The Ways of the Water : a Reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua Society Through Its Oral Tradition Hooft, Anuschka Van 'T
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The ways of the water : a reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua society through its oral tradition Hooft, Anuschka van 't Citation Hooft, A. van 't. (2007). The ways of the water : a reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua society through its oral tradition. Leiden University Press. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/28287 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded https://hdl.handle.net/1887/28287 from: Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Anuschka van ’t Hooft · Hooft Anuschka ’t van For Huastecan Nahuas, water is a symbolic ref- Anuschka van ’t Hooft erence. This book describes the multiple values attached to wa- ter through the practice of tale telling in this society. It analyzes several local tales about water manifestations such as floodings, thunderstorms, and waterlords, and explores what these mean to Huastecan Nahuas in their present socio-cultural context. The ways of the water The author shows how tales about this element represent and discuss current themes like the village’s right to exist, social A reconstruction cohesion among villagers, the need to show respect towards nature, and life and death. The book reveals how the study of of Huastecan Nahua society tale telling provides a promising angle to address and better water the of ways The understand today’s indigenous cultures in Mexico. through its oral tradition Anuschka van ’t Hooft, Professor of Anthropology at the Uni- versidad Autónoma de San Luis Potosí, Mexico, is co-author with José Cerda Zepeda of Lo que relatan de antes Kuentos té- nek y nahuas de la Huasteca. In 2006 Leiden University has initiated a series Leiden Dissertations at Leiden University Press. This series affords an opportunity to those who have recently obtained their doctorate to publish the results of their doctoral research so as to ensure a wide distribu- tion among colleagues and the interested public. The disserta- tions will become available both in printed and in digital versions. Books from this LUP series can be ordered through www.lup.nl. The large majority of Leiden dissertations from 2005 onwards is available digitally on www.dissertation.leidenuniv.nl. lup dissertations LUP leiden university press Hooft_DEF.indd 1 28-11-2006 11:45:48 The ways of the water Cover illustration: Ramón Portales Martínez Cover design: Randy Lemaire, Utrecht Lay out: Anuschka van ´t Hooft isbn 978 90 8728 010 9 nur 761 © Leiden University Press, 2007 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. The ways of the water A reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua society through its oral tradition Contents PREFACE 3 NOTES ON NAHUATL TRANSLATION AND ORTHOGRAPHY 9 INTRODUCTION 15 1. A NAHUA COMMUNITY IN THE HUASTECA 23 Bonifacio’s account 26 The origin of the komunidad 36 Water and the household 41 Subsistence farming and the role of corn 44 The ritual cycle 52 Death and afterlife 57 Witchcraft 63 Socio-political organization 67 Conclusion 70 2. HUASTECAN NAHUA TALES 75 The problem of defining 75 Tales and tales 76 The kuentos of Huastecan Nahua narrative 77 Narrator´s and performance´s context 82 Collecting Huastecan Nahua tales about water 94 An interpretation of Huastecan Nahua oral tradition 99 Huastecan Nahua oral tradition and identity issues 102 3. MESOAMERICAN CULTURAL CONTINUITY AND THE TALE OF THE DELUGE 107 Mesoamerican cultural continuity 107 Cultural continuity and change in Huastecan Nahua narrative 123 Type of tale 127 Actors in the tale 128 Time aspects in the tale: temporal setting and story time 130 Time aspects in the tale: removal of time 132 2 The ways of the water. A reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua society through its oral tradition __________________________________________________________________________________ Space aspects of the tale 138 Meaning in the Huastecan Nahua flood tale 140 The causes of the flood 140 The rescue in a craft 143 The smoke of the fire 145 The eating of the dead animals 146 Postdiluvian life 149 Review of the flood tale 151 4. DIFFERENTIATION IN HUASTECAN NAHUA SOCIETY: THE ARRIVAL OF THE WATER CREATURES 155 A tale about a crayfish 156 A second tale about a crayfish 161 Differentiation in Huastecan Nahua society 169 Type of tale 170 Actors in the tale 172 Time aspects in the tale: temporal setting and story time 173 Time aspects in the tale: the end of time 176 Space aspects in the tale 177 Meaning in Huastecan Nahua tales about flooding water creatures 181 Xilis in Huastecan Nahua oral tradition 181 Water snakes in Huastecan Nahua oral tradition 183 Fish in Huastecan Nahua oral tradition 187 The crayfish, the water snake and the fish/mermaid 193 Saint John the Baptist 197 Saint John as the granter of corn 199 Lightning bolts in Huastecan Nahua narrative 203 Review of the tales about the crayfish 205 5. THE WATER LORDS IN HUASTECAN NAHUA NARRATIVE: THE TALE OF THE FISHERMAN AND HIS SON THE WARLOCK 209 A tale about a fisherman and his son the warlock 210 The Lord and Lady of the Water 213 Type of tale 217 Actors in the tale 218 Time aspects in the tale: temporal setting and story time 219 Space aspects in the tale 221 Meaning in the tales about the Water Lords 223 The water realm 224 Reciprocity and sacrifice in the tales about the Water Lords 227 The Mermaid 234 The Mermaid’s tonal 238 Tonal loss 242 Review of the tale about the fisherman 247 CONCLUSIONS 251 ENDNOTES 257 REFERENCES 275 Preface This book addresses literary studies and cultural anthropology in an aim to shed light on the interrelation between text and context in a Nahuatl- speaking area called the Huasteca in the eastern part of Mexico (see map 1). I discuss Nahua narrative in relation to its socio-cultural context and look at anthropological concerns such as the articulation of identity, the concept of community, worldview, and expressions of differentiation in society on these matters. Regarding the topic of identity, many publications have tried to get a grip on this slippery, yet appealing concept that comprises how an individual or collective sees itself and others. Authors on identity issues in the Huasteca area underscore its conflict-ridden character. Since precolonial days, several indigenous people from distinct linguistic families have forged a way of living together in this area --each an independent señorío or state claiming specific natural resources and territorial units to optimize living conditions. During the colonial period, the native population constituted by Nahua, Otomí, Pame, Tének, Tepehua and Totonac peoples was dispersed to more inhospitable zones on the slopes of the Sierra Madre Oriental, Mexico’s eastern mountain range. Spaniards and mestizos occupied the fertile lands along the coast and in the valleys, and introduced sugar cane, cattle, and Negro slaves to work for them. Indigenous peoples continued to work largely as farmers, complementing their diet with fishing activities in the lakes, rivers and pools; yet, their political, juridical and religious structures were profoundly reconstructed under Spanish hegemony. Each group created its own strategies to respond to these changes in order to defend cherished values in this new and hostile environment. Tensions increased at the beginning of the twentieth century, when private property became ever more consolidated at the expense of indigenous lands; in this densely populated area, the forced dislocations emanating from this process -3- 4 The ways of the water. A reconstruction of Huastecan Nahua society through its oral tradition __________________________________________________________________________________ provoked protests fought out legally in court, and violent outbreaks of unconformity. Meanwhile, oil was found in the area. As a result, villages were displaced, soil was contaminated, and a very small number of local inhabitants enjoyed an ephemeral wealth. In the 70s and 80s, poverty, political instability, land invasions, peasant movements, repression and violence became synonyms of the area. The elements that today distinguish this area of contrasts and conflict run across ethnic boundaries (Schryer 1990), as do the cultural expressions that accompany them (Sandstrom 1991). I became more and more interested in the topic of identity, as I became aware of the fact that to Huastecan Nahuas, credited oppositions like indigenous peoples versus mestizos or Nahuas versus other indigenous peoples are not always meaningful, and that in this multiethnic area, ethnic labels are not held to be primary in self-definition. Neither do Huastecan Nahuas attribute much value to the idea of being Huastecans --that is, inhabitants of the Huasteca--, which is remarkable in an area which, divided geo-politically over six states, is known for its struggle to become a recognized, autonomous entity within Mexican society (Lomnitz-Adler 1992) and is often seen by outsiders as a historical, climatologic, cultural or otherwise united entity. In my search for what is important in Huastecan Nahua society, I found another, more prominent factor that provides identity: the often-mentioned focus on the community. For anthropologists working in rural areas, fieldwork at the community or village level is still one of the ways preferred for doing research, because of the deeper insight that can be gained that way as compared to projects that comprise larger collectives. When anthropologists carry out their fieldwork mostly alone, the community --especially small ones-- is a more comprehensive social unit to handle; this allows a more detailed understanding of the research topic. Alongside this practical consideration, the focus on the community is advantageous in academic respect.