DOCSLIB.ORG

Annex I the United Kingdom Nuclear Deterrent L

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Annex I The United Kingdom Nuclear Deterrent l. During the Second World War the British, American and Canadian Gove-rnments collaborated closely in the develop­ ment of the atom bomb. This collaboration was terminated in 1946. The decision to manufacture a British atom bomb was taken by the Labour Government of Prime Minister Clement Attlee in] anuary 1947. By the time the first British nuclear test took place in October 1952, Winston Churchill was again Prime Minister of a Conservative Government. The first British thermonuclear (hydrogen bomb) test took place in 1957. 2. The order to produce the first V-Bombers, the first British aircraft specifically designed to carry nuclear weapons, was placed by the Labour Government early in 1951. Delivery of the full complement of V-bombers to operational units was completed by 1960. In December 1962 at Nassau, Prime Minister Harold Macmillan obtained from President Ken­ nedy an undertaking to supply Polaris missiles, which would be armed with British-made warheads and deployed in British-made submarines. The Polaris construction pro­ gramme was carried out under the Labour Government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson (1964-70); the fourth and last Polaris submarine became operational in 1970. 3. The Chevaline project for improving the ability of the Polaris missile to penetrate Soviet defences was initiated by the Conservative Government in 1973. The decision to go ahead with development of Chevaline was taken by the Labour Government in 1974. Chevaline became operational in 1980, under the Conservative Government. 4. After prolonged studies the decision to replace the Polaris in the 1990s by the Trident (C4), to be purchased from the United States and fitted in the British-made submarines, was announced by the Conservative Government in] uly 1980. In 243 244 Annex I March 1982 it was announced that the longer-range Trident II (DS) missile was to be substituted for the C4, primarily because the C4 would have been replaced by the DS in the United States shortly after the first British Trident submarine entered into service. The warheads will be British made. S. Since 1947, the British nuclear weapons programme, from which evolved the British nuclear deterrent, has been main­ tained by successive British Governments, under six Conser­ vative and four Labour Prime Ministers. The Labour Party in opposition has announ(ed that, in office, it would cancel the Trident programme and phase out the British deterrent. 6. The Government has explained the rationale for the British deterrent (in Defence Open Government Document 80/23) as follows: The Government has great confidence in the depth of resolve underlying the United States commitment (to the defence of Europe). But deterrence is a matter of perception, and perception by a potential adversary. The central consideration is what that adversary may believe, not what we or our Allies believe; our deterrence has to influence possible calculations made by leaders whose attitudes and values may differ sharply from those of the West. The decision to use United States nuclear weapons in defence of Europe, with all the risk to the United States homeland this would entail, would be enorm­ ously grave. A Soviet leadership ... might believe that it could impose its will on Europe by military force without becoming involved in strategic nuclear war with the United States. Modernised US nuclear forces in Europe help guard against any such misconception; but an independent capability fully under European control provides a key element of insurance . .. The nuclear strength of Britain or France may seem modest by comparison with the superpower armouries, but the damage they would inflict is in absolute terms immense .... An adversary assessing the consequences of possible aggres­ sion in Europe would have to regard a Western defence containing these powerful independent elements as a harder one to predict, and a more dangerous one to assail, than one in which nuclear retaliatory power rested in United States hands alone. Annex I 245 7. The British Polaris force is a strategic nuclear deterrent with a purpose comparable to that of the US strategic nuclear deterrent, although it is only about 2.3% of the size of the Soviet strategic forces, whether measured by launchers or by warheads. The Polaris submarines are in the same category of weapon system as the US and Soviet strategic ballistic missile submarines included in the SALT and START. This was explicitly recognised by the Russians during the negotiation of the SALT I agreement in 1972. The British Polaris submarines are, by Soviet definition, as well as by NATO's, excluded from the INF talks. The Soviet purpose in seeking to include them in the INF eq uation is to secure the elimination of existing and planned American INF missiles, thus converting Soviet cur­ rent superiority at this level of forces into a monopoly legitimised by formal agreement. Annex I I Profiles of the Principal International Front Organisations World Peace Council Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organisation Christian Peace Conference International Association of Democratic Lawyers International Federation of Resistance Fighters International Organisation ofJournalists International Institute for Peace International Radio and Television Organisation International Union of Students Women's International Democratic Federation World Federation of Democratic Youth World Federation of Scientific Workers World Federation of Trade Unions WORLD PEACE COUNCIL (WPC) (HQ: Lonnrotinkatu 25A, Helsinki 18, Finland) Membership Affiliates in over 142 countries; total membership, organised on a national basis, never published. Organisation Council: c. 1600 members, includes representatives of inter­ national organisations, national peace committees; provision for honorary members and observers (individuals) and associate members (organisations). 246 Annex II 247 Presidential Committee Elected by Council, runs organisation between Council sessions, meets annually and in emergencies. Presidents of Honour can take part in all WPC meetings (currently: Hortensia Allende (Chile), Gusta Fucikova (Czechoslovakia), Hans Blumenfeld (Canada), Dolores Ibarruri (Spain), Pastor Martin Niemol­ ler (FGR - died March 1984) and Yannis Ritsos (Greece). 39 Vice-Presidents, and over 186 members including one observer. Elects Bureau of the Presidential Committee, which meets three or four times yearly, made up of President, Vice-Presidents and national peace movements' representatives. Secretariat, executive body of Presidential Committee and appointed by it, carries out decisions of Council, Presidential Committee and Bureau. Leading Secretariat Officials Secretaries: Paivi Aarolainen (Finland); Daniel Cirera (France); Nathaniel Hill Arboleda (Panama); Kosta Ivanov (Bulgaria); Karoly Lauko (Hungary); Karel Lukas (Czechoslovakia); Rolf Liitzkendorf; Max Moabi (ANC-South Africa); Bahig Nassar (Egypt); Kvetoslav Ondracek (Czechoslovakia); Arsenio Rodriguez; Carl Rosschou (Denmark); Mamadou Sako (Mali); Sana Abu Shakra (USSR); Philip Spillman (Switzerland); Karen Talbot (USA); Ryszard Tyrluk (Poland). The WPC has representatives at the UN (New York and Geneva) and UNESCO (Paris). Presidential Committee Members President: Romesh Chandra (India, appointed 1977, having been Secretary-General since 1966; member of Indian CP Central Committee). Vice-Presidents: Olga Aviles Lopez (Nicaragua); Richard Andriamanjato (Malagasy); Phan Anh (Vietnam); Eduardo Arevalo Burgos (Colombia); Ali Badeeb (Yemen); Mohammad Jaber Bajbouj (Syria); Vital Balla (Congo); Freda Brown (WIDF); Martha Buschmann (FRG);JosefCyrankiewicz (Poland); Camara Damantang (Guinea); Jacques Denis (France); Giinter Drefahl (GDR); Luis Echeverria (Mexico); Orlando Fundola Lopez (Cuba); George Georges (Australia); Dawit Wolde Giorgis (Ethiopia); Francisco da Costa Gomes 248 Annex II (Portugal); Rubens Iscaro (Argentina); Matti Kekkonen (Finland); James Lamond (UK); Pascal Luvualu (Angola); Khaled Mohei EI-Din (Egypt); Rudolfo Mecchini (Italy); John Hanley Morgan (Canada); Gus Eugene Newport (USA); Alfred Nzo (ANC-South Africa); Camilo O. Perez (Panama); E. M. Primakov (USSR); Nadim Abdul Samad (Lebanon); Ilona Sebestyen (Hungary); Blagovest Sendov (Bulgaria); Aziz Sherif (Iraq); Filifing Sissoko (Mali); T. B. Subasinghe (Sri Lanka); Mikis Theodorakis (Greece); Emma Torres (Bolivia); Tomas Travnicek (Czechoslovakia); Ibrahim Zakaria (WFTU). Members include Zhukov and Shaposhnikov (USSR). lriformation Centres In Helsinki, Havana, Addis Ababa, and New York (for Puerto Ricans). Subsidiaries Subsidiary bodies include: International Campaign Committee foraJust Peace in the Middle East, International Commission of Enquiry into Israeli Treatment of Arab People in Occupied Territories, International Commission of Enquiry into the Crimes of the ChileanJ unta, International Committee of Soli dar­ ity with Cyprus and International Commission of Enquiry into Israeli Crimes against the Lebanese and Palestinian Peoples. Commissions: Culture, Development, Disarmament, Educa­ tion and Science, Human Rights, Imperialist Policy of Des tabil­ isation, International Solidarity, Mass Media and Information, Non-Alignment, Parliamentarians, Racism, Religious Peace Forces, Scientific Research for Peace, Trade Unions, Transna­ tional Corporations, Women and Youth. Funding Contributions from national peace committees, special collec­ tions and World Peace Fund, but in practice 'has received large-scale financial support from government sources,
Recommended publications
  • Amalgamated Union of Foundry Workers

    Amalgamated Union of Foundry Workers

    ID Heading Subject Organisation Person Industry Country Date Location 74 JIM GARDNER (null) AMALGAMATED UNION OF FOUNDRY WORKERS JIM GARDNER (null) (null) 1954-1955 1/074 303 TRADE UNIONS TRADE UNIONS TRADES UNION CONGRESS (null) (null) (null) 1958-1959 5/303 360 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS (null) (null) (null) 1942-1966 7/360 361 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NOW ASSOCIATIONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1967 TO 7/361 362 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS CONFERENCES NONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1955-1966 7/362 363 ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS APPRENTICES ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS (null) EDUCATION (null) 1964 7/363 364 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1929-1935 7/364 365 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1935-1962 7/365 366 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1963-1970 7/366 367 BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) TRANSPORT CIVIL AVIATION (null) 1969-1970 7/367 368 CHEMICAL WORKERS UNION CONFERENCES INCOMES POLICY RADIATION HAZARD
  • Lations Intersyndicales Françaises À La Lumière Des Engagements Internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin

    Lations Intersyndicales Françaises À La Lumière Des Engagements Internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin

    Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin To cite this version: Tania Régin. Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978. Histoire. Université de Bourgogne, 2003. Français. tel-00006184 HAL Id: tel-00006184 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00006184 Submitted on 2 Jun 2004 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Université de Bourgogne UFR Sciences humaines et sociales Thèse d'Histoire Par Tania Régin Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978 (volume 1) Année 2002-2003 Sous la direction de Serge Wolikow 2 A David et Salomé 3 INTRODUCTION 4 Le syndicalisme français est marqué par l’existence durable de trois confédérations ouvrières. La Confédération générale du travail se constitue en 1895. Il faut attendre l’entre-deux- guerres pour voir apparaître deux autres confédérations concurrentes. La Grande guerre et la révolution russe encouragent la radicalisation du mouvement ouvrier. Des grèves importantes éclatent en 1919 et 1920. Face au risque de contagion révolutionnaire, les syndicalistes chrétiens s’organisent en Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens (1919/19201).
  • L'evoluzione Dei Sindacati Europei

    L'evoluzione Dei Sindacati Europei

    3 Europa 03_03 Cruciani_IstitutoEuropa 03/10/18 12:23 Pagina 154 3 Europa 03-03 Cruciani - definitivo Sante Cruciani L’evoluzione dei sindacati europei I sindacati nella dinamica europea con il concorso dell’AFL (American Federation of Labor) alla Conferenza di Zurigo del 10-16 settembre L’attuale dibattito politico e storiografico sulla crisi 1913. Dopo l’identificazione dei sindacati europei con dell’Unione Europea (UE), la rinascita dei naziona- i governi di ‘unione sacra’ prodotti dalla Grande guer - lismi e l’arduo rilancio del processo di integrazione ra, la rivoluzione sovietica del 1917, la formazione devono confrontarsi con la società civile e il ruolo dei della Confederazione internazionale dei sindacati cri- sindacati nello spazio sociale europeo. stiani (CISC) nel 1920 e dell’Internazionale sindacale All’indomani del Trattato di Maastricht del 7 feb- rossa (ISR) nel 1921 attestarono il progressivo inde- braio 1992, gli storici hanno posto l’attenzione sui sin- bolimento della FSI (Maiello 2002). dacati e sulle organizzazioni transnazionali dei lavo- Negli anni Venti e Trenta del Novecento, le espe- ratori quali attori della costruzione europea, rimarcando rienze dei sindacati europei possono essere racchiuse il loro contributo a un’‘altra via per l’Europa’ (L’al- nel riformismo del TUC, nel ‘corporativismo plura- tra via per l’Europa, 1999), più sensibile al rafforza- lista’ della Repubblica di Weimar, nel ‘corporativi- mento del modello sociale europeo nel mondo della smo autoritario’ dell’Italia fascista, nella ricomposi-
  • THE SCHISM WITHIN the WORLD FEDERATION of TRADE UNIONS 299 Mainly Concerned with Combatting the Thrust of Communism in the In- Ternational Labour Field

    THE SCHISM WITHIN the WORLD FEDERATION of TRADE UNIONS 299 Mainly Concerned with Combatting the Thrust of Communism in the In- Ternational Labour Field

    ANTHONY CAREW THE SCHISM WITHIN THE WORLD FEDERA- TION OF TRADE UNIONS: GOVERNMENT AND TRADE-UNION DIPLOMACY The creation of the World Federation of Trade Unions in October 1945 was intended as a major step towards international trade-union unity. Less than four years later, in January 1949, the secession of its British, American and Dutch affiliates, soon to be followed by the bulk of Western trade- union centres, left the international labour movement more divided than ever. Narrative accounts of the WFTU's brief life as a united body and of the developments leading to the schism have long been available and are not matters of contention.1 As to the cause of the split, however, there is less agreement. The ostensible reason for the secession was the failure of the WFTU to reach agreement with the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) on their relationship with one another.2 Those who split away always contended that disagreements over trade-union matters led to the rupture. In recent years, however, with the opening up of national archives, attention has turned to the influence of governments in the field of in- ternational trade unionism. In particular the interventionist role of the US State Department acting through the American Federation of Labour has been chronicled.3 However, as yet no full account of the activities of the 1 John P. Windmuller, American Labor and the International Labor Movement 1940 to 1953 (Ithaca, 1954); Lewis L. Lorwin, The International Labor Movement (New York, 1953); V. L. Allen, Trade Union Leadership (London, 1957); Walter Schevenels, Forty- Five Years International Federation of Trade Unions (Brussels, 1956); Jean-Francois Michel, "La scission de la Federation syndicale mondiale (1947-1949)", in: Le Mouve- ment Social, No 117 (1981), pp.
  • ·In the W.F. T. U

    ·In the W.F. T. U

    ' ' FREE TRADE UNIONS ·IN THE W.F. T. U WORlD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS FREE TRADE UNIONS EM AI IN THE VV.F.T.U. WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS • FOREVvORD - On January 28th. 1949~ Louis Saillant, General See-te­ tary of the W.F.T.U-., presented a report on behalf of the Executive Bureau to the Executive Comittee on the events which had led up to the departure of the T,U.C., C:I.o·. and Dutch N. V. V. representatives from the Executive Bu- reau .meeti~g on J~nuary I gth. · - .... Louis Saillant summed up what had taken place in. the following words _:. · · · · · ._, ·<i · ·I. During the year 1948 ·the leaders of the_ BritiSh T.U.C. ~ addressed ultimatums to the \V.F.T.U. on three different occasions.- This is the negation of international trade union cooperation based on the sharing of responsibil­ ities aad the common rights of all the National Centres a £fil­ iated to the \Y.~.T.U. n · ' · « 2. The leaders of the C .-.I. 0., and in particular ~arey -_-. - thus ·showing a 6ertain lack of experiel)~e~ and a misunder·­ standing of the history ·and life of the international trade un-ion [email protected] - have tried to ll:se th~ w. F. T. u. to pursue a policy inspired by the American State Department aimed at ·economic expansion based on the control of foreign m~r.~ kets by the economic and ·financial trusts of American ca.pii:_­ alism. This attempt, conducted by Carey, was revealed _at the : Executive Bureau meeting in N ove~ber I947' >> ~ .
  • Das Europa Der Arbeiter: Leitbilder Gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik Bis in Die Mitte Der 1970Er Jahre

    Das Europa Der Arbeiter: Leitbilder Gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik Bis in Die Mitte Der 1970Er Jahre

    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Fattmann, Rainer Research Report Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Study der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, No. 387 Provided in Cooperation with: The Hans Böckler Foundation Suggested Citation: Fattmann, Rainer (2018) : Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre, Study der Hans-Böckler- Stiftung, No. 387, ISBN 978-3-86593-299-0, Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, Düsseldorf This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/179249 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/de/legalcode www.econstor.eu STUDY Nr. 387 · Mai 2018 DAS EUROPA DER ARBEITER Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Rainer Fattmann Dieser Band erscheint als 387.
  • The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Labor Series

    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Labor Series

    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Labor Series HERBERT E. WEINER Interviewer: Linda and Eric Christenson Initial interview date: June 8, 1993 Copyright 1998 A ST TABLE OF CONTENTS London, ngland Assistant Labor Attaché Berger's connection with Labor government Labor function within embassy Sydney, Australia Labor Attaché Australian fear of the Japanese New Delhi, India Labor Counselor Ambassador's section Indian relations with U.S., China, , Pa-istan London, ngland .9001.920 Labor Attaché U.S.1British relations AFL1CIO and British Trade Union Congress 4TUC5 INTERVIEW "Observations on Labor and the Marsha P an" Introduction to the Interview 6 IN R8 This is Herbert 6einer. This tape was recorded on February .0, .994. It is the audio portion of an uncut video interview filmed on June 2, .993 at my home by ric and Linda Christenson for a proposed film documentary mar-ing the 50th anniversary of the 1 Marshall Plan. 6hat follows are my recollections of the sources of labor diplomacy as a function of U.S. foreign policy, labor's role in the Marshall Plan and subsequently during the Cold 6ar, and my observations on the inter1dependence of labor freedom and a democratic culture. Interview Q: Today is June 8, 1993, and we are interviewing Herb Weiner, who is with the State epartment. Are you still with the State Department) 6 IN R8 I am still a consultant in the Office of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for International Labor Affairs. Q: All right. You worked with labor issues during your career) 6 IN R8 I have been wor-ing on labor issues off and on for some forty years as a career Foreign Service Officer.
  • Activities of the Communist World Organizations

    Activities of the Communist World Organizations

    Activities of the Communist World Organizations During the Fourth Quarter of 1969 International Documentation and Information Centre (INTERDOC) The Hague, van Stolkweg 10 Netherlands Contents Summary 3 World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) 6 Internationa) Federation of Teachers Unions (FISE) . 10 Wonld Council of Peace (WCP) 11 International Federation of Resistance Movements (FIR) ... 16 World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) 19 International Union of Students (IUS) 21 Women's International Democratic Federation {WIOF) ... 21 International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL) ... 23 International Organization of Journalists (IOJ) 26 International Radio and Television Organization (OIRT) ... 27 Friendship Societies 28 World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) .... 30 Annex 1 : Communist and Communist-dominated international events and activities during the fourth quarter of 1969 31 Annex 2 : Statutes of the World Federation of Trade Unions 41 Summary During the time under review, the activity of the Communist world organizations was very lively. A series of international events was staged; among them the Seventh WFTU (World Federation of Trade Unions) Congress, held in Budapest from 17 to 26 October 1969, and the Sixth FIR (International Federation of Resistance Movements) Congress, held in Venice from 14 to 16 November 1969. No activity was observed in the World Federation of Scientific Workers. Vietnam, European Security and the Middle East continued to be the agitational targets. The WFTU Congress devoted a full workday to Vietnam. European Security was the main topic ,of the long-planned Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe, held in Vienna from 29 November to 1 December 1969. Formally or- ganized by go-betweens, but in fact by the World.
  • Intervento Di George Mavrikos Segretario Generale Del WFTU

    Intervento Di George Mavrikos Segretario Generale Del WFTU

    Intervento di George Mavrikos Segretario Generale del WFTU,: Onoriamo il passato e costruiamo il futuro Cari compagni, fratelli e sorelle, Ringraziamo tutti voi per la vostra presenza a questo evento per ricordare i primi segretari generali della WFTU, entrambi francesi: Louis Saillant e Pierre Gensous. Ringraziamo particolarmente la moglie di Pierre Gensous, compagna Alena, così come la figlia di Ibrahim Zakaria, che ha viaggiato da Praga per essere con noi e la informiamo che per suo padre, che è stato uno dei segretari generali della WFTU, organizzeremo un simile evento onorario di commemorazione. Amici cari, lo scorso gennaio, nel 2017, a Foggia, abbiamo onorato i militanti del movimento sindacale internazionale di classe come l'italiano Giuseppe Di Vittorio, Presidente della WFTU, e continueremo a farlo. Perché stiamo facendo e continueremo a fare questi eventi? Perché vogliamo onorare gli eroi della classe operaia, i militanti pionieri che hanno aperto nuovi modi con le loro idee e, soprattutto, con la loro azione Perché vogliamo il futuro e il futuro dell'organizzazione sindacale con materiali d'avanguardia. Perché vogliamo che le giovani generazioni conoscano la vera storia della FSM, la storia del sindacato mondiale, perchè attraverso la conoscenza siamo in grado di giudicare e scegliere da soli, senza le mistificazioni della borghesia e dei governi che scrivono la storia in base ai propri interessi. Perché noi, la FSM, siamo orgogliosi della nostra storia, perché ovunque e sempre la FSM è stata con i popoli, con i lavoratori, contro gli imperialismi, contro la barbarie capitalista, contro la NATO, contro il piano Marshall, dalla parte del Vietnam, della rivoluzione cubana, del Cile di Allende, della Spagna, del Portogallo, della Grecia, sempre con popoli, contro le dittature, contro il colonialismo.
  • 26592 Kpip VI Światowy Kongres Związków Zawodowych.Pdf

    26592 Kpip VI Światowy Kongres Związków Zawodowych.Pdf

    CENTRALNA RADA ZWIĄZKÓW ZAWODOWYCH % / i Errata ! Stro­ Wydrukowano Powinno być na Wiersz 30 15 od góry wznażenie wzmożenie 114 2 od dołu działalności impe­ działalności impe­ rialistycznych, rialistycznych mo­ nopoli, 127 1, 2, 3 od wiersze odwrócone góry 182 6 od dołu nie tylko zmniejsza nie tylko nie zmniejsza 193 9 od dołu Wypływają one Wypływa ona 226 8 od dołu w krajach kapital­ w krajach socjali­ istycznych stycznych 229 11-12 od socjalistycznych specjalistycznych dołu 250 14 od dołu powodując powodujących VI Światowy Kongres Związków Zawodowych WARSZAWA 1967 WYDAWNICTWO ZWIĄZKOWE CRZZ Okładkę projektował Henryk Białoskórskl R e d ak to r W. Zbyszevoska PRZEMÓWIENIE WYGŁOSZONE NA AKADEMII Z OKAZJI XX-LECIA SFZZ 'IGNACY LOGA-SOWIŃSKI. przewodniczący CRZZ SFZZ obchodzi dziś XX rocznicę swego powstania. Te 20 lat to okres ofiarnej walki i wiernej służby interesom międzynarodo­ wej klasy robotniczej, wielkiej sprawie jedności, wolności i poko­ ju. W imieniu CRZZ, polskiej klasy robotniczej, wszystkich ludzi pracy naszego kraju i jego stolicy Warszawy, w imieniu tych wszystkich, których myśli i uczucia kierują się ku nam, delega­ tom VI Światowego kongresu Związków Zawodowych, przyby­ łym z 98 krajów całego świata z braterskimi serdecznymi po­ zdrowieniami — witam Was, zebranych na tej uroczystej jubi­ leuszowej Akademii. Witam serdecznie wszystkich członków or­ ganów kierowniczych SFZZ, tak bardzo drogiej nam wszystkim największej międzynarodowej organizacji zawodowej klasy robot­ niczej, z jej przewodniczącym, iow. Renato Bitossi, sekretarzem generalnym, tow. Louis Saillantem. Pozwólcie, że z tej trybuny wyrażę serdeczne słowa uznania tym wszystkim zasłużonym działaczom międzynarodowego ruchu związkowego, którzy w cią­ gu 20 lat dzielili wszystkie osiągnięcia, radości i przezwyciężali trudności na drodze rozwoju naszej SFZZ.

  • 25230 Kpip ABC Międzynarodowego Ruchu Zawodowego.Pdf

    ABC MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO RUCHU ZAWODOWEGO abc MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO RUCHU ZAWODOWEGO WYDAWNICTWO ZWIĄZKOWE CRZZ • WARSZAWA 1964 Tytuł oryginału: ABC mezin&rodniho odboroveho hnuti opracowali Kareł Kr&l i Kv6ta Venerova Przełożył JÓZEF GRZYB Według wydania rosyjskiego opracowała Gustawa Kofman Obwolutę, okładkę i stronę tytułową projektował Henryk Białoskórski Redaktor techniczny Korektor Jerzy Trzebiński Alicja Kowalska WYDAWNICTWO ZWIĄZKOWE CRZZ — WARSZAWA 1964 Nakład 5000+250 egz. Ark. wyd. 22, ark. druk. 18,5 Papier druk. mat. kl. IV, 65 g. Oddano do składania 29. I. 64 Podpisano do druku 3. XI. 64. Druk ukończono w listopadzie 1964 Łódzka Drukarnia Dziełowa, Łódź, ul. Piotrkowska 86 Zam. nr 202/A/64. F-8. Cena zł 50.— Od Wydawnictwa Międzynarodowy ruch zawodowy stanowi obecnie potężną silę. Związki zawodowe — masowe organizacje ludzi pracy — zrzeszają pracowników różnych przekonań politycznych, różnych ras i naro­ dowości. 1 Ogarniając swą działalnością coraz to szersze kręgi pracownicze, coraz to nowe kraje — związki zawodowe systematycznie dążą do poprawy warunków życia ludzi pracy. Prowadzą ożywioną działalność, mającą na celu zdobycie i obronę swobód demokratycznych i praw związkowych, utrzymanie i utrwalenie pokoju. Wspólne te dążenia związków zawodowych stwarzają- pod,stawę do rozszerzania się jed­ ności ich działania w poszczególnych krajach i w ruchu międzyna­ rodowym. ‘ | Wraz ze zwiększeniem się "znaczenia; związków zawodowych, ich roli i udziału w życiu społecżnynykażdego kraju, zwiększa się za­ interesowanie ludzi pracy ruchem zawodowym. W celu zaspokojenia tych zainteresowań, zapoznania czytelnika z historią i orientacjami politycznymi poszczególnych związków w ruchu międzynarodowym wydajemy „ABC międzynarodowego ruchu zawodowego”. Jest to przekład z języka czeskiego , książki pod tym tytułem, wydanej w Pradze w 1962 roku. Przygotowując książkę do wydania w języku polskim dokonano niektórych skrótów, uwzględniono zmiany wprowadzone w wydaniu rosyjskim, szerzej omówiono działalność polskich związków zawodo­ wych i opracowano skorowidze.
  • The British Labour Movement and the End of Empire in Guiana

    The British Labour Movement and the End of Empire in Guiana

    THE LIMITS OF ANTICOLONIALISM: THE BRITISH LABOUR MOVEMENT AND THE END OF EMPIRE IN GUIANA The Labour MP, Tom Driberg, was not noted for his circumspection but when he composed the introduction to Cheddi Jagan’s indictment of British colonial policy in Guiana, Forbidden Freedom, he chose his words very carefully. For Labour politicians, who were ostensibly committed to anticolonialism, it ought to have been a straightforward matter to condemn the Conservative Colonial Secretary, Oliver Lyttelton, who had ordered the dismissal of Jagan 133 days after he had been elected Chief Minister by the Guianese people on 27 April 1953. The case against Lyttelton gathered additional force when it transpired that the pretext he had offered, that Jagan’s supporters were planning to burn down the capital, Georgetown, rested on the flimsiest evidence. Yet these circumstances did not alter the belief of many key figures in the British labour movement that Jagan was a pro-Soviet stooge who was responsible for his own downfall. With an eye to these controversies, Driberg thought it prudent to suggest that the previous Attlee government had ‘shown the sincerity of its anti-imperialism by its actions in India and Burma and the Gold Coast’, while also acknowledging that Labour’s response to the crisis in Guiana had been ‘qualified and cautious’. Of the text and author he was introducing, Driberg noted: ‘I cannot myself endorse every word of Cheddi Jagan’s book; but I met him more than once in London and learned to respect and like him for his obvious sincerity, his modesty and his quiet unembittered wit.’i The explanation for Driberg’s unexpected ambivalence can be found in divisions within the wider Labour movement between Bevanites and Gaitskellites and these disagreements necessitate reconsideration of the forces which shaped Labour’s colonial policy.