DOCSLIB.ORG

L'evoluzione Dei Sindacati Europei

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
L'evoluzione Dei Sindacati Europei 3 Europa 03_03 Cruciani_IstitutoEuropa 03/10/18 12:23 Pagina 154 3 Europa 03-03 Cruciani - definitivo Sante Cruciani L’evoluzione dei sindacati europei I sindacati nella dinamica europea con il concorso dell’AFL (American Federation of Labor) alla Conferenza di Zurigo del 10-16 settembre L’attuale dibattito politico e storiografico sulla crisi 1913. Dopo l’identificazione dei sindacati europei con dell’Unione Europea (UE), la rinascita dei naziona- i governi di ‘unione sacra’ prodotti dalla Grande guer - lismi e l’arduo rilancio del processo di integrazione ra, la rivoluzione sovietica del 1917, la formazione devono confrontarsi con la società civile e il ruolo dei della Confederazione internazionale dei sindacati cri- sindacati nello spazio sociale europeo. stiani (CISC) nel 1920 e dell’Internazionale sindacale All’indomani del Trattato di Maastricht del 7 feb- rossa (ISR) nel 1921 attestarono il progressivo inde- braio 1992, gli storici hanno posto l’attenzione sui sin- bolimento della FSI (Maiello 2002). dacati e sulle organizzazioni transnazionali dei lavo- Negli anni Venti e Trenta del Novecento, le espe- ratori quali attori della costruzione europea, rimarcando rienze dei sindacati europei possono essere racchiuse il loro contributo a un’‘altra via per l’Europa’ (L’al- nel riformismo del TUC, nel ‘corporativismo plura- tra via per l’Europa, 1999), più sensibile al rafforza- lista’ della Repubblica di Weimar, nel ‘corporativi- mento del modello sociale europeo nel mondo della smo autoritario’ dell’Italia fascista, nella ricomposi- globalizzazione. zione dell’unità sindacale nella Francia del Fronte L’allargamento dell’Unione ai Paesi ex comunisti popolare, nella subalternità dei sindacati allo Stato dell’Europa orientale ha amplificato l’esigenza di ri- nella Germania nazista e nell’Unione Sovietica stali- costruire in maniera unitaria le dinamiche sindacali nista, nella diffusione del modello americano del New del continente europeo durante la guerra fredda, al deal tra le componenti più avanzate della cultura sin- fine di indagare i rapporti tra le organizzazioni dei due dacale europea (Enciclopedia della sinistra europea nel blocchi dalle scissioni sindacali del 1949 alla caduta XX secolo, 2000). del muro di Berlino del 1989, dalla formazione della Nel biennio 1943-44, l’alleanza antifascista tra Stati Confederazione europea dei sindacati (CES) nel 1973 Uniti, Regno Unito e Unione Sovietica favorì in Fran- alla dissoluzione della Federazione sindacale mon- cia la confluenza dei socialisti, dei comunisti e dei re- diale (FSM) nel 2001 (Degryse, Tilly 2017). pubblicani nella CGT e in Italia la rifondazione uni- Per comprendere la storia dei sindacati europei, oc- taria della CGIL, con il patto di Roma sottoscritto da corre ricordare la loro evoluzione nel lungo periodo, Giuseppe Di Vittorio, Achille Grandi ed Emilio Ca- dalla fine del 19° sec. alla Seconda guerra mondiale, nevari il 9 giugno 1944. Nonostante la mancata affilia- con eredità culturali, politiche e organizzative scandite zione della CISC, la spinta internazionale all’unità sin- dalla dialettica tra radicamento nello Stato nazione e dacale venne ribadita alla Conferenza di Parigi del 1945 slancio internazionalista, ripetute scissioni e tensione (25 sett.-3 ott.) dalla costituzione della FSM, a opera verso l’Europa come terreno di azione unitaria. della CIO (Congress of Industrial Organizations) nor- Dalla loro fondazione alla grande guerra, il TUC damericana, del Consiglio centrale dei Sindacati so- (Trades Union Congress) britannico, la CGT (Confé- vietici e dei principali sindacati europei (Sassoon 2010). dération Générale du Travail) francese, la DGB (Deut- Nel contesto della guerra fredda, la dottrina Tru- scher Gewerkschaftsbund) tedesca e la CGIL (Confe- man e l’European recovery programme (ERP, il co- derazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro) oscillarono tra siddetto piano Marshall) avviarono nel 1947 un com- la difesa dei lavoratori nei sistemi nazionali e la ri- pleto ribaltamento dei rapporti tra i sindacati europei. cerca di un coordinamento sovranazionale: basti pen- Il rifiuto sovietico del piano Marshall, la mobilitazione sare ai Segretariati professionali internazionali (SPI) antiamericana dei sindacati comunisti, l’adesione nel e alla Federazione sindacale internazionale (FSI), nata marzo 1948 delle organizzazioni cattoliche e socialiste 154 3 Europa 03_03 Cruciani_IstitutoEuropa 03/10/18 12:23 Pagina 155 L’EVOLUZIONE DEI SINDACATI EUROPEI al Comitato sindacale dell’ERP anticiparono la fuo- Mentre la FSM, la CGIL e la CGT mantennero riuscita dei socialdemocratici e dei cattolici dalle or- una dura opposizione al piano Marshall e denuncia- ganizzazioni nazionali unitarie, la nascita della CGT- rono le scissioni sindacali come una manovra del- Force ouvrière in Francia e della Libera CGIL in l’imperialismo americano per l’asservimento del- Italia. Nel dicembre 1949, l’abbandono dei sindacati l’economia europea, nel maggio del 1950 l’iniziativa cattolici e socialisti della FSM sancì la nascita della di Jean Monnet e di Robert Schuman per la creazione Confederazione internazionale dei sindacati liberi della CECA segnò una tappa significativa nel coin- (ICFTU, International Confederation of Free Trade volgimento dei sindacati nel processo di integrazione Unions), sulla base dell’adesione al campo capitalista, (Gobin 1997). alla politica estera americana e alla democrazia libe- Sull’onda della formazione, nel novembre del 1950 rale (Gobin 1997). di un’Organizzazione regionale europea (ORE) al- In Europa orientale, la sovietizzazione dei Paesi l’interno dell’ICFTU, la partecipazione dei sindacati liberati dall’Armata rossa ridusse i sindacati a cin- ai negoziati riguardanti il Trattato istitutivo della ghia di trasmissione del partito e dello Stato, con i CECA del 18 aprile 1951 contribuì a creare una certa brevi intermezzi della rivoluzione ungherese del 1956 attenzione per le politiche sociali e il riconoscimento e della Primavera di Praga del 1968, fino all’emer- delle organizzazioni dei lavoratori, degli imprenditori gere, nella Polonia degli anni Settanta, del Comitato e dei consumatori nelle istituzioni comunitarie. Mal- di difesa dei lavoratori (KOR, Komitet Obrony Ro- grado l’assenza di poteri di iniziativa politica, l’isti- botników) e quindi del sindacato libero Solidarność tuzione di un Comitato consultivo permise alle forze (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy Soli- sociali di sperimentare forme innovative di confronto darność, Sindacato autonomo dei lavoratori solida- a livello europeo e di approfondire le materie di com- rietà; Bova 2003), innescando fenomeni che costrin- petenza della CECA, tanto da indurre più tardi i sin- geranno l’Unione Sovietica di Michail S. Gorbačëv dacati a rivendicare la nascita di un organismo ana- a una riforma del blocco comunista nell’ultima fase logo nell’ambito della CEE. Le nomine del presidente della guerra fredda. dell’ICFTU Paul Finet alla vicepresidenza dell’Alta In maniera inevitabilmente sintetica, il saggio si autorità e del segretario generale della CISC Petrus propone di delineare l’impatto del processo di inte- Josephus Serrarens a giudice della Corte di giustizia grazione sui sindacati europei dalla CECA (Comunità completarono la sinergia tra la CECA e il mondo del Europea del Carbone e dell’Acciaio) ai Trattati di Ro - lavoro di ispirazione cattolica e socialista (Il Comitato ma, la partecipazione dei sindacati alle istituzioni del - economico e sociale..., 2000). Nella ICFTU non deve essere dimenticata, nel- la CEE (Comunità Economica Europea) e la nascita l’ottobre del 1952, la formazione di un Comitato dei della CES, il dialogo sociale della commissione De- 21, composto dalle confederazioni dei sei Paesi della lors e l’elaborazione del Trattato di Maastricht, il con- CECA e dalle organizzazioni di categoria dei lavora- tributo dei sindacati alla transizione democratica del- tori minerari e metallurgici, con compiti di rappre- l’Europa orientale, la traiettoria della CES dal Trattato sentanza nei confronti dell’Alta autorità e autonomo di Lisbona a oggi. dall’ORE, comprendente anche i sindacati dei Paesi rimasti volutamente fuori dal processo di integrazione. Sull’esempio del Comitato dei 21, la formazione nella I sindacati europei dal piano Marshall CISC di una Federazione sindacale della Comunità ai Trattati di Roma (1947-1957) europea del carbone e dell’acciaio confermò la con- vergenza dei sindacati riformisti nello spazio sociale Nell’Europa della guerra fredda, il piano Marshall europeo (L’altra via per l’Europa, 1999). diffonde nelle culture sindacali cattoliche, socialiste Mentre la FSM, la CGIL e la CGT giudicavano e socialdemocratiche la visione keynesiana del New la CECA uno strumento dei grandi monopoli per il deal, della programmazione economica e della con- controllo dell’industria europea, le difficoltà dei sin- certazione sociale, con un’interazione originale tra la dacati della ICFTU a coordinarsi a livello sovrana- dimensione nazionale e sovranazionale della politica zionale emersero nelle persistenti divisioni dell’ORE europea (La gauche en Europe depuis 1945, 1996). tra le organizzazioni dei Paesi della CECA e quelle di La convergenza tra i sindacati dei Paesi del piano area anglosassone, estranee all’integrazione europea. Marshall e l’esperienza del Trade union advisory com- Nonostante le posizioni europeiste della CISL (Con- mittee of European recovery program (TUAC-ERP), federazione Italiana Sindacati Lavoratori) e della animato dagli americani Irving Brown
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Amalgamated Union of Foundry Workers
    ID Heading Subject Organisation Person Industry Country Date Location 74 JIM GARDNER (null) AMALGAMATED UNION OF FOUNDRY WORKERS JIM GARDNER (null) (null) 1954-1955 1/074 303 TRADE UNIONS TRADE UNIONS TRADES UNION CONGRESS (null) (null) (null) 1958-1959 5/303 360 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS (null) (null) (null) 1942-1966 7/360 361 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NOW ASSOCIATIONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1967 TO 7/361 362 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS CONFERENCES NONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1955-1966 7/362 363 ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS APPRENTICES ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS (null) EDUCATION (null) 1964 7/363 364 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1929-1935 7/364 365 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1935-1962 7/365 366 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1963-1970 7/366 367 BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) TRANSPORT CIVIL AVIATION (null) 1969-1970 7/367 368 CHEMICAL WORKERS UNION CONFERENCES INCOMES POLICY RADIATION HAZARD
    [Show full text]
  • THE SCHISM WITHIN the WORLD FEDERATION of TRADE UNIONS 299 Mainly Concerned with Combatting the Thrust of Communism in the In- Ternational Labour Field
    ANTHONY CAREW THE SCHISM WITHIN THE WORLD FEDERA- TION OF TRADE UNIONS: GOVERNMENT AND TRADE-UNION DIPLOMACY The creation of the World Federation of Trade Unions in October 1945 was intended as a major step towards international trade-union unity. Less than four years later, in January 1949, the secession of its British, American and Dutch affiliates, soon to be followed by the bulk of Western trade- union centres, left the international labour movement more divided than ever. Narrative accounts of the WFTU's brief life as a united body and of the developments leading to the schism have long been available and are not matters of contention.1 As to the cause of the split, however, there is less agreement. The ostensible reason for the secession was the failure of the WFTU to reach agreement with the International Trade Secretariats (ITSs) on their relationship with one another.2 Those who split away always contended that disagreements over trade-union matters led to the rupture. In recent years, however, with the opening up of national archives, attention has turned to the influence of governments in the field of in- ternational trade unionism. In particular the interventionist role of the US State Department acting through the American Federation of Labour has been chronicled.3 However, as yet no full account of the activities of the 1 John P. Windmuller, American Labor and the International Labor Movement 1940 to 1953 (Ithaca, 1954); Lewis L. Lorwin, The International Labor Movement (New York, 1953); V. L. Allen, Trade Union Leadership (London, 1957); Walter Schevenels, Forty- Five Years International Federation of Trade Unions (Brussels, 1956); Jean-Francois Michel, "La scission de la Federation syndicale mondiale (1947-1949)", in: Le Mouve- ment Social, No 117 (1981), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • ·In the W.F. T. U
    ' ' FREE TRADE UNIONS ·IN THE W.F. T. U WORlD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS FREE TRADE UNIONS EM AI IN THE VV.F.T.U. WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS • FOREVvORD - On January 28th. 1949~ Louis Saillant, General See-te­ tary of the W.F.T.U-., presented a report on behalf of the Executive Bureau to the Executive Comittee on the events which had led up to the departure of the T,U.C., C:I.o·. and Dutch N. V. V. representatives from the Executive Bu- reau .meeti~g on J~nuary I gth. · - .... Louis Saillant summed up what had taken place in. the following words _:. · · · · · ._, ·<i · ·I. During the year 1948 ·the leaders of the_ BritiSh T.U.C. ~ addressed ultimatums to the \V.F.T.U. on three different occasions.- This is the negation of international trade union cooperation based on the sharing of responsibil­ ities aad the common rights of all the National Centres a £fil­ iated to the \Y.~.T.U. n · ' · « 2. The leaders of the C .-.I. 0., and in particular ~arey -_-. - thus ·showing a 6ertain lack of experiel)~e~ and a misunder·­ standing of the history ·and life of the international trade un-ion [email protected] - have tried to ll:se th~ w. F. T. u. to pursue a policy inspired by the American State Department aimed at ·economic expansion based on the control of foreign m~r.~ kets by the economic and ·financial trusts of American ca.pii:_­ alism. This attempt, conducted by Carey, was revealed _at the : Executive Bureau meeting in N ove~ber I947' >> ~ .
    [Show full text]
  • Das Europa Der Arbeiter: Leitbilder Gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik Bis in Die Mitte Der 1970Er Jahre
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Fattmann, Rainer Research Report Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Study der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, No. 387 Provided in Cooperation with: The Hans Böckler Foundation Suggested Citation: Fattmann, Rainer (2018) : Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre, Study der Hans-Böckler- Stiftung, No. 387, ISBN 978-3-86593-299-0, Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, Düsseldorf This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/179249 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/de/legalcode www.econstor.eu STUDY Nr. 387 · Mai 2018 DAS EUROPA DER ARBEITER Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Rainer Fattmann Dieser Band erscheint als 387.
    [Show full text]
  • The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Labor Series
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Labor Series HERBERT E. WEINER Interviewer: Linda and Eric Christenson Initial interview date: June 8, 1993 Copyright 1998 A ST TABLE OF CONTENTS London, ngland Assistant Labor Attaché Berger's connection with Labor government Labor function within embassy Sydney, Australia Labor Attaché Australian fear of the Japanese New Delhi, India Labor Counselor Ambassador's section Indian relations with U.S., China, , Pa-istan London, ngland .9001.920 Labor Attaché U.S.1British relations AFL1CIO and British Trade Union Congress 4TUC5 INTERVIEW "Observations on Labor and the Marsha P an" Introduction to the Interview 6 IN R8 This is Herbert 6einer. This tape was recorded on February .0, .994. It is the audio portion of an uncut video interview filmed on June 2, .993 at my home by ric and Linda Christenson for a proposed film documentary mar-ing the 50th anniversary of the 1 Marshall Plan. 6hat follows are my recollections of the sources of labor diplomacy as a function of U.S. foreign policy, labor's role in the Marshall Plan and subsequently during the Cold 6ar, and my observations on the inter1dependence of labor freedom and a democratic culture. Interview Q: Today is June 8, 1993, and we are interviewing Herb Weiner, who is with the State epartment. Are you still with the State Department) 6 IN R8 I am still a consultant in the Office of the Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for International Labor Affairs. Q: All right. You worked with labor issues during your career) 6 IN R8 I have been wor-ing on labor issues off and on for some forty years as a career Foreign Service Officer.
    [Show full text]
  • 25230 Kpip ABC Międzynarodowego Ruchu Zawodowego.Pdf
    ABC MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO RUCHU ZAWODOWEGO abc MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO RUCHU ZAWODOWEGO WYDAWNICTWO ZWIĄZKOWE CRZZ • WARSZAWA 1964 Tytuł oryginału: ABC mezin&rodniho odboroveho hnuti opracowali Kareł Kr&l i Kv6ta Venerova Przełożył JÓZEF GRZYB Według wydania rosyjskiego opracowała Gustawa Kofman Obwolutę, okładkę i stronę tytułową projektował Henryk Białoskórski Redaktor techniczny Korektor Jerzy Trzebiński Alicja Kowalska WYDAWNICTWO ZWIĄZKOWE CRZZ — WARSZAWA 1964 Nakład 5000+250 egz. Ark. wyd. 22, ark. druk. 18,5 Papier druk. mat. kl. IV, 65 g. Oddano do składania 29. I. 64 Podpisano do druku 3. XI. 64. Druk ukończono w listopadzie 1964 Łódzka Drukarnia Dziełowa, Łódź, ul. Piotrkowska 86 Zam. nr 202/A/64. F-8. Cena zł 50.— Od Wydawnictwa Międzynarodowy ruch zawodowy stanowi obecnie potężną silę. Związki zawodowe — masowe organizacje ludzi pracy — zrzeszają pracowników różnych przekonań politycznych, różnych ras i naro­ dowości. 1 Ogarniając swą działalnością coraz to szersze kręgi pracownicze, coraz to nowe kraje — związki zawodowe systematycznie dążą do poprawy warunków życia ludzi pracy. Prowadzą ożywioną działalność, mającą na celu zdobycie i obronę swobód demokratycznych i praw związkowych, utrzymanie i utrwalenie pokoju. Wspólne te dążenia związków zawodowych stwarzają- pod,stawę do rozszerzania się jed­ ności ich działania w poszczególnych krajach i w ruchu międzyna­ rodowym. ‘ | Wraz ze zwiększeniem się "znaczenia; związków zawodowych, ich roli i udziału w życiu społecżnynykażdego kraju, zwiększa się za­ interesowanie ludzi pracy ruchem zawodowym. W celu zaspokojenia tych zainteresowań, zapoznania czytelnika z historią i orientacjami politycznymi poszczególnych związków w ruchu międzynarodowym wydajemy „ABC międzynarodowego ruchu zawodowego”. Jest to przekład z języka czeskiego , książki pod tym tytułem, wydanej w Pradze w 1962 roku. Przygotowując książkę do wydania w języku polskim dokonano niektórych skrótów, uwzględniono zmiany wprowadzone w wydaniu rosyjskim, szerzej omówiono działalność polskich związków zawodo­ wych i opracowano skorowidze.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Labour Movement and the End of Empire in Guiana
    THE LIMITS OF ANTICOLONIALISM: THE BRITISH LABOUR MOVEMENT AND THE END OF EMPIRE IN GUIANA The Labour MP, Tom Driberg, was not noted for his circumspection but when he composed the introduction to Cheddi Jagan’s indictment of British colonial policy in Guiana, Forbidden Freedom, he chose his words very carefully. For Labour politicians, who were ostensibly committed to anticolonialism, it ought to have been a straightforward matter to condemn the Conservative Colonial Secretary, Oliver Lyttelton, who had ordered the dismissal of Jagan 133 days after he had been elected Chief Minister by the Guianese people on 27 April 1953. The case against Lyttelton gathered additional force when it transpired that the pretext he had offered, that Jagan’s supporters were planning to burn down the capital, Georgetown, rested on the flimsiest evidence. Yet these circumstances did not alter the belief of many key figures in the British labour movement that Jagan was a pro-Soviet stooge who was responsible for his own downfall. With an eye to these controversies, Driberg thought it prudent to suggest that the previous Attlee government had ‘shown the sincerity of its anti-imperialism by its actions in India and Burma and the Gold Coast’, while also acknowledging that Labour’s response to the crisis in Guiana had been ‘qualified and cautious’. Of the text and author he was introducing, Driberg noted: ‘I cannot myself endorse every word of Cheddi Jagan’s book; but I met him more than once in London and learned to respect and like him for his obvious sincerity, his modesty and his quiet unembittered wit.’i The explanation for Driberg’s unexpected ambivalence can be found in divisions within the wider Labour movement between Bevanites and Gaitskellites and these disagreements necessitate reconsideration of the forces which shaped Labour’s colonial policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Denis Delay Papers
    Denis Delay Papers Compiled by Dr Samantha Bird for the TUC Library Collections, London Metropolitan University, 2013 IDENTITY STATEMENT Reference code(s): [not allocated] Held at: London Metropolitan University: Trades Union Congress Library Collections Title: Denis Delay Papers Date(s): 1862 – 2009 Level of description: Extent: 33 boxes Name of creator: Denis Delay CONTEXT Administrative/Biographical history Denis Delay 1927-2011 was born in Wapping to a family working in the docks and became a stevedore in the Surrey Docks in 1950, joining the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers. In 1954, he went to the Fircroft Adult Education College and from there to Keele University. He returned to dock work, but in 1960 joined the Trades Union Congress where he remained until his retirement in 1990. He became Secretary of the TUC Steel Committee, but retained his interest in the docks industry and its history. He played a major role in staging the Docklands Exhibition in Congress House in 1980 and in the establishment of the Museum of London Docklands. He was writing a history of industrial relations in the docks when he died. CONTENT Scope and content/abstract: This collection consists of personal papers belonging to Denis Delay, drafts of his history of industrial relations in the docks, and material collected in relation to his research. It includes correspondence; minutes and papers of the various committees and conferences; publications, leaflets and other ephemera; together with general background information on trade unionism, the docks, shipping, London during the Second World War, social history and politics. A good deal of the material consists of photocopies from material at the National Archives ACCESS AND USE Language/scripts of material: English System of arrangement: Original file labels have been retained, but files re-arranged to provide a more useful sequence [see Contents below] This collection is arranged into 7 sub-fonds as follows: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Annex I the United Kingdom Nuclear Deterrent L
    Annex I The United Kingdom Nuclear Deterrent l. During the Second World War the British, American and Canadian Gove-rnments collaborated closely in the develop­ ment of the atom bomb. This collaboration was terminated in 1946. The decision to manufacture a British atom bomb was taken by the Labour Government of Prime Minister Clement Attlee in] anuary 1947. By the time the first British nuclear test took place in October 1952, Winston Churchill was again Prime Minister of a Conservative Government. The first British thermonuclear (hydrogen bomb) test took place in 1957. 2. The order to produce the first V-Bombers, the first British aircraft specifically designed to carry nuclear weapons, was placed by the Labour Government early in 1951. Delivery of the full complement of V-bombers to operational units was completed by 1960. In December 1962 at Nassau, Prime Minister Harold Macmillan obtained from President Ken­ nedy an undertaking to supply Polaris missiles, which would be armed with British-made warheads and deployed in British-made submarines. The Polaris construction pro­ gramme was carried out under the Labour Government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson (1964-70); the fourth and last Polaris submarine became operational in 1970. 3. The Chevaline project for improving the ability of the Polaris missile to penetrate Soviet defences was initiated by the Conservative Government in 1973. The decision to go ahead with development of Chevaline was taken by the Labour Government in 1974. Chevaline became operational in 1980, under the Conservative Government. 4. After prolonged studies the decision to replace the Polaris in the 1990s by the Trident (C4), to be purchased from the United States and fitted in the British-made submarines, was announced by the Conservative Government in] uly 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Facts About International Communist Front Organisations
    NTERNATION COMMUNIST FRONT ORGANISATIONS lath, mm \?r.vm FACTS ABOUT INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST FRONT ORGANISATIONS April, 1957 CONTENTS Page Page Introduction—The Organisations International Association of Demo- Defined cratic Lawyers (IADL) 61 World Peace Council (WPC) World Federation of Scientific Workers iWFSW) 67 World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) 19 International Organisation of Jour- nalists (IOJ) 73 World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) 33 World Congress of Doctors (WCD) 79 International Union of Students International Broadcasting Organi- (IUS) 41 sation (OIR) 83 Women's International Democratic International Federation of Resist- Federation (WIDF) 47 ance Fighters (FIR) 85 World Federation of Teachers' International Committee for the Unions (FISE) 55 Promotion of Trade (ICPT) 89 THE ORGANISATIONS DEFINED What is a front organisation? A front organisation is an auxiliary unit of the crats but too individualistic to join the Communist Communist army. It may be only a national one, Party. in which case it assists the local Communist Party; • On those occasions when the Communist or it may be an international one, which supports, Parties are pursuing a "popular front" or "united and obeys, the international Communist move- action" policy (as in the 1930*8 and now), front ment directed by Moscow. This booklet is con- organisations are used, seldom with success, cerned only with the international organisations. as a bridge between the Communists and the It is not clear how the term front organisation Social Democrats—or as a Trojan Horse to originated, but it is used because these organisa- infiltrate the Socialist ranks. tions, though directed by the Communist Party • They act as a cover for secret Communists machine, pretend to be independent and en- and sometimes, where has deavour to attract as many non-Communists as Communism been outlawed, for the Communist Party itself.
    [Show full text]
  • TONY CORFIELD (1919-2011): TWO COMPANION PIECES by Penelope J
    TONY CORFIELD (1919-2011): TWO COMPANION PIECES by Penelope J. Corfield The first account was written for the short obituaries section and published (with altered sequence of paragraphs) in OTHER LIVES, The Guardian 2/9/2011 (p. 38). It is followed by a companion piece, on Tony Corfield’s role in the former Transport & General Workers Union (now Unite), as contribution to Education News on the Unite website: www.unitetheunion.org/sectors/education. Tony Corfield as an army volunteer in 1939. 1 Short Obituary for The Guardian My father Tony Corfield, who has just died aged 91, was a trade unionist, adult educator, and man of the left, who remained a sunny optimist throughout life’s upheavals. His positive, thoughtful, unassuming manner made him many friends. And he was singularly happy in his family life, sharing a life-long ‘marriage of true minds’ with Irene Corfield (née Hill). They met at a dance at Oxford University’s Labour Club and married in 1941. Five of their six children survive him. We remember a loving and unconventional father, with droll humour. On seaside holidays, he captained our family team for cricket on the beach and – to our horror as kids - tried to let the other side win. Tony believed in communal action and cooperation, rather than in individualism and dog-eat-dog. When still a student, he volunteered for the infantry at the start of World War II and ended up as a trainer in the Parachute Regiment. That experience launched his career in adult education, which gave him the deep contentment of someone who had found his vocation.
    [Show full text]
  • Arthur Deakin, Frank Cousins and the Transport and General Workers Union 1945-1964
    3 Trade Union Freedom and the Labour Movement: Arthur Deakin, Frank Cousins and the Transport and General Workers Union 1945-1964 No union has contributed more in organised strengtti, in practical wisdom and in imaginative vision to tiie success of the Labour partv than the Transport and General Woricers union. Clement Attlee' Brothers, we have got to recognise the difficulties that confront us aiio act with a sense of responsibility, while expressing our determination to secure those conditions that will make for a reduction in the price^ level and increase the level of the wages that we get. Arthur Deakin^ The general executive council of my union firmly believe that its job is to improve the standard of living of our people. We are not satisfied even to maintain it. We know the economic struggle that the country is facing but we also know that we are governed by a body which advised us that we were coming into an era of prosperity in an atmosphere of free for all. We have said and we mean it that if it is a free for all, we are part of the all. Frank CousmS'^ 102 Deakin, Cousins and the TGWU 103 The Transport and General Workers Union was always the colossus of the Labour Movement from the moment of its formation through mergers in 1922 under the visionary leadership of Ernest Bevin.'* During the period immediately after the Second World War, it became the largest trade union in the western industrialised world, claiming over 1.3 million members by the middle of the 1950s.
    [Show full text]