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Lations Intersyndicales Françaises À La Lumière Des Engagements Internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin

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Lations Intersyndicales Françaises À La Lumière Des Engagements Internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978 Tania Régin To cite this version: Tania Régin. Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978. Histoire. Université de Bourgogne, 2003. Français. tel-00006184 HAL Id: tel-00006184 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00006184 Submitted on 2 Jun 2004 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Université de Bourgogne UFR Sciences humaines et sociales Thèse d'Histoire Par Tania Régin Les relations intersyndicales françaises à la lumière des engagements internationaux 1948-1978 (volume 1) Année 2002-2003 Sous la direction de Serge Wolikow 2 A David et Salomé 3 INTRODUCTION 4 Le syndicalisme français est marqué par l’existence durable de trois confédérations ouvrières. La Confédération générale du travail se constitue en 1895. Il faut attendre l’entre-deux- guerres pour voir apparaître deux autres confédérations concurrentes. La Grande guerre et la révolution russe encouragent la radicalisation du mouvement ouvrier. Des grèves importantes éclatent en 1919 et 1920. Face au risque de contagion révolutionnaire, les syndicalistes chrétiens s’organisent en Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens (1919/19201). Cette création fait suite à la naissance de la Confédération internationale des syndicats chrétiens (1919), elle-même issue de la volonté des autorités ecclésiastiques de soustraire la classe ouvrière de l’influence des idées socialistes. Au sein de la CGT, la minorité révolutionnaire sur laquelle le modèle bolchévik exerce une influence certaine, gagne du terrain. Après la création du Parti communiste français (1920), cette minorité composée de syndicalistes révolutionnaires, d’anarchistes et de communistes, est exclue de la CGT et fonde la CGT unitaire (1921/19222). De 1922 à 1935, trois confédérations composent le paysage syndical français. La montée du fascisme en Europe et le pacte d’unité d’action signé par le PCF et la SFIO créent les conditions d’un rapprochement entre la CGT et la CGTU. La fusion des sœurs ennemies commence en juillet 1935 et aboutit en mars 19363. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la CGT et la CFTC reprennent une activité légale. Les syndicalistes engagés dans la Résistance ont surmonté un temps leurs divergences idéologiques, laissant planer des espoirs d’unification du syndicalisme. Au cours de l’année 1945, la majeure partie des syndicats du monde se rassemble au sein d’une Fédération syndicale mondiale (FSM). Après avoir assisté à son congrès constitutif, la CFTC préfère cependant ne pas y adhérer et participe à la reconstitution de la Confédération internationale des syndicats chrétiens (CISC). Les tensions géopolitiques ne tardent pas à se répercuter dans le monde syndical. Ainsi des scissions se produisent en France (1947-1948) et en Italie4. Les nouvelles centrales qui en sont issues reçoivent le soutien de la très 1 En novembre 1919, les syndicats chrétiens se dotent d’un comité de liaison nationale. Cependant, les statuts de la CFTC ne sont définitivement adoptés qu’au congrès de février 1920. 2 La scission de la CGT a lieu en décembre 1921 mais le 1er congrès de la CGTU se tient du 25 juin au 1er juillet 1922 à Saint-Etienne. 3 Le congrès de réunification se tient du 2 au 5 mars à Toulouse. 4 La tendance démocrate-chrétienne de la CGIL constitue le 18 octobre 1948 la Confédération libre générale italienne du travail (LCGIL). Puis, en juin 1949, des sociaux démocrates et des républicains quittent à leur tour la 5 anticommuniste American Federation of Labor.5 Parallèlement, l’unité de la FSM est menacée. Dans un premier temps, un conflit éclate entre les syndicats soviétiques et les secrétariats professionnels internationaux. Puis, les syndicats occidentaux dénoncent la mainmise des communistes sur l’appareil de la FSM. Enfin, le plan Marshall achève de diviser les syndicats.6 Au cours du premier semestre 1949, les syndicats britannique, hollandais, américain7, norvégien, danois, belge, australien, autrichien, suédois et suisse quittent la FSM. A l’automne, ils se réunissent à Londres et constituent la Confédération internationale des syndicats libres8, à laquelle Force ouvrière adhère. En 1949, trois confédérations constituent l’essentiel du paysage syndical français, chacune étant affiliée à une internationale différente : la CGT à la FSM, la CFTC à la CISC et FO à la CISL, soit une configuration qui rappelle celle de l’entre-deux-guerres (1922-1936) où la CGT était membre de la FSI, la CGTU de l’ISR et la CFTC de la CISC. Durant trois décennies, cette configuration est stable. Puis, en 1978, la CFDT quitte la CISC devenue CMT. Après dix ans sans affiliation internationale, elle adhère en 1988 à la CISL. Un autre changement majeur intervient peu après l’effondrement du système soviétique. En quelques années, la FSM connaît une forte désaffection qui encourage la CGT à la quitter. Ce départ, entériné en 1995, permet enfin à la CGT de rejoindre la Confédération européenne des syndicats. Depuis, la CGT est sans affiliation mondiale. Dans la période au cours de laquelle chacune des confédérations françaises dispose d’un ancrage international qui lui est propre (1949-1978), quelle est l’influence des engagements internationaux sur l’évolution des relations intersyndicales françaises ? Dans son ouvrage sur Le marxisme, Henri Lefebvre dénombrait trois conceptions du monde : la conception chrétienne, la conception individualiste et la conception marxiste.9 La CGIL pour créer la Fédération italienne du travail (FIL) qui fusionne avec la LCGIL et fonde ainsi la Confédération italienne des syndicats libres (CISL). 5 En Belgique, l’AFL exerce aussi une influence sur la FGTB mais, contrairement à la France et l’Italie, cela ne débouche pas sur une scission mais sur l’exclusion de certains responsables syndicaux communistes. 6 En mars 1948, les organisations favorables au Plan Marshall, qu’elles soient ou non adhérentes de la FSM, se réunissent à Londres. 7Il s’agit du Congress industrial organization. 8 A propos du sens de l’expression « syndicalisme libre », voir W. Buschak, « The meaning of the word ‘free’ in trade union history”, dans B. De Wilde (ed.), The past and the future of international trade unionism, colloque international, Ghent, may 19-20 2000, Acta, 2001,p. 270-276. 9 H. Lefebvre, Le marxisme, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1997 (1948), p. 9-10. 6 tripartition du syndicalisme français est-il alors le reflet de cette diversité idéologique ? Doit- on en déduire que le syndicalisme français est plus sensible aux courants politiques transnationaux ? Nous avons cherché à comprendre ici la fonction des affiliations internationales et leurs effets sur la scène syndicale nationale, à la fois dans les processus de convergences et de divisions. Aussi, nos recherches croisent l’histoire du syndicalisme français et l’histoire du syndicalisme international. Le syndicalisme français et la quête de l’unité Dans la plupart des pays européens, il existe une seule grande confédération syndicale. La situation française constitue une spécificité nationale à laquelle on attribue volontiers la responsabilité du faible taux de syndicalisation. Dans l’imaginaire syndical, et particulièrement à la CGT, l’union ou l’unité apparaît alors comme le garant de la force. Dans la lexie syndicale, ces termes sont polysémiques. L’unité peut désigner aussi bien une pratique (l’unité à la base) qu’un idéal. La rhétorique unitaire n’a pas d’ailleurs forcément pour but d’aboutir. Ainsi, pour l’historien Alain Bergounioux, « le propos des politiques syndicales est de faire leur le principe unitaire pour justifier une volonté, sinon d’incarner le mouvement ouvrier dans son authenticité, du moins de diriger l’action » 10. Dans la littérature scientifique, l’unité renvoie également à des processus fort différents. Dans de nombreuses monographies11 dédiées à une centrale, ce vocable est employé pour traiter des relations interconfédérales. A cet égard, l’ouvrage collectif dirigé par Pierre Cours-Salies et René Mouriaux, L’unité syndicale, 1895-1995 Impasses et chemins, illustre parfaitement la pluralité des interprétations possibles.12 La première partie est dédiée aux racines des scissions avec quatre études de cas : la scission de 1921 qui se solde par la création de la CGTU ; 10 A. Bergounioux, op. cit.,p. 175. 11 Entre autres : A. Bergounioux, Force ouvrière, Paris, Seuil, 1975 ; F. Georgi, L'invention de la CFDT 1957- 1970, Paris, éditions de l'Atelier - CNRS, Paris, 1995 ; R. Mouriaux, La CGT, Paris, Seuil, 1982. 7 l’expulsion des communistes de la CGT en 1939, qualifiée ici de scission mais rarement étudiée ; la scission de 1947 qui prépare la création de la CGT-FO ; et la fondation de la Confédération générale des cadres (CGC) en 1944. La seconde partie, intitulée « les réponses et les expériences partielles d’unité », traite de la réunification de 1936, de l’expérience de la Fédération de l’éducation nationale, de l’unité d’action pratiquée par la CFDT dans les années 1960-1970, d’une tentative d’unité à la direction générale des impôts13, et de deux mouvements favorables à l’unité mais qui n’ont pas abouti, le premier dans les années 1930, le second dans la période 1957-1962. Dans la troisième partie, consacrée à l’actualité de l’unité syndicale, on retrouve notamment une étude lexicale de Anne-Marie Hetzel et de Josette Lefebvre. Si l’on s’en tient à cet exemple, on voit bien que l’unité recouvre les processus de division et de rassemblement, qu’ils se situent aux niveaux confédéral, fédéral ou local, et qu’ils se concrétisent par une fusion organique, par un accord ou par une participation commune à des mouvements revendicatifs.
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