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Home , Boy, Child, Kinship terminology, Parent

Fox (Mesquakie) Terminology

IVES GODDARD Smithsonian Institution

A. Basic Terms (Conventional List) The Fox kinship system has drawn a fair amount of attention in the ethno­ graphic (Tax 1937; Michelson 1932, 1938; Callender 1962, 1978; Lounsbury 1964). The terminology that has been discussed consists of the basic terms listed in §A, with a few inconsistencies and errors in some cases. Basically these are the terms given by Callender (1962:113-121), who credits the terminology given by Tax (1937:247-254) as phonemicized by CF. Hockett. Callender's terms include, however, silent corrections of Tax from Michelson (1938) or fieldwork, or both. (The abbreviations are those used in Table l.)1

Consanguines ' (1) nemesoha 'my grandfather' (GrFa)

(2) no hkomesa 'my grandmother' (GrMo)

Parents' Generation (3) nosa 'my ' (Fa)

(4) nekya 'my ' (Mo [if Ego's female ])

(5) nesekwisa 'my father's ' (Pat-)

(6) nes'iseha 'my mother's ' (Mat-Unc)

(7) nekiha 'my mother's sister' (Mo [if not Ego's female parent])

'Other abbreviations used are: AI = animate intransitive; AI + O = tran- sitivized AI; Ch = ; ex. = example; incl. = inclusive; m = male; obv. = obviative; pi. = plural; prox. = proximate; sg. = singular; TA = transitive ani­ mate; TI-0 = objectless transitive inanimate; voc. = vocative; w = female; Wi = . Some citations from unpublished editions of texts by Alfred Kiyana use abbreviations: B = Buffalo; O = Owl (for these, see Goddard 1990a:340).

244 FOX (MESQUAKIE) 245

Ego's Generation (relative-age set) (8) nesese-ha 'my older brother' (Br)

(9) nemiseha 'my older sister' (Si)

(10) nesima 'my younger brother or sister' (Br, Si)

(relative- set) (11) netehkwema 'my sister ( speaking)' (Si)

(12) netawemawa 'my brother ( speaking)' (Br)

(13) netotema 'my brother (man speaking); my sister (woman speaking)' (Br, Si)

Children's Generation (14) nekwisa 'my ' (So)

(15) neta-nesa 'my ' (Da)

(16) nenicanesa 'my child'

(17) nenekwaha 'my nephew' (Neph)

(18) nesemiha 'my niece' (Niece)

Grandchildren's Generation (19) nosisema 'my grandchild' (GrCh) Affines (20) nemesoma 'my father-in-'

(21) nohkoma 'my mother-in-law'

(22) nihta-wa 'my brother-in-law (man speaking)'

(23) netakwa 'my sister-in-law (woman speaking)'2

(24) ninemwa 'my sister-in-law (man speaking); my brother-in-law (woman speaking)'

(25) nenekwana 'my son-in-law'

(26) nesemya 'my daughter-in-law'

(27) nenapema 'my '3

(28) niwa 'my wife'

2Miswritten with (ni-) in the sources. 3 From Tax; omitted by Callender. 246 IVES GODDARD

(29) nt hkana 'my friend'4

The brief glosses conventionally presented with these terms are not to be taken as generally applicable English translations; they are mnemonic la­ bels that must be interpreted with reference to the structural principles of the system. The application of these terms to (male) Ego's consanguineal relatives is indicated in Figure 1 (from Callender 1978:612; a diagram for female Ego is in Tax 1937:250 and Callender 1962:15). Certain features of this set of terms are worth noting at the outset. There is no separate term for the father's brother, the term 'father' being used instead. There are separate but historically related terms for 'mother' and 'mother's sister', but although earlier descriptions kept these separate, Callender's diagram collapses them as "Mo." This curious case of the ana­ lysis becoming more real than the data is further discussed below. There are two sets of terms, a relative-age set (8-10) and a relative-sex set (11-13), which provide two possible terms for every relative referred to as a sibling, but the diagram substitutes the abbrevations "Br" and "Si" for this complexity.*

B. Structural Principles The Fox kinship system is of a type called Omaha by social . Such systems are often found in like the traditional Mesquakie that have strongly defined patrilineal descent groups. Lounsbury (1964:359-366) has given an elegant formulation of the principles by which the basic kinship terms (in Tax 1937) are extended from nearer to more distant relatives in such a system. His rules have the effect of reducing or converting the specifications of more distant kin to briefer designations for which there are basic terms. The central distinctive principle of Omaha Type I systems, like that of Fox, is summarized by the skewing rule (I) and its reciprocal corollary (II):6

Principle (I) Skewing rule: FaSi . . . —• Si . . . (Read: father's sister's whatever is rewritten as sister's whatever.)

M follow Callender (1962:121) in listing this term with the kinship terms, while conceding that it may not be possible to defend its inclusion. The dual sets of sibling terms are an old Algonquian feature, discussed in Goddard (1973:40-43). The abbreviations in these formulas refer to primary kintypes. Hence "Fa" means 'father, male parent', uSi" means 'sister, female sibling', etc. This contrasts with the use of the same abbreviations in Figure 1, where, for example, "Fa" means: the term nosa, conventionally glossed 'father'. The author takes no responsibility for this ambiguity, which seems endemic to the kinship literature. Â=• --A A=• i 1=• Â=• :I 1=.------.---Â=• 0 '"rj 0 ~;1: ~ ...... ;r. ·;1:· A ~ ... ~.. ~ :·1~: :>< Neph NI- Fa Pet-Aunt Fa Pet-Aunt Grfa GrMo Br SI MaWne Mo Mat-Une Mo Grfa GrMo ~ M (/) .0 }.}.}.}. }.}.}.}.}.}.}.}. }.}.}.}-. q GrCh GrCh Br SI Ne NI Br SI Ne NI GF GM Fa Pat- 5o Da Ne N1 Met· Mo Br SI Mat· Mo Br SI GF GM Mat- Mo > Aunt Une Une Une ...... ~ ... - ..__,M =• ~ ~~: !1;. z...... I~~~ ..~ :I: (/) ~ J.. • ...-----L--. ::Il...... Ne ph Nlece Br SI Br ego SI Br SI Met-Une Mo '"0 ~ M ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~ s::...... z 0 t-' ~~~AÀ~À~ÀhÀhh~ÀÀh~~ÂÀ~ 0 GrCh Mat- Mo Br SI 5o Da Ne NI 0 Une -<

Figure 1: Callender's (1978:612) chart of Fox kinship terminology (male Ego), based on Tax (1937). ~ ""'--l 248 IVES GODDARD

Principle (II) Reciprocal corollary of skewing rule: . . . (w)BrSo — . . . (w)Br . . . (w)BrDa - . . . (w)Si (Read: a female relative's brother's son is rewritten as her brother, ana a female relative's brother's daughter is rewritten as her sister.)

The skewing rules have the effect of equating certain pairs (and sets) of rel­ atives in different in the same patrilineal . For example, mother's brother's son is equated with mother's brother, and therefore is called by the same term (6). The rule applies iteratively, and hence the mother's brother's son's son, and his son, and his son, etc., are all equated to mother's brother. The effect of this is that all the males in one's mother's patrilineage from one's or on down are called by the same 'ma­ ternal uncle' term. Another rule (III) equates of the same sex:

Principle (III) Merging rule and its corollary: (m)Br ... — (m). . . (w)Si . . . - (w)...... (m)Br — . . . (m) . . . (w)Si - . . • (w) (Read: Male's brother's whatever is rewritten as male's whatever. Female's sister's whatever is rewritten as female's whatever. A male relative's brother is rewritten as the male relative. A female relative's sister is rewritten as the female relative.)

Lounsbury also formulates a half-sibling rule (IV), but this does not affect the overall structure.

Principle (IV) Half-sibling rule: FaSo — Br; MoSo — Br; FaDa — Si; MoDa — Si (Read: One's parent's child is rewritten as one's sibling.)

A few examples of the extensional use of the basic terms will illustrate the operation of these principles (these can be traced on Figure 1).

(30) A man's brother's children and a woman's sister's children are 'son' (14) and 'daughter' (15) (by Principle III). In other words, call each other's children 'son' and 'daughter', as do . (31) Father's sister's children are called the same as sister's children (Princi­ ple I). A man therefore calls them 'nephew' (17) and 'niece' (18), but a woman (by Principle III) calls them 'son' (14) and 'daughter' (15), since this is what she calls her sister's children. Note, however, that the equa­ tion of father's sister and sister operates only as a link; the father's sister herself is called by a distinct term from the sister. (The three suspension dots in the formulas indicate this obligatory linkage.) FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 249

(32) Mother's brother's children are called the same as mother's siblings (Prin­ ciple II); hence mother's brother's son is also called mother's brother (6), as is his son, and his son, and so on down within the same patrilineal lineage. (33) 's siblings' are called grandparents (partly Principle III, part­ ly by definition; but see §G). (34) Mother's mother's brother's son is called grandfather (Principle II), as is his son, and his son, and so on down in the mother's mother's patrilineal lineage. A daughter of any of these men is called a grandmother. (35) Father's brother is called father, in accordance with Principle III.

Paralleling the equation in (35), Principle III also specifies that mother's sister is called mother, but this is not the case. The term for mother's sister (7) is, in fact, distinct from that for mother (4). Lounsbury (1964:364-366) discusses at some length the implications of this fact for his analysis. He ar­ gues that the equivalence rules determine a superclass "MOTHER," which has the subclasses "lineal mother" (4) and "collateral mother" (7). The subclass "lineal mother" contains only the kintype Mo (female parent), and the subclass "collateral mother" contains all the other kintypes specified by the equivalence rules (MoSi, MoBrDa, MoBrSoDa, MoMoSiDa, etc.).7 This analysis, Lounsbury argues, is supported by the apparent derivational affin­ ity between nekya (4) and nekiha (7), and "[f]ar more significant[ly]" by the fact that these terms share the same reciprocals, 'son' (14) and 'daugh­ ter' (15). Lounsbury ponts out that an identical line of argument based on the sharing of common reciprocals would define a higher-order superclass "PARENT," which includes 'father' (3; Fa, FaBr, etc.) as well. The fact remains, however, that Fox kinship terminology does not have a label for the superclass "MOTHER," any more than it has for the superclass "PAR­ ENT," and Callender's inclusion of the analytical superclass "MOTHER" on his chart of "kinship terminology" (the "Mo" on Figure 1) goes beyond the presentation of an analytical explanation and substitutes a tidied-up abstraction for precisely those quirks of reality that are of interest.8

7In Lounsbury's (1964:364) list of the members of this subclass the abbrevia­ tion "MS," for MoSi, was omitted by oversight or misprint. 8The apparent derivational between nekya (4) and nekiha (7) cannot be used to support the postulation of a superclass "MOTHER" as part of Fox kin­ ship terminology. Historically nekiha (stem -ki-h-) is a diminutive of nekya (stem -ky-), but descriptively these words are separate lexical items with no productive derivational relationship. 250 IVES GODDARD

C. Basic Terms (Full Set) There is actually a lot more to Fox kinship terminology than what can be found in the accounts summarized in §A and Figure 1. These earlier studies lack an adequate linguistic perspective and labour under the burden of restrictive a priori predeterminations of what data are relevant to the analysis of kinship. It is possible that these assumptions are dictated by some unstated aspect of kinship theory, which may require that the sim­ plest possible primary kin designations are the only data germane to the analysis of the system. I suspect, however, that methodological inertia sup­ ported by the linguistic incompetence and lack of interest of ethnographers has resulted in the uncritical perpetuation of Lewis Henry Morgan's (1871) original approach of fillingou t kinship schedules and taking the designations thus obtained to delimit the system. No linguist would accept the simplest surface elements or constructions as providing the distinctive structural el­ ements of a linguistic subsystem or, even less, as comprising the only data to be accounted for. In the linguistic approach a broad concept of what data may be germane must be employed, and the functional aspects of the system and its elements must be explored as well. A full set of Fox kin­ ship terms would look more like the following display, incorporating also the expressions to be discussed in §§D, E, and F:9

Consanguines Grandparents' Generation (36) nemes'omesa, nemes'oha 'my grandfather', voc. nemeiomese, nemeso; omeiomesiwa, omesohiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him as) a grandfather'

(37) nohkomesa, nohkomeseha 'my grandmother', voc. anohko; ohkomesiwa, ohkomesehiwa AI, AI + O 'has (her as) a grandmother'

Parents' Generation (38) nosa 'my father', voc. anose; osiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him as) a father' ' (39) nekya 'my mother', voc. anehe; okiwa AI, AI + O 'has (her as) a mother' (40) nemesotanaki 'my parents'; omesotaniwa AI, AI + O 'has (them as) parents'

These lists are not exhaustive. I have tried to assemble all the forms that I /e encountered in the re-edited corpus of texts I have been working on and in ler sources that came readily to hand. I have not, however, made a systematic empt to fill in the unattested derivatives by elicitation and have not included attested secondary derivatives (such as TA verbs of possession occurring beside FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 251

(41) nesekwisa 'my father's sister', voc. nesekwise, nesekwi; osekwisiwa AI, AI + O 'has (her as) a father's sister'

(42) nesiseha 'my mother's brother', voc. nes'ise; osisehiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him as) an uncle', osise-heme-wa TA 'has him as an uncle'

(43) nekiha 'my mother's sister', voc. nekihe; okihiwa AI, AI + O 'has (her as) a mother's sister' ("she's her niece; he's her nephew")

Ego's Generation (relative-age set) (44) nesese-ha 'my older brother', voc. nesese.

(45) nemise-ha 'my older sister', voc. nemise.

(46) (nesi-ma,) nesi-me-ha 'my younger brother or sister', voc. nesvme, nesihi; osi-mehiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him, her as) a younger sibling'

(relative-sex set) (47) netehkwe-ma, *netehkwe-me-ha 'my sister (man speaking)'; otehkwe-miwa AI, AI + O 'he has (her as) a sister' (48) netawemawa 'my brother (woman speaking)', voc. netawe-ma-we; otawe-ma-wxwa AI, AI + O 'she has (him as) a brother'

(49) neto-te-ma 'my sibling, clanmate', voc. neto-te-me; oto-te-miwa AI, AI + O 'has (him, her as) a sibling'

(50) mesawihka, nemesawihkema 'my (man speaking) mother's sister's son; my clanmate'

Children's Generation (51) nekwisa, nekwtseha 'my son', voc. nekwise, nekwrhi; okwisiwa, okwisehiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him as) a son'

(52) neta-nesa, netaneseha 'my daughter', voc. netanese, netaha; otanesiwa, otanesehiwa AI, AI + O 'has (her as) a daughter'

(53) nenicanesa, nenicaneseha 'my (own) child'; ota-nesiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him, her as) a child'; netapenohema 'my own child'

(54) (nenekwanesa,) nenekwaha 'my nephew', voc. nenekwa; onekwahiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him as) a nephew'

(55) (nesemisa,) nesemiha 'my niece', voc. nesemi

Grandchildren's Generation (56) nosisema, nosisemeha 'my grandchild', voc. nosihi, voc. pi. no-sisemetike; osisemiwa AI, AI + O 'has (him, her as) a grandchild', osisememe-wa TA 'has him, her as a grandchild'; ocisemehani 'her dear grandchild; nosisemehkoha, semehkoha, cemehkoha, atemehkoha 'my dear grandchild' 252 IVES GODDARD

Affines (57) nemeso·ma 'my father-in-law', voc. nemelo·me (58) no·hkoma 'my mother-in-law', voc. no·hkome

(59) ni·hta·wa 'my brother-in-law (man speaking)'; owi·hta·wiwa AI, AI+ 0 'he has (him as) a brother-in-law' (60) neta·kwa 'my sister-in-law (woman speaking)'; ota·kwiwa AI, AI + 0 'she has (her as) a sister-in-law' (61) ni·nemwa 'my sister-in-law (man speaking); my brother-in-law (woman I speaking)'; owi·nemwiwa AI, AI+ 0 'he has (her as) a sister-in-law; she has (him as) a brother-in-law' f (62) owi-ta·kapi·hani 'his eo-son-in-law' (63) nenekwana 'my son-in-law', voc. nenekwane; ne·ha·kapita 'a eo-resident I son-in-law';1° oiineke·wa 'a son-in-law'; oiinetamwa TI-0 'he is the son-in-law (there)'11 (64) nesemya 'my daughter-in-law', voc. nesemye; naha·kanihkwe·wa 'eo-resid­ ent daughter-in-law', voc. naha·kanihkwe; osemiwa AI, AI+ 0 'has (her ! as) a daughter-in-law' t (65) nena·pe·ma, *nena·pe·me·ha12 'my husband'; ona·pe·miwa, ona·pe·me·hiwa AI, AI + 0 'she has, takes (him as) a husband'

(66) ni·wa, ni·we·ha 'my wife', voc. ni·we, metemo;l3 owi·wiwa, owi·we·hiwa AI, AI + 0 'he has, takes (her as) a wife'

(67} ni·hka·na 'my friend', voc. ni·hka·ne, iato;14 owi·hka·niwa AI, AI + 0 'has (him as) a friend'

10The term ne·ha·kapita is the third-person singular participle of naha·kapiwa 'he (man) lives with his parents-in-law'. 11 Fox oiineke·wa 'a son-in-law' ( < PA *weiiOenke·wa 'one who has in-laws') and Fox oiinetamwa ( < PA *weiiOentamwa 'he has in-laws') are derivatives from P A *weiiOeme·wa TA 'he has him as father-in-law', formed on the dependent stem PA *-siO- 'father-in-law' (Goddard 1973:49). The addition of the diminutive ending PA *-ehs- in the noun PA *neiiOehsa 'my father-in-law' is secondary; the old diminutive form is reflected by PA *neiihsa 'my mother's brother' (stem *-iihs­ < *-iiO-(h}s-). 12The diminutive is attested in the third-person-possessed form ona·pe·me·hani 'her husband'. 13The form metemo is formally the vocative of metemo·ha 'old woman' but is used traditionally as a "gentle term of address" for a wife of any age (Jones 1907:304.17, n. 1). 14 The form iato is perhaps a reduced form of paiito, which is formally the vocative of paiito·ha 'old man' but _used as a term of addr-ess between close male friends. FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 253

Compare, for example, the full set of terms for 'grandfather' in (36) with the single form in (1). In (36) there is a non-diminutive stem and a diminutive stem, and both of these have also a vocative and a verb of possession. The diminutives (the forms with stems ending in h preceded by a long vowel) have structural significance beyond their existence as lexical items. (Tax and Callender generally give only the non-diminutive, but they give only the diminutive for 'grandfather', 'nephew', and 'niece'.) The contrast between the diminutive and non-diminutive does not have the same function for all terms. The diminutives of the grandparental terms are affective variants; those of 'nephew' (54) and 'niece' (55) are the usual designations, the non-diminutives being more formal and apparently more common in extensional uses. The diminutive of 'younger sibling' (45) is the only normal term, the non-diminutive being restricted to special uses. For example, in traditional narratives the hero Wisahkeha refers to his murdered brother with this term.15 The term for 'grandchild' (56) has a series of affective diminutive forms, some of them uniquely irregular in lacking any pronominal prefix. The absence of affective diminutives for the parental generation and apparently for in-laws is probably systematic and obviously delimits structurally significant subgroupings of kin. Similarly the presence or absence of vocatives and their patterns of formation are also significant features of the system. Regular vocatives are formed by adding to noun stems the suffixes -e sg. and -etike pi., except that stems ending in h (which is always preceded by a long vowel) drop the h and shorten the preceding vowel to make the vocative singular. Some vocatives of kinship terms follow this pattern, but many do not. The irregular patterns include prefixation of a- (37, 38, 39) and various types of shortening and truncation.16 The verbs of possession made on kinship terms are of the standard types productively made from possessed nouns (Goddard 1990a:472). They may be formal intransitives (AI), derived with -i- (underlined in 36, 42, and 56), or transitives (TA), derived with -em- (underlined in 42 and 56). The for­ mal intransitives have the shape of animate intransitive (AI) verbs (verbs with an animate subject and no object), but they may also be used as tran- sitivized AI verbs (AI + O), a large class of AI verbs that are optionally or obligatorily transitive in function, in that they occur with or imply a direct object.17 The verbs of possession derived from kinterms are frequently met

15There is another use in example (109). 16The vocatives in -hi (45, 50, 55) and -ha (51) are attested in native writings; speakers interviewed in the 1990s have final -he in these forms, if the finalvowe l is pronounced at all. 17The abbreviation AI + O used for these transitivized AI verbs may be read 254 IVES GODDARD with in texts and conversation. They form an important part of how the kinship terminology is actually used and belong in any discusssion of the system and its uses. The list above includes those encountered so far, but additional ones are certainly formable. Lexical items not given by Tax and Callender are in (40, 50, 53, 62, 63, 64, 67). Some of these shed light on is­ sues concerning the structure of the system (40, 53). For example, the word for 'parents' (40) refers only to one's own father and mother, and the words for 'child' (53) refer only to one's own children. Assuming, as we would surely want to claim, that relations of synonymy provide valid evidence for the structurally relevant categories of the system, these terms indicate that the terms 'father' (38), 'son' (51), and 'daughter' (52) each subsume a lineal and a collateral subclass. The lineal subclasses of 'father', 'son', and 'daugh­ ter' are the sets of referents these terms have in common with 'parents' and 'child'; the collateral subclasses are the residue. These subclasses are struc­ turally salient but not differentiated by primary kinship terms. Such an argument from synonymy appears to be as valid as Lounsbury's argument from relations of reciprocity, but in this instance it undercuts his specific conclusions. The relations of synonymy permit the argument that 'mother' and 'mother's sister' do not have the same reciprocals after all; 'mother' (4, 39) has as its reciprocals the unlabeled 'lineal son' and 'lineal daughter' subclasses, and 'mother's sister' (7, 43) has as its reciprocals the unlabeled 'collateral son' and 'collateral daughter' subclasses. The term mesawihka (50), which is apparently no longer in use, was the subject of a note by Michelson (1933), who concluded that it probably re­ ferred to a parallel . As far as I know, however, the attested examples of its use were between men whose were sisters,18 and this corre­ sponds to the explanation of the term given by Kiyana (1916:9B).19 In a traditional narrative written by Kiyana a woman refers to a brother as nemesawihkema, and the man addresses her as mesawihke (Kiyana 1913- 1914:405, 431). This use contradicts Michelson's (1933) statement that the first-person possessed and vocative forms can only be used between "" of the same sex. In two of Jones's tales mesawihka (and vocative mesawihke) are used between brothers in episodes where one sleeps with the wife of the other (Jones 1907:92.18, 304.19, 312.17, 312.23, 314.4); one of

"animate intransitive plus object" or "AI plus object"; this term was introduced in Goddard (1974:319). For example, this term was used between Harry Lincoln and James Ward, whose mothers were sisters (Harry Lincoln in Michelson 1915); I know of at least one other similar case. Kiyana wrote: neniwa o-hkomesani ota-nesani okwisani, omesawihkemani neniwa 'A man's grandmother's daughter's son is the man's mesawihka''; it seems most likely that he had in mind only the mother's patrilineage and did not intend to include also the man's father's sister's son, whom he would call 'nephew'. FOX (MESQUAKTE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 255 these is the Rolling story and the other a story of Turtle (mesihkeha 'snapping turtle'). Michelson (1933), however, denied that the translation 'brother' was correct and declared the mistranslation unexplained; he says that mesawihka literally means 'turtle'. It appears that the use of the term mesawihka as a kinship term stems from an allusion to a traditional tale in which there was an animal character with this name, but the details are not recoverable from the available Fox data. It is germane in this connec­ tion, however, that in some Menominee tales Turtle (usually mehkenah 'snapping turtle') appears under his legendary name mesihkew and that his younger brother is mehsa-wek (Bloomfield 1975:118, 127). The phonol­ ogy of these Menominee words indicates that they are borrowings from Fox, Menominee mesihkew from Fox mesihkeha, and Menominee mehsa-wek from Fox mesawihka.20

D. Participles (Obviative Possession) An important function of the derived verbs of possession is their use in participles:21

(68) we-yo-sisemita 'the grandparent; his, her (obv.) grandparent' (< 'grand­ child' [56] )22

(69) we-kwisita 'the parent (of the ); his (obv.) father, mother'; we-kwisita ihkwe-wa 'his mother' (< 'son' [51])

(70) we-tanesita 'the parent (of the ); her (obv.) father, mother'; neniwa wetanesita 'her father' (< 'daughter' [52])

(71) we-nekwahita 'the father's sister or mother's brother (of the boy); his (obv.) aunt, uncle' (< 'nephew' [54])

(72) wesimehita 'the older sibling; his, her (obv.) older sibling' (< 'younger sibling' [46])

20 The long vowels in the second syllables of these Menominee words can be accounted for as naturalizations to the regular patterns of Menominee phonology. The second word, however, was recorded as (mehsa'wik) (Bloomfield 1928:290, twice), which is most likely to represent phonemic mehsawek, with the retained foreign phonology found in many loanwords in Menominee. Thefirst word was recorded as (misihkew) (Bloomfield 1928:182). I have not located other text oc­ currences of these words. 21 Participles axe inflected forms of the verb that have the function of relative clauses; the stem appears in its "changed" form, marked by the ablauting process called initial change, which replaces initial-syllable o with we-. 22Verbs of possession beginning with o- have changed forms with we-yo-- (68, 74); this is historically regular < PA *we-wo--, the changed form of PA *wewo-- (> Menominee owo-, Bloomfield 1962:276). The unchanged forms have regular contraction: PA *wewo-- > *owo-- > Fox o-. 256 IVES GODDARD

(73} we·to·temita 'the sibling; his, her (obv.) sibling' (<'sibling' [49]} (83) (74} we·yo·sita 'the son, daughter (of the man}; his (obv.) son, daughter' (84} ( < 'father' [38]) (85) (75} we·kita 'the son, daughter (of the woman}; her (obv.) son, daughter' ( < 'mother' [39]) (86) (76} we·sise·hiciki 'his (obv.) nieces'(< 'mother's brother' [42] )23 (87) (77) we·na·pe·mita 'the wife; his (obv.) wife'; we·na·pe·me·hita 'his (obv.) poor wife' ( < 'husband' [65)} (88} (78) we·wi·wita 'the husband; her (obv.) husband'(< 'wife' [66]} (89} For example, we·yo·sisemita (68) literally means 'the one (prox.) who has him, her, or them (obv.) as grandchild or grandchildren', hence equivalently Thes~ posse 'his, her, their (obv.) grandparent (prox.)'. These expressions are very her c frequently encountered. Syntactically, they furnish proximate nouns with The ; obviative possessors and thus have significant discourse functions in the and f structure of narratives.24 rived These participial expressions provide further structural evidence for the covert categories subsumed under the basic kinterms. The participles re­ ferring to parents and children appear to be used only in the case of lineal F. D

(nuclear ) relationships (69, 70, 74, and necessarily 75). This is a The J further indication of the salience of the distinction between the lineal and relati collateral subclasses of 'father', 'son', and 'daughter'. of the of th, E. Reciprocal Sets ofexj The terms for pairs and sets of relatives are of significance both for their (90} attestation of certain relationships as being usefully labeled in this way and for their pattern of derivation. Those attested are the following: (91} (79) o·sisemeti·haki 'the grandparent and grandchild' ( < 'grandchild' [56]) (92} (80} oni·ca·neseti·haki 'the parent and children' (attested for 'mother and children'; < 'child' [53]) (93}

(81} okwiseti·haki 'the parent and son' (attested for 'father and son'; < 'son' (94} [51]}

(82} onekwa·heti·haki 'the uncle (MoBr) and nephew' (<'nephew' [54]) 251 23 Used in Alfred Kiyana's recounting of the legend of \Vapasaya to refer to the final hero's father's sister's (WAP34A). 261 24 For examples in context, see Goddard (1990b:320-321, 335); this paper dis­ are u cusses in detail the functions of the obviative and proximate categories. 27( FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 257

(83) osemihetihaki 'the aunt (FaSi) and niece' (< 'niece' [55])

(84) osimetihaki 'the brothers; the sisters' (< 'younger sibling' [46])

(85) otehkwemetihehaki 'the little brother and sister' (< 'my sister (man speaking)' [47])

(86) otote-metihaki 'the siblings' (< 'sibling' [49])

(87) owrwetihaki 'married couple' (< 'wife' [66]; cf. owiwetiwaki 'they get, are married')

(88) owihtawetihaki 'the brothers-in-law' ([59])

(89) otakwatihaki 'the sisters-in-law' ([60])

These terms are nouns made from the reciprocals of transitive verbs of possession.25 In each case they are derived from the term for the junior mem­ ber or for the female co-generational member, except for self-reciprocals. The attested forms based on terms for co-generational females are 'brother and sister' (85), derived from 'male's sister' and 'married couple' (87), de­ rived from 'wife'.26

F. Disambiguation of Extended Terms The full range of expressions available and actually used for talking about relatives and kinship relationships makes it clear that the extensional nature of the more distant applications of the primary terms is salient for the users of the system and not just a device of the analyst. Some additional types of expressions used to specify kin are exemplified by the following:

(90) no-sa'ta-taki 'my father's brother' (lit., 'my "kind-of" father'; cf. no-sa 'father, father's brother')

(91) no-sa oto-te-mani 'my father's brother' (lit., 'my-father his-brother')

(92) we-yo-sa-ko-maka 'my father's brother, my classificatory father' (lit., 'the one I am related to as to a father')

(93) weyosiyana 'my (own) father' (lit., 'the one I have as father')

(94) we- sisehemakoma- cihi 'his classificatory mother's brothers' (most likely refers to MoBr's )27

25Reciprocals are made productively from TA stems by suffixing -(e)ti--\ stem- final m generally drops before this suffix. 261 have been told that some terms derived from the term for the senior member are in use, but I have never seen any of these in texts. 27Confirmed as the best reading of (wesiseamakomacii) (B299K). 258 IVES GODDARD

(95) oniianesiwakomewa 'he, she has them as classificatory children (Kiyana example: woman's FaSiCh) (96) wa-wa-ci-oto-te-ma-ko-ti-waki 'they are each other's "siblings" ' (Kiyana example: the children of brothers) (97) keto-te-mena-na onrca-nesani 'our (incl.) brother's child'; kekwisena-na 'our son' (98) okehci-osisehani 'his "great" mother's brother' (Kiyana example: MoBr [perhaps only her older Br], not MoBrSo) (99) nekakaii-nesekwisa 'my teasing aunt' (i.e. 'my mother's brother's wife')

(100) nekakaci-nemesoha 'my teasing grandfather' (i.e. 'my mother's mother's brother' and his son, etc.) (101) opehki-o-iisemani 'his "real" grandchild' (Kiyana: man's SoSo)

(102) onehpeni-o-iisemani 'his step-grandchild' (Kiyana: 's Ch, or v.v.; cf. nahpene-wa 'has him, her as step-child') (103) ocaki-onehpen-o-sisemani 'his step-great-grandchild' (Kiyana: man's step­ son's ChCh; caki 'small') (104) ota-nehke-wi-o-iisemani 'his, her great-grandchild'

(105) nrio-nameki o-iisemani 'his, her great-grandchild' (Kiyana: mSiSoSoSo, [mBrSoSoSo, wSiDaDaDa]) (106) okehc~i-o-iisemani 'her great-grandchild' (Kiyana ex. is woman's DaDaDa; probably used for others also) (107) osemih-o-iisemani 'her "grandchild" through her niece' (Kiyana: wBr- DaDaDaDa; see §G.) (108) ie-iki taka-wi onvca-nesiwa neniwa 'it's the man's child just a little bit' (Kiyana: WiSiCh) (109) nesikwi-nesima 'my ex-brother-in-law'

An instructive example is the term for 'father' or 'father's brother' (3, 38). In his autobiography Alfred Kiyana frequently refers to his father's two brothers, whom he lived with at various times after his father died. Not once in this text does he refer to these uncles by the unqualified 'father' term. He calls them 'my "kind-of" father' (90), 'my father's brother' (91), and 'the one I am related to as to a father' (92).28

In another text Kiyana refers to one of these uncles as nosa anawowata 'my father's brother) Anawowata' (Ol63F; Michelson 1921:66.7-8); here the name disambiguates the reference. FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 259

Another significant set of terms are those with the prenoun kakaci 'teasing, joking' (99, 100). Teasing relatives are regarded as distinct from the non-teasing relatives with which they share simplex labels, and, in par­ ticular, they occasion overtly different behaviour. Tax (1937:253) points out that mother's brother's wife is "usually" called nekaka- ci-nesekwisa rather than simply nesekwisa 'father's sister'. The sharing of an optional simplex designation by these two types of relatives cannot reasonably be taken as evidence that they constitute a salient primary kintype from any standpoint except that of this optional linguistic usage itself. An element -akom- (marked here with an underline) freely derives designations for classificatory relatives from the noun stem (92), or from the corresponding verb stem, either transitive (94) or intransitive (95); (96) has a reciprocal from a stem of this type. These terms contrast with the ordinary participles of the verbs of possession, which refer to the primary kintype (93).29 Kiyana quotes his uncles as referring to him as 'our (incl.) brother's child' as well as 'our (incl.) son' (97; cf. 91). The second usage illustrates the inclusive labeling of someone with the same nominal relationship to speaker and addressee, a typical pattern. A number of prenouns are used to differentiate primary and extended referents; these are mostly from Kiyana's brief treatise on Fox kinship ter­ minology written in Mesquakie (Kiyana 1916): 'great' (98, 106), 'teasing' or 'joking' (99, 100), 'real', which seems especially to indicate patrilineal rela­ tionships (101), 'step' (102, 103), 'small' (103), 'linked' (104), and 'ex' (109; with the rare variant of the younger sibling term [46]). Modifying prenouns derived from other kinship terms are also attested (107). Other qualifiers include 'second time, to the second degree', and other such numerals (105), and 'a little bit' (108).

G. Mother's Father's Sister, and Reciprocal One point on which my data differ from what is presented by Tax and Callender is exemplified by the following data: (110) ihkwe-wa osemihani otanesani otanesiwa, eh'otanesinic'i, eh-osisemiwac~i (Kiyana 1916:2DE). 'A woman's cross-niece's daughter is her daughter, and when she has a daughter it's their grandchild' 29 For the derivation of initials (stem-initial formative elements) from the stems of nouns and AI and TA verbs, see Goddard (1990a:452, 455, 456, 457). The Fox final (stem-final formative element) -akom- is cognate with Unami -ankom- 'be related to'; Unami uses forms of the stem |alankom-| 'be related to (thus)' to specify the extensional use of kinterms: nkwis elankdmak 'my nephew', lit. 'the one I am related to as to my son' (Goddard 1973:46). These verb finals are ultimately derived from PA *wankomewa, whose original meaning was probably 'he greets him'. 260 IVES GODDARD

(111) neniwa otanesant osemthant okwisani neniwa o-fisemiwa. 'A man s daughter's cross-niece's son is the man's grandchild' (Kiyana 1916:9A)

(112) neniwa owiwani osemvhani, owi-nemo-ni. na-hka'meko e-h-otanesinici, e-h-o-iisema-ko-ma-di (Kiyana 1916:3LM; cf. 4A-E). 'A man's wife's cross-niece is his sister-in-law. Also, when she has a daughter, she's his "grandchild".'

(113) nekiha 'my mother's sister' (43) is applied to one's mother's father's sister

Information which I obtained from Adeline Wanatee (113) fully confirms Alfred Kiyana's indications that mother's father's sister is called nekiha 'my mother's sister' rather than 'grandmother', as given in the earlier sources (33; Figure 1). Kiyana's statement that, "A woman's cross-niece's daughter is her daughter" (110), gives the reciprocal formulation. His somewhat oddly expressed second statement that, "A man's daughter's cross-niece's son is the man's grandchild" (111), entails that a woman's cross-niece's son is the woman's son, which is the same equation. This is an equation found in Type II Omaha systems, in which father's sister is equated with sister in all cases, not just as a linking relative (Lounsbury 1964:370). This equation has a parallel in the custom reported as traditional to Tax (1937:274) in the 1930s (but not attested in his ) of betrothing a young girl to her father's sister's husband, so that eventually aunt and niece would be co-.30 Kiyana's in (110) and (112) and his definitions of certain terms used in connection with such (Kiyana 1916:25) are consistent with Tax's account of this custom. Mrs. Wanatee also observed that the additional fact that the mother's father's sister's son is called 'brother' is consistent with (113); this equation (MoFaSiSo -• "Br") is also found in Tax's account. She further reported that some speakers do call MoFaSi 'grandmother', with the reciprocal 'grandchild' (the labels given by Tax), but she repeatedly denied that these usages were correct. In accordance with this new information two modifications should be made on Tax's charts (Tax 1937:249-250): (1) for both male and female Ego, MoFaSi should be "MSis" rather than "GM"; (2) for female Ego, BrDaDa should be "Niece" rather than "Gch."31

As a man's wife's brother's daughter is his 'sister-in-law' (112) she is subject to sexually suggestive teasing from him. For example, the man might come and lie down next to her, and, "Boy, you better get up quick!" (as Mrs. Wanatee put it J. "There is also a misprint to be corrected on Tax's chart for male Eeo- MoMo- SiSoDa should be "MSis" not "M." FOX (MESQUAKIE) KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY 261

H. Conclusions While the analysis of primary kinship terms sheds light on some aspects of social organization and behavior and permits comparison with other sys­ tems and the development of typologies and theoretical explanations, such analyses must be interpreted with reference to the full terminology and its uses. It is necessary to examine how people actually refer to relatives and how they talk about kinship in order to understand the terminological system they employ.

REFERENCES Bloomfield, Leonard 1928 Menomini Texts. Publications of the American Ethnological 12. New York: G.E. Stechert and Co. 1962 The Menomini Language. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1975 Menomini Lexicon, ed. CF. Hockett. Milwaukee Public Publications in and History 3. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public Museum. Callender, Charles 1962 Social Organization of the Central Algonkian Indians. Milwaukee Public Museum Publications in Anthropology 7. Milwaukee. 1978 Great Lakes — Riverine Sociopolitical Organization. Pp. 610-621 in Handbook of North American Indians 15: Northeast. Bruce G. Trig­ ger, ed. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Goddard, Ives 1973 Delaware Kinship Terminology (With Comparative Notes). Studies in Linguistics 23:39—56. 1974 Remarks on the Algonquian Independent Indicative. International Journal of American Linguistics 40:317-327. 1990a Primary and Secondary Stem Derivation in Algonquian. Interna­ tional Journal of American Linguistics 56:449-483. 1990b Aspects of the Topic Structure of Fox Narratives: Proximate Shifts and the Use of Overt and Inflectional NPs. International Journal of American Linguistics 56:317-340. Jones. William 1907 Fox Texts. American Ethnological Society Publications 1. Leiden: E.J. Brill for the American Ethnological Society. Kiyana, Alfred 1916 cinawetiweni eyekimeko asawayekanawmi ['Kinship Terminology and Old-Time Vocabulary']. Mss. 2232 and 2277. Washington: National Anthropological Archives. 1913- wakoisociki eketeminawesiwad esawiwaci ['The Story of When the Fox Clan was Blessed']. Ms. 2957. Washington: National Anthro­ pological Archives. [1913-1914.] 262 IVES GODDARD

Lounsbury, Floyd 1964 A Formal Account of Crow- and Omaha-Type Kinship Terminolo­ gies. Pp. 351-393 in Explorations in : Essays in Honor of George Peter Murdock. Ward H. Goodenough, ed. New York: McGraw-Hill. Michelson, Truman 1915 [Miscellaneous vocabulary and notes.] Ms. #2647. Washington: National Anthropological Archives. 1921 The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Bulletin 72. Washington. 1932 Some Algonquian Kinship Terms. American 34:357- 359. 1933 Mesawi'ka and Fox . American Anthropologist 35:387. 1938 Sol Tax on the Social Organization of the Fox Indians. American Anthropologist 40:177-179. Morgan, Lewis Henry 1871 Systems of and Affinity of the Family. Smith­ sonian Contributions to Knowledge 218. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Tax, Sol 1937 The Social Organization of the Fox Indians. Pp. 241-282 in of North American Tribes. Fred Eggan, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.