Kinship Algebra Expert System
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Kinship Terminology
Fox (Mesquakie) Kinship Terminology IVES GODDARD Smithsonian Institution A. Basic Terms (Conventional List) The Fox kinship system has drawn a fair amount of attention in the ethno graphic literature (Tax 1937; Michelson 1932, 1938; Callender 1962, 1978; Lounsbury 1964). The terminology that has been discussed consists of the basic terms listed in §A, with a few minor inconsistencies and errors in some cases. Basically these are the terms given by Callender (1962:113-121), who credits the terminology given by Tax (1937:247-254) as phonemicized by CF. Hockett. Callender's terms include, however, silent corrections of Tax from Michelson (1938) or fieldwork, or both. (The abbreviations are those used in Table l.)1 Consanguines Grandparents' Generation (1) nemesoha 'my grandfather' (GrFa) (2) no hkomesa 'my grandmother' (GrMo) Parents' Generation (3) nosa 'my father' (Fa) (4) nekya 'my mother' (Mo [if Ego's female parent]) (5) nesekwisa 'my father's sister' (Pat-Aunt) (6) nes'iseha 'my mother's brother' (Mat-Unc) (7) nekiha 'my mother's sister' (Mo [if not Ego's female parent]) 'Other abbreviations used are: AI = animate intransitive; AI + O = tran- sitivized AI; Ch = child; ex. = example; incl. = inclusive; m = male; obv. = obviative; pi. = plural; prox. = proximate; sg. = singular; TA = transitive ani mate; TI-0 = objectless transitive inanimate; voc. = vocative; w = female; Wi = wife. Some citations from unpublished editions of texts by Alfred Kiyana use abbreviations: B = Buffalo; O = Owl (for these, see Goddard 1990a:340). 244 FOX -
Formal Analysis of Kinship Terminologies and Its Relationship to What Constitutes Kinship (Complete Text)
MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL VOLUME 1 NO. 1 PAGE 1 OF 46 NOVEMBER 2000 FORMAL ANALYSIS OF KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WHAT CONSTITUTES KINSHIP (COMPLETE TEXT) 1 DWIGHT W. READ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90035 [email protected] Abstract The goal of this paper is to relate formal analysis of kinship terminologies to a better understanding of who, culturally, are defined as our kin. Part I of the paper begins with a brief discussion as to why neither of the two claims: (1) kinship terminologies primarily have to do with social categories and (2) kinship terminologies are based on classification of genealogically specified relationships traced through genitor and genetrix, is adequate as a basis for a formal analysis of a kinship terminology. The social category argument is insufficient as it does not account for the logic uncovered through the formalism of rewrite rule analysis regarding the distribution of kin types over kin terms when kin terms are mapped onto a genealogical grid. Any formal account must be able to account at least for the results obtained through rewrite rule analysis. Though rewrite rule analysis has made the logic of kinship terminologies more evident, the second claim must also be rejected for both theoretical and empirical reasons. Empirically, ethnographic evidence does not provide a consistent view of how genitors and genetrixes should be defined and even the existence of culturally recognized genitors is debatable for some groups. In addition, kinship relations for many groups are reckoned through a kind of kin term calculus independent of genealogical connections. -
The Extent to Which the Classificatory Kinship System Cor- Responds To
T H R E E NO R M S O F SE X A N D MA R R I A G E I N LI G H T O F CL A S S I F I C AT O RY KI N S H I P 1 [26–35; 45–61; 149–161; 75–82] L E T U S N O W E X A M I N E the extent to which the classificatory kinship system cor- responds to modern norms of sexual intercourse and marriage. Among the Gilyak, at the present time at least, there is no question of any general prohibition of extra- marital sexual intercourse. Sexual intercourse with a woman is to the Gilyak a nat- ural act, as insignificant morally as any other natural act answering the well-known needs of man. Prohibitions and limitations extend only to definite groups of persons bound by agnatic or cognatic relationship. Outside of these groups, sexual interco u r s e is not subject to any regulation, nor to religious or public condemnation [75]. Besides the prohibitions determined by relationship, extramarital intercourse knows only one restriction, the reactions of the concerned persons. The young men of a clan who have access to the women of a certain locality, when displeased with a usurper, may give full vent to their resentment for his trespassing. Such cases are, ho w e v e r , very rare. The consequences are much more serious when a married woman is the source of trouble. A stranger caught in flagrante delicto with a married woman is killed by the husband on the spot. -
An Essential Dichotomy in Australian Kinship Tony Jefferies
11 Close–Distant: An Essential Dichotomy in Australian Kinship Tony Jefferies Abstract This chapter looks at the evidence for the close–distant dichotomy in the kinship systems of Australian Aboriginal societies. The close– distant dichotomy operates on two levels. It is the distinction familiar to Westerners from their own culture between close and distant relatives: those we have frequent contact with as opposed to those we know about but rarely, or never, see. In Aboriginal societies, there is a further distinction: those with whom we share our quotidian existence, and those who live at some physical distance, with whom we feel a social and cultural commonality, but also a decided sense of difference. This chapter gathers a substantial body of evidence to indicate that distance, both physical and genealogical, is a conception intrinsic to the Indigenous understanding of the function and purpose of kinship systems. Having done so, it explores the implications of the close–distant dichotomy for the understanding of pre-European Aboriginal societies in general—in other words: if the dichotomy is a key factor in how Indigenes structure their society, what does it say about the limits and integrity of the societies that employ that kinship system? 363 SKIN, KIN AND CLAN Introduction Kinship is synonymous with anthropology. Morgan’s (1871) Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family is one of the founding documents of the discipline. It also has an immediate connection to Australia: one of the first fieldworkers to assist Morgan in gathering his data was Lorimer Fison, who, later joined by A. -
ACQUIRING the LEXICON and GRAMMAR of UNIVERSAL KINSHIP Joe Blythe Jeremiah Tunmuck
ACQUIRING THE LEXICON AND GRAMMAR OF UNIVERSAL KINSHIP Joe Blythe Jeremiah Tunmuck Macquarie University Yek Yederr Alice Mitchell Péter Rácz University of Cologne Central European University This article investigates how children learn an infinitely expanding ‘universal’ system of classi - ficatory kinship terms. We report on a series of experiments designed to elicit acquisitional data on (i) nominal kinterms and (ii) sibling-inflected polysynthetic morphology in the Australian lan - guage Murrinhpatha. Photographs of the participants’ own relatives are used as stimuli to assess knowledge of kinterms, kin-based grammatical contrasts, and kinship principles , across different age groups. The results show that genealogically distant kin are more difficult to classify than close kin, that children’s comprehension and production of kinterms are streamlined by abstract merging principles, and that sibling-inflection is learned in tandem with number and person mark - ing in the verbal morphology, although it is not fully mastered until mid to late childhood. We dis - cuss how the unlimited nature of Australian kinship systems presents unusual challenges to the language learner, but suggest that, as everywhere, patterns of language acquisition are closely in - tertwined with children’s experience of their sociocultural environment.* Keywords : language acquisition, kinterms, kintax, polysynthetic languages, semantic categories, morphology 1. Introduction . In order to talk about the people we meet, we need to learn who they are and how they fit within the various social networks we move in. For the child, this includes learning which people may be referred to as ‘family’ and how. In large urban, industrialized societies the number of people considered kin is relatively small. -
Typology of Signed Languages: Differentiation Through Kinship Terminology Erin Wilkinson
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of New Mexico University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository Linguistics ETDs Electronic Theses and Dissertations 7-1-2009 Typology of Signed Languages: Differentiation through Kinship Terminology Erin Wilkinson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds Recommended Citation Wilkinson, Erin. "Typology of Signed Languages: Differentiation through Kinship Terminology." (2009). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/ling_etds/40 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Electronic Theses and Dissertations at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistics ETDs by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TYPOLOGY OF SIGNED LANGUAGES: DIFFERENTIATION THROUGH KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY BY ERIN LAINE WILKINSON B.A., Language Studies, Wellesley College, 1999 M.A., Linguistics, Gallaudet University, 2001 DISSERTATION Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Linguistics The University of New Mexico Albuquerque, New Mexico August, 2009 ©2009, Erin Laine Wilkinson ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii DEDICATION To my mother iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thanks to Barbara Pennacchi for kick starting me on my dissertation by giving me a room at her house, cooking me dinner, and making Italian coffee in Rome during November 2007. Your endless support, patience, and thoughtful discussions are gratefully taken into my heart, and I truly appreciate what you have done for me. I heartily acknowledge Dr. William Croft, my advisor, for continuing to encourage me through the long number of months writing and rewriting these chapters. -
Kinship Terminology – Classificatory and Descriptive
Kinship terminology – classificatory and descriptive Introduction: All societies recognize kinship relationship which may be broad range or narrow range. Kinship relations of these diverse systems of kinship are reflected in their respective kinship terminologies, particularly kinship terms of reference. The degree of kins – primary, secondary and tertiary are referred by specific kin terms or equated to certain focal terms. The primary kin is the person who is related to ego directly, seconady kin is the kin relaterd to ego through a primary kin whereas tertiary kin is the person who is related to ego through a secondary kin. For refering and adressing the kins, certain kin terms are used. Term of reference means the term expressing the actual relationship whereas term of address means the term used for adressing that realtive. One may address by his/her name but can not refer the relation by his/her individual name. The kin terms function to classify kins into different categories. First, they classify particular kinds of persons into single specific categories; second, they separate different kinds of persons into distinct categories. Generally, two or more kin are merged under the same term when similarity of status exists between the individuals. These similarities are then emphasized by the application of one term to both individuals (Trautmann, T.R. 1981). Language of kinship terms: Kinship terminologies obviously form a sub-language that classifies the kinship universe. In other word, kinship terms are lingual expressions of differentiations and classifications of kinsmen. The term ‘kin’ was adopted by Andrew Lang and F. G. Frazer and it means relatives. -
02 Social Cultural Anthropology Module : 16 Kinship: Definition and Approaches
Paper No. : 02 Social Cultural Anthropology Module : 16 Kinship: Definition and Approaches Development Team Principal Investigator Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Paper Coordinator Prof. Sabita, Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneshwar Gulsan Khatoon, Department of Anthropology, Utkal Content Writer University, Bhubaneswar Prof. A.K. Sinha, Department of Anthropology, Content Reviewer P anjab University, Chandigarh 1 Social Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship: Definition and Approaches Description of Module Subject Name Anthropology Paper Name 02 Social Cultural Anthropology Module Name/Title Kinship: Definition and Approaches Module Id 16 2 Social Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship: Definition and Approaches Contents Introduction 1. History of kinship study 2. Meaning and definition 3. Kinship approaches 3.1 Structure of Kinship Roles 3.2 Kinship Terminologies 3.3 Kinship Usages 3.4 Rules of Descent 3.5 Descent Group 4. Uniqueness of kinship in anthropology Anthropological symbols for kin Summary Learning outcomes After studying this module: You shall be able to understand the discovery, history and structure of kinship system You will learn the nature of kinship and the genealogical basis of society You will learn about the different approaches of kinship, kinship terminology, kinship usages, rules of descent, etc You will be able to understand the importance of kinship while conducting fieldwork. The primary objective of this module is: 3 Social Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship: Definition and Approaches To give a basic understanding to the students about Kinship, its history of origin, and subject matter It also attempts to provide an informative background about the different Kinship approaches. 4 Social Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship: Definition and Approaches INTRODUCTION The word “kinship” has been used to mean several things-indeed; the situation is so complex that it is necessary to simplify it in order to study it. -
Kinship Terminology from a Cultural Perspective: Japanese Versus? Hungarian
日本語とジェンダー 第14号(2014) 【研究例会 IN ハンガリー 発表】 Kinship Terminology from a Cultural Perspective: Japanese versus? Hungarian Judit Hidasi This article is part of a longer study in progress on the relationship of language use and society with regards to kinship terminology. The article first gives some frame to the study by briefly introducing the concept of kinship, next different descent patterns in societies to be followed by categorization patterns of kinship terminology (Morgan) in Hungarian and Japanese. It is assumed that kin terms are valuable clues to the nature of a kinship system in a society as well as to the social statuses and roles of kinsmen, of the roles of men and women. Changes in kinship terminology also reflect to a certain extent changes of a given society. What is kinship? Kinship refers to the culturally defined relationships between individuals who are commonly thought of as having family ties. All societies use kinship as a basis for forming social groups and for classifying people. However, there is a great amount of variability in kinship rules and patterns around the world. In order to understand social interaction, attitudes, and motivations in most societies, it is essential to know how their kinship systems function. In many societies, kinship is the most important social organizing principle along with gender and age. Kinship also provides a means for transmitting status and property from generation to generation. It is not a mere coincidence that inheritance rights usually are based on the closeness of kinship links. Kinship connections are based on two categories of bonds: those created by marriage (affinal relatives: husband, wife, mother-in-law, father-in-law, brother-in-law, sister-in-law) and those that result from descent (consanguinal that is ’blood’ relatives: mother, father, grandparents, children, grandchildren, uncles, aunts and cousins), which is a socially recognized link between ancestors and descendants. -
Egocentric and Sociocentric Structure in Classificatory Kinship Systems: Four Theorems
MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL VOLUME 3 NO. 6 AUGUST 2010 EGOCENTRIC AND SOCIOCENTRIC STRUCTURE IN CLASSIFICATORY KINSHIP SYSTEMS: FOUR THEOREMS DOUGLAS R. WHITE ANTHROPOLOGY AND MATHEMATICAL BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE [email protected] COPYRIGHT 2010 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY AUTHOR SUBMITTED: JUNE 12, 2010 ACCEPTED: JULY 31, 2010 REVISED: SEPTEMBER 11, 2010 MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL ISSN 1544-5879 WHITE: FOUR THEOREMS WHITE: FOUR THEOREMS WWW.MATHEMATICALANTHROPOLOGY.ORG MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL VOLUME 3 NO. 6 AUGUST 2010 EGOCENTRIC AND SOCIOCENTRIC STRUCTURE IN CLASSIFICATORY KINSHIP SYSTEMS: FOUR THEOREMS DOUGLAS R. WHITE ANTHROPOLOGY AND MATHEMATICAL BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Abstract: The feature of Dravidian kinship terminology is typically that male lines on ego’s “side” marry and call their “affines” relatives in a set of opposing male lines. The egocentric versus sociocentric debate in Anthropology over the social network implications of Dravidian terminology is resolved with proof of a single theorem: For a connected network A of marriages between consanguineals, including only the additional ancestral relatives leading back to the consanguineal ancestors of those couples, then if the kin of the couples are consistently sided egocentrically, according to Dravidian kinship terminology, then all relatives in network A are consistently sided sociocentrically, whether sides are defined through opposing sides V of male kin, U of female kin, or both. Two other theorems prove that if all the consanguineal marriages in network A are same generation (same number of generations back to the common ancestor for the husband as for the wife) then if sidedness is V it is also U, if U it is also V. -
Yankee Kinship Terminology: a Problem in Componential Analysis Author(S): Ward H
Yankee Kinship Terminology: A Problem in Componential Analysis Author(s): Ward H. Goodenough Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 67, No. 5, Part 2: Formal Semantic Analysis (Oct., 1965), pp. 259-287 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/668766 . Accessed: 16/06/2013 03:31 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Wiley and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Anthropologist. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 165.123.146.107 on Sun, 16 Jun 2013 03:31:13 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions YankeeKinship Terminology: A Problem in ComponentialAnalysis' WARD H. GOODENOUGH Universityof Pennsylvania T HE method of descriptive semantics known as "componential analysis" has been described and illustrated only in part (Goodenough 1956, 1957, 1964, Frake 1960, 1962; Wallace and Atkins 1960; Conklin 1962a, 1962b, 1964; Burling 1962, 1963, 1964a; Pospisil 1964). The number of reasonably adequate analyses published is very small (Goodenough 1956, 1964; Frake 1960; Conant 1961; Burling 1962, 1963; Conklin 1964; Pospisil 1960, 1964). Even in relation to kinship materials these few analyses hardly begin to illus- trate the various operations that may be involved. -
A Problem in Kinship Terminology
UC Berkeley Anthropology Faculty Publications Title A Problem in Kinship Terminology Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9x15x2jp Journal American Anthropologist, 42(2) Author Gifford, Edward W. Publication Date 1940-06-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California A PROBLEM IN KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY By E. W. GIFFORD· R LESLIE A. WHITE, in his paper on A Problem in Kinship Ter D minology,! settles the problem to his own satisfaction with the follow ing formulation concerning certain types of kinship systems (p. 569): The type which violates the generation principle is an outgrou:th of the type which does not, and is due to the influence of a fully mature, influential clan system. When the clan system is young and weak the kinship system will be of the Dakota-Iroquois type, regardless of the sex in which descent is reckoned. As the clan system develops, however, and comes to exert its influence more and more upon the soci.allife of the tribe, the Dakota-Iroquois terminology will be trans formed into the Crow type in a matrilineal society and into the Omaha type in a patrilineal society. The exceptions to this dictum as to the process of evolution in these kinship types are explained in part by Dr White by the "additional factor" of diffusion (p. 570). "The systems of terminology which 'override the generation principle' do so because the clan predominates over the family as the agency which determines how the relative shall be designated at those points where the generation principle is violated" (p.