITS

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