Social Dynamics

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The Black Atlantic Meets the Indian Ocean: Forging New Paradigms of Transnationalism for the Global South – Literary and Cultural Perspectives

Isabel Hofmeyr

To cite this article: Isabel Hofmeyr (2007) The Black Atlantic Meets the Indian Ocean: Forging New Paradigms of Transnationalism for the Global South – Literary and Cultural Perspectives, Social Dynamics, 33:2, 3-32, DOI: 10.1080/02533950708628759 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533950708628759

Published online: 11 Aug 2008.

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Download by: [93.69.93.46] Date: 22 April 2017, At: 01:41 SOCIAL DYNAMICS 33 .2 ( 2 0 0 7): 3- 3 2

The Black Atlantic Meets the Indian Ocean: Forging New Paradigms of Transnationalism for the Global South Literary and Cultural Perspectives'

Isabel Hofmeyr

Abstract With the recent transnational turn in the humanities and social sciences, questions of translocalism have come to dominate the academic agenda. Where southern African studies has engaged with transnationalism, this has generally been pursued through the framework of the black Atlantic. This article argues that we need to supplement this perspective with a systematic

engagement with the Indian Ocean. The article outlines various major historiographical traditions associated with the Indian Ocean and then seeks to draw out how these themes challenge assumptions which have been theorised on the basis ofblack Atlantic patterns. The paper concludes with a discussion ofhow a consideration ofthe Indian Ocean would enlarge the maps ofSouth African literary and cultural studies.

As the humanities and social sciences take an increasingly tra nsnational turn, the acade mic marketplace has become crowded with models that seek to explain the phenomena of globalisation and translocalism. Almost without exception, this scholarship has focused on north-south modes of tran snationalism. Indeed the terminology itself, like the word globalisation, thro ugh its apparent neutrality appears to imply transnational processes emanating from the west and then radiating outward. But what of transnationalism within the south itself? What of non­ western sources of globalisation, or processes of transnationalism that happen without reference to Europe? That these questions are of pressing import is apparent if we turn to some statistics. Trade between South Africa and India shot up from R300 million in 1993 to R16.5 billion in 2006. By 4 T H E BL ACKA TLANTIC M EETS TH EI ND IAN OCE AN

2005, Chinese tr ade with Africa as a whole had reached $30 billion. South­ south tr ade is expanding faster than any other trade flow in the world - at about 11 percent per year. From a number of perspectives, th en, it is critical to engage with debates on transnationalism in th e global south. This paper seeks to outline one possible framework for addressing such a task. In brief, it suggests that we look qu ite literally at our location in southern Africa - between two oceans - and see what ana lytical purchase that may provide. Put in slightly different term s, what can we derive from th inking abo ut three intersecting frameworks: the black Atlantic, the Indian Ocean and Africa itself? In investigating these issues, th e paper argues that insofar as southern Africa n literary studies has pursued transnational the mes, these have generally been done in a framework of the black Atlantic. These approaches have produced work of value. We need to build on th is legacy and at the same tim e extend it by th inking more abo ut the Indian Ocean and its intersectio ns with, but also its differences from , the black Atlantic. The paper proceeds in three parts. It begins with some historiograph ical clearing of the decks and draws out the major trajectories of anglophone scholarship on the black Atlantic and the Indian Ocean. Secondly, I ask what difference the Ind ian Ocean makes. What broader theoretical issues does it raise? Does it unsettl e and relativise some of the Atlantic categories th at we have come to acce pt as 'nor mal'? Thirdly, I atte mpt to translate these categories into the field of southern African literature and to demonstrate how a consideration of the Ind ian Ocean alongside that of the black Atlantic would produce novel definiti ons of southern African literature.

Historiographies

The Black Atlantic Let us begi n with th e easies t part of the historiographical equatio n, namely, th e black Atlantic. The term is of course so well known that, like a famous guest, it requires no intro duction. In brief, the phrase has become a shorthand term for understanding th e Atlantic seaboa rd as the site for the emerge nce of capitalist modernity as a transnational system. This articulating system in and across th e ocea n draws in the African slave trade, the American plantation eco nomies and the Europ ean industries that these enabled. From ISA BEL HOF MEYR the sixteenth century onwards, the peoples of the Atlantic are hurtled into this vortex of modernity, some more violently than others (Gilroy, 1993; Rediker, 1987; Linebaugh and Rediker, 2000). In C.L.R. James's famous dictum, slaves become the first modern people (1992 [1962]: 296-97). Historians like Marcus Rediker (1987) and Peter Linebaugh (2000) have described the historical networks linking Atlantic ports, jails, barracoons, ships and plantations and how ideas of freedom and equality are made by sailors, slaves, prostitutes, dockworkers and pirates working in and across these sites. Building in part on Rediker, Paul Gilroy (1993) has deepened the analysis to understand the Atlantic as a site of transnational black modernity neither African nor American, Caribbean or British, but a complex translation of these various traditions into something new. The paradigm of the black Atlantic (whether known by this term or not) has long been active in southern African literary studies. As Laura Chrisman has indicated, it has informed Sol Plaatje's thinking and is apparent in his interactions with W.E.B. du Bois (2003: 89-106). In Songs of Zion , a history of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in South Africa, James Campbell demonstrates how ideas of heaven have been shaped in the black Atlantic (1995). In The Af rican Image, Ezekiel (Es'kia) Mphahlele describes the role of black Atlantic cultural formations in South Africa as a 'dialogue across the sea' (1974 [1967]: 96). Tim Couzens (1982) has written of the 'transatlantic connection' and the impact of American-sponsored philanthropic projects in the 1920s and 1930s in dampening the radical edges of black urban cultural formations, a th eme that Bheki Peterson has taken up more recently in Monarch s, Missionaries and African Intellectuals (2000). The world of African-American music , style and fashion has been a powerful influence and much work has traced out the interplay of African-American and South African imaginaries. On e thinks of Rob Nixon (1994) exarriining Harlem in Sophiatown, or Dorothy Driver (2001) studying the images of women in Drum magazine, or Michael Titlestad (2004) exploring transatlantic musical forms and their improvisor y interaction with literature. There are of course voices questioning the limits of the paradigm of the black Atlantic. Chrisman has pointed to the generalisations produced by it, one of which celebrates all transnationalism as good and all nationalism as bad. As her work oil Plaatje and Peter Abrahams indicates, nationalism is not the opposite of transnationalism and the one can foster the other while 6 TH E BLAC K ATLA N T IC M EET S T HE I N D I AN OCE A N transnationalism can produce its own forms of exclusion (Chrisman, 2005: 252-71). Another questioning voice has been Ntongela Masilela (1996), who has pointed to the virtual absence of Africa in Gilroy's discussion of the black Atlantic.

The Indian Ocean Let us move now to the Indian Ocean, a cultural and economic system of considerable antiquity, in some accounts stretching back 5,000 years. Sugata Bose in his recent book A Hundred Horizons: The Indian Ocean in an Age of Global Imperialism has characterised the Indian Ocean as an 'interregional arena' (2005: 6), a set of articulating trade systems that have interlinked Malays, Chinese, Indians, Arabs and Africans. It is an arena in which Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the USA came into contact with Africa, the Middle East and the Orient. Before the rise of steam power in the Indian Ocean, the core of its trade networks resided in the alternating monsoon winds blowing from the northeast between November and April and from the northwest between

June and October. The historiography of the Indian Ocean is not quite as ancient as these winds, but has been blowing for millennia, particularly in the dominant written langu ages of the Ocean, namely, Arabic, Persian, Gujarati and Swahili. The modern anglo phone historiography of the Indian Ocean World, while of relatively recent provenance, constitutes an extensive and complex archive. Firstly, there have been numerous popular traditions of representing the Indian Ocean, parts of which belong to a type of orientalism at sea. These include popular accounts like Richard Hall's Empires ofthe Monsoon (1996) and T.Y. Bulpin's excellent Islands in a Forgotten Sea (n.d.). Other examples are Tintin's adventures, som e of which unfold in the Indian Ocean (Herge, 1960), as well as numerous stories of pirates and boy's own adventure and tales of derring-do. With regard to more academic analyses, the Indian Ocean has been considered from a range of vantage points. There are of course voluminous scholarships devoted to the different geographical regions around the Indian Ocean littoral (Mozambique; the Swahili Coast; the Horn; etc.), these generally falling under the various categories of Area Studies that divide the Indian Ocean World (lOW): Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, South ISA BEL HOFME YR 7

East Asia and Australia. Our concern is somewhat different and engages the traditions of scholarship that have sought to understand the Indian Ocean as a network (Kearney, 2004; McPherson, 1993; Pearson, 2003; Toussaint 1966; Verges, 2003). A central focus in this work has been an emphasis on the mechanics, scope and scale of the long distance trade that shuttled between the major port cities of the lOW and well-beyond. One emphasis in this work has been on the non-violent nature of the trade. Amitav Ghosh, in his remarkable travelogue /history/memoir In an Antique Land (1992), has explored this peaceful long-distance trade of the Indian Ocean as a way of drawing a contrast with .the contemporary world divided into militarised nations. Engseng Ho makes a similar point in his work on the Hadrami diaspora in the Indian Ocean; th is ancient diaspora that reached out from south Yemen deep into the Indian Ocean was not backed by an armed state: The Portuguese, Dutch, and English in the Indian Ocean were strange new traders who brought their state with them. The y created militarized trading-post empires in the Indian Ocean, following Venetian and Genoese precedent s in the Medit erranean, and were wont to do busin ess at the point of a gun. Hadr amis and other non-Europeans - such as Gujaratis, Bohras, Chettiars, Buginese, and Malays - did not. (Ho, 2006: xxi) In Ho's phrasing,'non-Europeans entered into relations with locals that were more intimate, sticky, and prolonged than the Europeans could countenance' (ibid). As Bose points out, while there is a rich tradition of work on the distant past of the Indian Ocean world , there is comparatively less on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. One notable exception has been the work of Mark Ravinder Frost (2002), which has started to outline a distinctive Indian Ocean public sphere that flourished from the 1880s to the 1920s. Based in the port cities of the Indian Ocean and sustained by the intelligentsias of intersecting diasporas, this public sphere was rooted in pan-religious movements, be these Buddhist, Muslim or Hindu. As Frost notes, the diasporic intelligentsias of the port cities shared 'similar concerns for reform and oversaw parallel campaigns for religious revival, educational improvement and constitutional change' (2002: 937). These intellectual circuits produced a world of crosscutting and contesting universalisms, 8 THE BLA CK ATL A NTIC MEE TS THE IND IAN OC EAN producing a view of colonialism less as an encounter of the local and the global than as a contestation of different universalisms. The Indian Ocean provides an arena in which such universalisms of the south become apparent. What have some of these universalisms been? Another way to phrase thi s issue is to ask: what are the unifying themes of the lOW? Given the breadth and depth of the Indian Ocean scholarship, there are numerous answers to this question apparent from the different ways in which scholars 'carve up' the ocean analyticall y. Recurrent rubrics are trade, capital and labour; religion (often linked to trade); pilgrimage; travel; war, colonial rule and anti-colonial movements; and port towns. Other themes focus on particular groupings like Muslims, the Portuguese, British rule and so on. The outline of the story that these themes explore is well-known. Once mastered by mariners, the monsoon enabled deep-sea travel and trade in the Indian Ocean. These trade networks were further consolidated and promoted by the spread of Islam in the Indian Ocean from the eighth century onward, which helped to weave together a series of cosmopolitan port cities : Kilwa, Mombasa, Malindi, Mogadishu, leddah, Aden, Muscat, Cambay, Calicut and so on. Islam provided the dominant idiom of public life in most coastal cities and promoted new categories of travellers, most notably pilgrims, administrators and scholars using Arabic as an international language. Islam provides a 'grammar' of the Indian Ocean, and one of its modes of universalism that facilitated cosmopolitan exchange and mobility over vast areas (Kearney, 2004; Risso, 1995; Fattah, 2002; Fawaz and Bayly, 2002). The Portuguese arrived in the Indian Ocean in the late fifteenth century, to be followed by the Dutch, Danish, French, British, Germans and, subsequently, Italians. By some accounts, the arrival of European firepower marked a great divide in Indian Ocean history, with an apparently peaceful period of unarmed trade followed by the increasing militarisation and conflict precipitated by the intrusion of Europeans. Hall's Empires of the Monsoon exemplifies this narrative; subtitled 'A History of the Indian Ocean and its Invaders; the book's first two parts are 'A World Apart' and 'The Cannons of Christendom' (1996). This model of Indian Ocean prelapsarian innocence torn asunder by European violence has been questioned. Ashin Das Gupta (2004) has famously demonstrated that the decline of the Indian Ocean trade has less to ISAB EL HOF ME Y R 9

do with European power than with circumstances internal to India . Looking at the pepper trade, he narrates how struggle over control of the trade in Malabar and Mysore in the early 1700s led to its collapse. Like all other traders, Europeans until at least the eighteenth century had to accommodate themselves to local conditions, conventions and credit networks. They were part of the Asian trading order. It was only with the rise of the British steamships, maritime control, standing armies, the Suez Canal, electric telegraphy and a range of other technological apparatus that the Indian Ocean began to resemble a 'British Lake' (Bose, 2005: 274). However, as Rajat Kanta Ray has demonstrated, the rise of colonial power did not mean the end of the extensive Indian and Chinese trade and credit networks. Under the radar of European imperial authority, Gujarati, Sind and Chinese trade and credit networks continued to operate in those areas - like East Africa, Muscat and South East Asia - that were never equivocally under one colonial power, or where colonial control was a long time coming, or where 'large Western bankers could or would not go' (Ray, 1995: 552). Within this broader framework let us focus in on the two themes that have a literary pertinence: 'Islands' and 'People and Passages:

Islands One broad theme in Indian Ocean Studies has been the idea of the island as an epitome of Indian Ocean experiences of slavery and indenture. Much scholarship has sought to understand the islands as Creole spaces, as the histories of people without reference to nation: a kind of ultra-Caribbean model of European, African and Asian traditions being violently brought together. Various scholars have used the island experiences as a way of generating concepts to think about the Indian Ocean world more generally. Some of these ideas , like 'creolite; or the term 'antillanite' from Edouard Glissant, are of Caribbean provenance, whilst being made to include Indian Ocean Island experiences (Carter and Torabully, 2002). Other ideas have sought to be more Indian Ocean specific, like the Mauritian concept of Indienoceanisme, or that of 'coolitude' put forward by Mauritian poet Khal Torabully and historian Marina Carter (2002).'Coolitude' shapes itself in relation to 'negritude; but recognises that 'negritude' does not account for the complexity of post-abolition societies, particularly as these developed in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean. It seeks to revalorise the term 10 T HEBLA CK ATLA NTIC M EETS THE IND IAN OC EAN

'coolie; turning a term of abuse against itself in a form of empowerment. The central motif of coolitude is the voyage, which becomes the site of trauma and loss but also a 'metonymy of cultural encounters; in the words of the Belgian critic Veronique Bragard (qtd. in Carter and Torabully, 2002: 15). She continues: Th e cro ssing of the Kala Pani ['black water'] constitutes the first movement of a series of abusive and culturally stifling situations. By making the crossing central, Coo litude avoids any essentialism and connection with an idealized Moth er India, which is clearly left behind. It discloses the Coolie's story which has been shipwrecked ('erased') in the ocean of a Western-made historical discourse as well as a world of publication and criticism. (ib id) In Torabully's words, 'coolitude posits an encounter, an exchange of histories, of poetics or visions of the world , between tho se of African descent and of Indian descent, without excluding other sources' (2002: 150). Central to Torabully's poetry is what he calls the 'Book of the Voyage' (2002: 15), a way of making legible the erased experiences of indenture.

People and Passages A second approach to exploring th e unity of the Indian Ocean is through the people that have crisscrossed its waters. This theme seeks to investigate the movement of slaves, indentured labourers, settlers and migrants over the last three centuries. Let us examine three groups: slaves, indentured labourers and free migrants.

Indian Ocean Slavery Work on the Indian Ocean slave trade generally seeks to establish its distinctiveness in relation to the Atlantic trade (Campbell, 2004a; Segal, 2001). The Indian Ocean has seen many different slave trades stretching back some 4,000 years. The rise of Islam and the commercial expansion it occasioned spurred an increase in the scale of the trade, as did the growth of port cities and their need for cheap labour. The rise of plantation economies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Mauritius and Zanzibar further stimulated the trade, along with European involvement from the sixteenth century onwards. The trade was multidirectional with people moving within Africa, from Africa to the Middle East, and from the eighteenth century ISA BEL HO FM EYR 11 onwards to the islands, to India and the Americas. Indian slaves were shipped to Indonesia, the islands, Cape Town and the Middle East while Indonesians were moved to South East Asia and Cape Town; and Africans were transported from the Mozambican coastline to Cape Town and the Indian Ocean Islands (Campbell, 2004a). The differences from the Atlantic model have been summarised by Gwyn Campbell: the Indian Ocean trade was largely female, not male; it involved predominantly household slaves rather than plantation workers; the boundaries between slave and free were much more blurred than in the Atlantic; and , furthermore, the association of race and slavery did not exist in any marked form (Campbell, 2004b).

Indentu red Labour The Indian Ocean became one of the major sites for the deployment of indentured labour. As slavery was outlawed in the British Empire in 1834, plantation owners faced a looming labour crisis which was addressed by the widespread use of Indian indentured workers. This massive movement of indentured labour has generated its own historiography, which for some time sought to distinguish indenture from slavery, on the one hand, and from 'free' European migration, on the other (Tinker, 1974). These categories have also come to be racialised (Carter, 1996; Northrup, 1995). In the popular imagination, slaves are African, indentured labourers are Indian, while colonial settlers are white. This popular image is of course incorrect. There were Indian slaves just as there were small numbers of African and European indentured workers (Northrup, 1995). Equally, as one labour historian has noted, 'most of Europ e's fifty million emigrants were labour recruits [...] indentured labourers became small farmers and leaseholders in the sugar colonies' (qtd. in Carter, 1996: 3). The distinction between indentured labourer and settler is hence blurred, just as that between slave and free in the Indian Ocean is not always clear. The tendency now is to see these racialised distinctions as emerging out of colonial discourses and modes of government. The process of moving, categorising, controlling and administering labour became a site for constructing ideas of race and for formulating ideas of biopolitical populations. Jonathan Klaaren's work (2004) has demonstrated that ideas 12 THE BLAC K ATLA N T IC M EET S T H E I N DI AN OC EA N of South African citizenship first emerge in relation to laws of immigration and practices of administration formulated in relation to 'Asians' (namely indentured Indian and Chinese workers). A South African citizen is initially defined in the 1920s as a person who is not a prohibited immigrant. As Klaaren demonstrates, this xenophobic understanding of citizenship has interesting resonances with our contemporary situation. The new labour historiography in the Indian Ocean, while being alert to different categories of labour, points to the value of grouping together analytically different types of labour in and across the Indian Ocean (Carter, 1996). The Indian Ocean can hence be seen as an arena of colonial experimentation in the control of unfree labour, whether it be slave, convict, indentured or apparently voluntary 'free' migration. Significant numbers of convicts, for example, were moved around the Indian Ocean, some to the Andaman Islands, India's Robben Island (Anderson, 2005). Equally, the administration of indentured labour became an important site for experiments in colonial governmentality. Mauritius, for example, was the first place in the world to use photography for purposes of government

(Breville, 1999: 399). Also linked to this form of labour control is the world of lascars or African and Asian seamen, who emerged as a specific category of maritime labour under the British (Balachandran, 2003; Ewald, 2000). The Empire had extensive communication and transport networks and hence an insatiable demand for cheap labour to build ports and man steamships. The group who fulfilled these roles was comprised of African and Asian seamen who came to be subject to particular labour contracts that pegged their wages at one­ third to one-fifth of European sailors' pay. They also signed contracts which prevented them from settling in Britain such that most lascars can be seen as long -distance migrant contract labour.

Free Migrants The Indian Ocean was a zone for many itinerants: pilgrims, administrators, soldiers, sailors, traders and merchants. The most well-known examples of this voluntary migration were South Asian migrants who moved to East Africa and southern Africa (Bhana and Brain, 1990; Gregory, 1971). The presence of Gujarati merchants in East Africa goes back many centuries, and it was these traders who also had networks stretching inland into the ISABEL HOFME YR 13

interior (Alpe rs, 1976). With th e adve nt of indentured labour to bu ild East African railways, th e po pulation of traders increased. In th e late nineteent h century, as Empire mad e its belated way into East Africa, Britai n exploited the pathways and links established by these traders (Gregory, 1971) . There were also free migr ati ons fro m Africa outward. Africans, for exa mple, migrated to ot her parts of the Indian Ocean fro m th e th irt eenth century onwards, not only as slaves bu t also as 'po licemen, trad ers, bureau crats, clerics, bodygu ards, co nc ubines, servants, soldiers and sailor s' (Jayas uriya and Pankhurst, 2003: 7; d. Ali, 1995) . To summarise, th en : if the Ind ian Ocean operates or has operated as a network, its unity resides in a myriad of factors: trade, capital, religion , war, pilgrims, port s, shi ps, slaves , indentured workers, clerics, sailors, creditors and commodities (Bose notes that bet ween th e sixteenth and nineteent h centuries, most Indian Ocean inhabita nts wore Indian cotton from Gujarat, Coromandel or Ben gal [2005: 12]).

The Indian Ocean: So what? Let us turn now to ask the qu est ion of wha t differen ce th e Indian Ocean might make. First, however, a cavea t: one da nger of trying to gene ralise about th e Ind ian Ocean is th at one ends up making too sta rk a dichotomy with th e Atlantic. In such a co ntrast, th e Indian Ocean ap pears pre-mo dern, a zone of tim eless Islam as aga inst th e modern ism of th e capita list Atlantic; in such analyses, the Indian Ocean emerges as the zone of lost innocence , in some ways like th e mythical lost cont ine nt Lernur ia, which by so me accounts lay origina lly to th e south of Ind ia before it sank without trace. In her work on Lemuria, Sumathi Ramaswamy looks at th e history of th e lost continent as an idea in European science, th en in co lonia l th inking about India, then in Tam il nationalism (in which Lem uria becomes the lost Tamil homeland ) (Ramaswamy, 1999; 2002) . In brief, Lemuria becomes freighted with nost algia for a pristine pre-modernity, one of the templates produced by roma ntic co nceptions of th e Indian Ocean. Instead, we need to think of the Indian Ocean as the site par exce llence of 'altern ative mo dernities; those formatio ns of mo dernity th at have taken shape in an archive of deep an d layered existi ng social and intellectual tr ad itions. 14 TH E BL A CK ATLANTIC MEET ST HE INDIAN OC EAN

Who is a Slave? As the discussion of Campbell (2004a & 2004b) has already indicated, the Indian Ocean makes a difference to the question of 'who is a slave' or, put in different terms, understandings of the relationship of slavery and freedom. In this regard, the Atlantic model has become invisibly normative. The state of slave and free are clearly demarcated and, furthermore, racialised. This starkness plays itself out in a number of domains. In much political theorisation, notions of subjectivity, sovereignty, autonomy and freedom tend to pivot on the idea that slavery and freedom are neatly separable states. This absolute distinction is also apparent in traditions of anti-colonial thinking and the hydraulic paradigms of domination and resistance to which . these give rise. In such analyses, the domain of ruler and ruled, oppressor and oppressed, are apparently distinct and legible. Slavery in the Indian Ocean is more complex: the line between slave and free is constantly shifting and changing. As Campbell argues (2004b), the bulk of slaves in the Indian Ocean were generally not located in plantation settings and were instead integrated into households. The possibilities for mobility or manumission were consequently greater. Debt slavery or pawning of a lineage member were also strategies followed in times of catastrophe, such as drought or famine. The hope, however, was that these conditions were not permanent. The meanings of freedom and slavery, then, are complex and shifting. Such reminders are useful in a post-apartheid context where the glamour of narratives of domination and resistance has worn thin. Indeed such narratives are now being rehabilitated as part of an official state history. As political theorists have shown elsewhere in the continent, our understandings of power need to be more complex than this binary idea implies. Achille Mbernbe's work has demonstrated the intimate co-habitation of ruler and ruled (2001). Similarly, other political theorists like Iean-Francois Bayart (1993) and Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz (1999) have critiqued excessive dichotomisations of African society into popular and elite, high and low. Whatever the asymmetries of power between these groups, they are still linked by populist networks of clientilism and dependency. Understanding political discourse and action, then, becomes a task of understanding a complex layered precolonial, colonial and postcolonial archive in which versions of modernity are negotiated in an ever-shifting set ISABEL HOFME Y R 1 5 of idioms around 'tradition: One area of Africa that provides a particularly rich source for understanding such interactions is the Swahili Coast. Here, as Jonathan Glassman (1994) brilliantly demonstrates, a range of constituencies - inland societies, Islamic Swahili patrician families, an urban crowd made up of slave and plebeians, all under the rule of the Omani sultans - shaped a series of cosmopolitan public cultures that revolved around the politics of reputation and the contested terrain of public reciprocity and display. In these ritual displa ys, power itself - for example, patriarchy - was not directly challenged; rather, its meanings, rights and obligations were contested. Colonial intervention was a belated entrant in this complex world and had to accommodate itself to the contours carved out in many centuries of Indian Ocean interaction. One novel which explores this terrain superbly is Abdulrazak Gurnah's Paradise (1994). Set on the eve of World War I on the Swahili coast, the novel examines the trajectory of Yusuf, pawned by his father to a wealthy merchant relative to offset his debt. The novel examines the complex interaction between African, Indian, Arabic, German and British forms of oppression. What does slavery mean in this context? What does freedom mean? What is agency? Such novels, while not strictly speaking southern African, are important since they begin to open up the complexities of the Indian Ocean and help us understand the forms of modernity it produces. This is a task that others are beginning to take on. Leila Tarazi Fawaz and CA. Bayly in Modernity and Culture: From the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean (2002) have started to examine the forms of cosmopolitan modernity that have emerged through the interaction of Middle Eastern and South Asian societies and how they have adapted and rewritten forms of European modernity, picking up themes like printing, urban Islam and the universal idioms of Islam more generally.

Who is a Settler? Ifwe are asked to rethink the meaning of slave, we are also asked to reconsider the idea of who is a settler. As indicated above, the older historiography defined this term racially. Settlers were those who came from the north, were generally considered free and were headed tautologically for settler colonies . Indentured workers were from the south, were unfree and headed for sugar colonies. However, indentured workers often become settlers and 16 THE BLAC K A TLA N TIC M EET S T H E IN D I AN OC EAN

attempted to insert themselves into the discourses of settlerdom. 1960, for example, marked the centenary of the arrival of the first Indian indentured workers in Natal. The celebrations for this event went under the rubric of 'The 1860 settlers' (Pather, 1960), in turn a riposte to the idea of the '1820 settlers; the myth oforigin built up by white English-speaking intellectuals in response to growing Afrikaner nationalism. The idea of Indian settlers was also well-developed in relation to East Africa, where Indians were portrayed as 'opening up ' the interior and being the true 'pioneers: M.K. Gandhi frequently wrote about these settlers, whom he characterised as better than the English since they did not drink and did not have the Bible (Gandhi, 1919; Anon., 1921; Tadvalkar, 1919) . These narratives raise far-reaching questions about settlers and Empire. Who was a settler? What was Imperialism? Whose Empire was it? One novel that dramatises these issues is the Gujarati children's classic Dariyalal ('Lord of the Seas') by Gunvantrai Acharya, abridged and translated by Kamal Sanyal (2000 [1974)). The story unfolds in a Gujarati settlement in Zanzibar in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and focuses on Ram , a ruthless slave trader. Virtually as the narrative begins, he has a change of heart about slavery and, by the end, has persuaded the Zanzibari Gujaratis to give up slavery and shift to waged clove production. Interspersed in this narrative is a colonial adventure genre in which Ram saves John Dunkirk from cannibal tribes (Dunkirk is a fictional member of Mungo Park 's party who has somehow made his way from West to East Africa). Thrown into this mixture is the inevitable Ram and Sita myth (Ram and Sita being the romantic protagonists of the Ramayana), and a Hindu reformist agenda with the good guys in the novel opposing caste. Seen from a southern African perspective, Acharya's novel asks us to recontextualise a range of genres: the settler story, the anti-slavery narrative, the colonial adventure tale and the genre of romance. A similar set of realignments emerges if one looks at another set of Indian Ocean migrations, namely those associated with Goans. At a recent colloquium held at the University of the Witwatersrand on 'South Africa-India: Re-imagining the Disciplines; Rochelle Pinto and Pamila Gupta presented papers on this theme. Normally subsumed uneasily under histories of India, or histories of the 'Indo-Portuguese; a history of itinerant Goans provides new purchase on old themes of empire and nation. Pinto (2006) demonstrates how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century I SABE L HO FM EYR 17

Goans, a marginal group in a marginal empire, exploit the fluidity and ambiguity of imperial racial hierarchies, at times playing up their claims to Portugueseness and, at others, erasing their close associations with Africans. Goans attempted to insert themselves into colonial narratives and arenas shaped by interacting racial discourses created by French , British and to a lesser extent Portuguese colonial practices. Gupta (2006) examines the Goan community who immigrated to Maputo after 1961 (when India took back Goa from the Portuguese), and stayed on after Mozambican independence in 1975. She seeks to use the itinerant nature of this group to investigate the existing historiography of decolonisation, which generally sees the process as something not yet complete, as something still unfolding in an evolutionary framework. Instead Gupta explores 'decolonisation' as an event in its own right and as a global historical process with multiple effects including the precipitation of new migration. Via Mozambique, of course, the question of Goan narratives makes its way into southern African literature. Let me dwell on just one example: Mia Couto's richly comic short story 'How Ascolino Do Perpetuo Socorro Lost his

Spouse' in the collection Voices Made Night (1986). The story is an allegory of colonial rule and decolonisation in Mozambique, narrated through a Goan protagonist who veers between various identities. When sober, he sees himself as respectably Indo-Portuguese, when drunk he wants to form an alliance with ordinary African Mozambicans, all the while claiming to be in love with his wife, whom we never see and who is an equivalent of Portugal, the mother country. The story breaks new ground by narrating colonial rule as comedy. By exploiting the possibilities of Indian Ocean marginality, it points the way to a novel set of literary imaginings. A consideration of the Indian Ocean thus opens up new avenues for thinking about 'race: One obvious example here would be the way in which identities of whiteness are made in Empire, two important nodes being South Africa and Australia. As Jon Hyslop (1999) has demonstrated, ideas of white labourism were formulated across a range of different white settler colonies. These ideas of whiteness were also sharpened in the merchant navy, a site in which sailors were increasingly racialised. As on the South African mines, the skilled jobs were done by 'whites' while the more physically demanding jobs were done by African and Asian sailors called lascars. 1 8 TH E BL A C K ATLA NTI C M EET S THE I N D I A N OC EA N

The growing popularity of theosophy - through figures like Annie Besant, Madame Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott (Van der Veer, 2001: 55-82; Viswanathan, 1998: 177-207) - also opened up new avenues for rethinking whiteness in the lOW. There were spiritualist enthusiasts in South Africa , one of whom was a Mr. G. Williams, a great fan of Parmanand. Williams wrote to Parmanand in India saying, 'This European form I have assumed in this birth has been to me a source of pain and of many difficulties' (qtd. Khursand, 1982: xxi).

Diaspora Another term that the Indian Ocean requires us to rethink is 'diaspora' The word has become central to the postcolonial lexicon and at its broadest is used to describe almost any sort of movement. The widespread academic use of the word has tended to be most consistently applied to post-1960s movement from the south to the north occasioned by changes to US and European emigration law aimed at attracting more middle class migrants. In comparison to the nineteenth-century movement of indentured labour, this twentieth-centurymovementinvolved those of a higher social provenance and hence attracted more attention. Much contemporary discussion on diaspora and its associated postcolonial vocabulary of hybridity and hyphenation is implicitly theorised on the basis of this latter group. The term, however, sits uneasily in the Indian Ocean. Firstly, the Indian Ocean has been home to failed diasporas, notably people who move but do not embark on projects of cultural memory and constructing homelands. One notable example is the movement of African slaves and free migrants to the Middle East and South Asia (Jayasuriya and Pankhurst, 2003). These communities generally retained little memory of Africa or evinced little desire to return. Another common use of the term is in relation to the movement of Indians to Africa . Here it makes a bit more sense, but as Patrick Eisenlohr's work on Mauritius indicates, the term 'diaspora, as it unfolds in parts of the Indian Ocean, requires revision. Analyses of Indian diaspora, Eisenlohr notes, have moved through three stages (2006: 227-65). Initially, from th e 1960s, analyses of Indians who had migrated focused on questions of survivals and traces: how had 'Indian culture' generally understood as caste and the joint family survived or changed as it moved to new locales? A second wave of analyses tended more towards stressing the invention of diasporic communities ISABEL HOFM EY R 19 rather than seeing them as 'transplants' who automatically looked back to an 'original' homeland. This set of approaches focused more on how certain themes like purity and pollution were invented and reinvented. A third orientation has been to examine diasporic communities as colonial and postcolonial constructions: 'highlighting the colonial aspects of migration has accounted for both the shaping of Indian communities overseas out of highly heterogeneous groups of immigrants, and the deep transformations they have undergone in the contexts of empire and indenture' (Eisenlohr, 2006: 233). Eisenlohr summarises: 'existing studies have shown that Indian diasporic communities can by no means be considered exten sions of India' (ibid). There is currently excellent work being done on Indian fiction in South Africa and East Africa by, amongst others, Devarakshanam Govinden (forthcoming), Ronit Fainman-Frenkel (2004), Rajendra Chetty (2002) and Dan Ojwang (2004). This narrative archive has already illuminated the invention of diaspora, and will continue to do so. This work in turn forms part of a growing reassessment of how to write and think about the history of indentured communities. Put in crude terms, this history has until recently been a story of one-way movement that examines the migration of indentured workers from India to various parts of the world. The question of what such migration means for India or what the intellectual formations in the diaspora mean for developments back home have seldom been explored. The 'new' post-1960s diaspora from India to the north has of course attracted much more attention. The 'old' indentured diaspora of the south, however, is little studied in India itself and is instead consigned to scholars in the diasporic peripheries, as Uma Dhupelia-Mesthrie noted in a keynote address at 'South Africa-India: Reimagining the Disciplines' (University of Witwatersrand,2006). As she went on to show, this situation is starting to change, most notably with the work of John Kelly (1991) on Fiji and Tejaswini Niranjana (1999) on Trinidad. Both of these texts take up themes of gender and diaspora. Niranjana's work on the Trinidadian diaspora and its mutual imbrication with Indian nationalism charts out how India and its indentured diasporas mark each other. She demonstrates how the definition of the upper castel middle class Indian women in nationalist discourse depended on a disavowal of lower caste women, who were actually or imaginatively dispatched to 20 TH E B LACK A TLA NT IC ME ET S THE I NDIAN OCEA N indentured locations far away. Lower caste women in the diaspora were portrayed as being corrupted by the indenture system or as embodying the trope of Hindu female virtue under threat, a theme that Kelly develops at length. This trope was energetically propagated back in India and came to unite a range of anti-colonial constituencies in a concerted campaign to demand the end of indenture. Niranjana's work importantly highlights the theme of disavowed modernity. Those in the diaspora embark on their own modernist projects changing ideas about caste, gender and religion. Very often, these forms of modernity are reflected back in India but generally in ways that portray the lower caste and class modernity of indentured communities as undesirable.

New Textual Circuits These movements of ideas back and forth across the Indian Ocean help us to see novel textual circuits. One example is drawn from the Modern Review, a Calcutta-based journal started in 1907 by Ramananda Chatterjee. The journal was an important nationalist forum and, like many nationalist ventures, had a strong reformist agenda particularly with regard to Hinduism, which nationalists sought to 'modernise' and 'rationalise: The journal carried extensive reporting on the indentured diaspora and featured a regular column on 'Indians Abroad: Such reporting provides a window for understanding how the debates staged in the diaspora were woven into nationalist agendas 'back home: For example, one critical issue in reformist/ nationalist debate pertained to caste and the journal often reported on how caste was being changed for the better by communities in the diaspora. It must of course be noted that these were elite communities; when indentured communities abandoned caste, this was invariably seen as loss rather than gain (Hofmeyr, 2006). Major figures also entered debates in the diaspora. In 1928, for example, Rabindranath Tagore entered a debate on Fort Hare College, the sole university open to black South Africans at the time. Small numbers of Indians had long attended Fort Hare; as part of the 1927 Cape Town Agreement, Indian communities were supposed to be given greater access to education. One part of this package was to provide increased access to Fort Hare. Some South African Indians opposed this attempt to classify them with 'natives' and their views were reported back in India. Tagore summoned his full moral I SA BEL H O FME Y R 2 1 magister ialism and berated the South Africa n Indian community: 'O ur only right to be in South Africa at all is th at Nat ive Africa ns, to whom the soil belongs, wish us to be th ere; he said (Anon., 1928a: 356; d . Anon., 1928b; 1928c). These kinds of dialogues and textual traditions have yet to be explore d in any depth . Anoth er example: in June 1928, the Modern Review ran an article entitled 'South Africa and India: Olive Schre iner's Message' (Andrews, 1928: · 641-46).The piece was by c.F. Andrews, the lapsed Anglican missionary who had become one of Gandhi's close confidantes, and who spent tim e in South Africa where he met Olive Schre iner. The article by Andrews summarises Schreiner's Closer Union and then draws out some parallels with Ind ia: 'India represents an even greater congeries of races than South Africa; and the struggle for racial unity in India is many centuries old, while in South Africa it has only just begun ' (1928: 642). Th e idea of Olive Schre iner in Calcutta is not one we often think of, but it is a conjunction which holds out exciting possibilities. A furth er example of a somewhat counterintuitive textu al circulation

comes from the story of th e repatriated South Africa n Indians. As Uma Mesthrie (1985) has demonstrated, from the 1920s, the South African state made strenuous attempts to send Ind ians home. Lucrative cash offers for repatriation were made available. Th ose who took them up gave up their right to return to South Africa. Most repatriates had great difficulty fitting back into Indian society: they had lost caste and some no longer spoke any Indian languages. Most repatriates ende d up in slum communities in Madras and Calcutta. Some had extraordinary lives. Muni Gadu and his family were repatriated and then requested permission to return. Their requ est was refused but the fam ily nevertheless caught a ship bound for Dar es Salaam and from there walked 2,500 miles to Natal (Chaturve di and Dayal, 1931). The South African Nati onal Archives carries many of the repatri ates' letters pleading to be allowed back. These letters constitute a yet-to- be studied cor pus of Ind ian Ocean texts, one that points to the rich possibility inherent in indenture d histories seen not as a one-way story but as part of a multi-directional intellectual circulatio n in the Indian Ocean. As Dhupelia­ Mesthrie (2006) has argued, such an approach will take us beyond the current status quo in South African Ind ian history, which tends to focus repetitively on two themes concerni ng South Africa n-Indian relations: 22 TH E BL A C KA TLAN T IC M EETS T HE IN DI A N OC EAN namely, Gandhi and the anti-apartheid struggle. In some instances, scholars are starting to move beyond these themes. Jon Soske (2006) is examining the interactions of Indian and African nationalisms as a way of solving the current situation in which there are two separate historiographies, one Indian, one African. Paru Raman (2004) has also done groundbreaking work on Yusuf Dadoo and the way in which his political project is made between South Africa and India. There are man y interesting leads to pursue in thinking about the zones of cross-over between Indian and African. D.D.T. Iabavu, for example, was interested in Gandhi's pacificism and in 1949 attended the World Pacifist Meeting in India, where he spoke about conditions in South Africa (Dhupelia-Mesthrie, 2004: 338). Iabavu is an important figure in black liberalism and, as Dhupelia-Mesthrie has shown in her brilliant biography Gandhi's Prisoner? The Life ofGandhi's Son Manilal (2004), a critical dimension in this story would be Gandhi's non-violence and anti-communism, a position that attracted a range of intellectuals including Jordan Ngubane, who wrote for Indian Opinion, the newspaper which Gandhi had started in 1903 (ibid: 339). Islands would be central to formulating new textual circuits. There is of course a substantial body of work on the literatures of various Indian Ocean islands. Little of it, however, has attempted to think of these islands in relation to South Africa . Mauritius, for example, has critical sets of interactions with South Africa . Darryl Accone's All Under Heaven: The Story of a Chinese Family in South Africa (2004) not only touches on Mauritius but much of the book unfolds on the Indian Ocean, opening up a new vista of narrative possibilities for South African literary history. There seem also to be interesting possibilities in relation to thinking about Afrikaans/Dutch literary circuits in the Indian Ocean. One quick example (taken from ongoing research) pertains to J.L.P. Erasmus, a Boer commandant captured by the British in 1903 and sent (like 9,000 others) as a prisoner of war to India. During his sojourn, Erasmus became interested in Indian history and culture and on his return to South Africa linked up with Gandhi and wrote for Indian Opinion (Hofmeyr, 2007). There is also an older Dutch East India literature that forms an important strand in Afrikaans literary history and needs to be more fully factored into accounts of South African literature. ISA BEL HOFME Y R 23

Religious Universalisms How might the religiou s universalisms of the Indian Ocean und erwrite new und erstandings of South Africa n literary and cultura l history? On e example emerges from th e role of reform Hinduism in the Ind ian Ocean, apparent in th e work of the Arya Samaj, which comes to play a central role in Hindu nati on alism and in overseas Indian communities. Founded in India in 1874, the Arya Samaj, like many Hindu reformi st organisations, responded to the onslaught of Christian mission evangelisation by seeking to 'modern ise' Hinduism and constitute it as a church-like organisation with congregations, fixed meet ing times, set texts. As a revivalist organisation, the Samaj had evangelical tend encies and, both at home and abroad, sought to 'save' Hindus from lapsing or to reco nvert tho se who had. Th e Samaj sent mission arie s out into different parts of the indentured diaspora. There is a voluminous scholarship on the Samaj but it run s in two distinct tracks. There is scholarship on the Samaj in India (Jordens, 1997; Rai, 1992 [1915)) and then there are min or stud ies of the Samaj elsewhere: in South Africa, Trinidad, East Africa (Vedal ankar and Somera, n.d.; Naidoo, 1992). With the exception of Kelly's work on Fiji (1991), there has been no atte mpt to combine these two tra ditions of scholarship and to treat these areas as one integrated space which could illuminate how Samaj debates in the periphery feed into debates 'back home' in India. Very often, these debates in Ind ia concerned thems elves with the limits of Hinduness and with who could be a Hindu. In the indentured periphery, these debates were often dramatised in extreme form and at times took th e shape of questions about whether an African could be a Hindu. We need intellectual and literary histories that can trace out th ese debates in South Africa and through what channels and in what form they are fed back to Ind ia. Such a domain will also render visible a series of life stories that unfold between South Africa and Ind ia and have important implications for South African literature. Two examples would be the South Africa n born Bhawan i Dayal and the Indi an born Bhai Parmanand. Both were Arya Samajists and spent time between South Africa and Indi a (and, in Parmanand 's case, other countries too). Dayal was born in 1892 in Johannesburg, the son of an indentured father. In 1904 he returns to Indi a to complete his scho oling, and takes part in the swadeshi movement, an anti-colonial campaign in response to the partition 24 T HE BL A CK A TL A NT IC MEET S TH E I N DIA N OC EA N of Bengal. He also becom es drawn into the Arya Samaj. Dayal retu rns to Natal in 1912 and participates in Gandhi's satyagraha/passive resistance. He is imp rison ed and produces his autobiography in Hindi , Hamari Karavas Kahani ('Story of my Priso n Life')." In 1914 he produced Dakshin Afriake fa Satyagrah ka Itihas ('History of Passive Resistance in South Africa') the first account of passive resista nce in Hindi.' He continues to shuttle between South Africa and Ind ia and is for many years involved in the Natal Indian Congress, which he represents at annual Indian Congress meetings in India (Agrawal, 1939). There is much more that can be said of Dayal. Some of the implicatio ns th at his work holds for definitions of South African literature are its indications that we need to start thinking of Hindi texts as forming part of the South African literary archive. Dayal's autobiogra phy would form an interesting contribution to debates on both South African life stories and pr ison liter ature. This see ms an excellent project for collaboration between South Africa n and Indi an scholars . Let me tu rn briefly to Parm anand, who was born in the Punjab. He is perh aps best known for being sentenced to death by the British in 1915 for participating in a supposed con spir acy. His sentence was commuted to life imprisonm ent on the Andaman Island s and then in 1920 he was released as part of a general amnesty. Less well-known is the fact that he spent time in Pietermaritzburg in 1905 as an Arya Sam aj representative, where he started the Hindu Young Men's Associatio n. His auto biography The Story ofmy Life (1982 [1934]) touches briefly on his South African experiences and again could usefully be includ ed in the archive of southern African literatu re. Christia nity in th e Indi an Ocean can equally produce unexpected narratives. One of th ese woul d be an account of John Rungiah, a Telegu Baptist mission ary who comes from south Ind ia to proselytise in Natal in 1903 (Rungiah, 1905). Such south-south movements will have interesting implications for understand ings of Chr istian mission, which are almos t uniformly understood as a north-south phenomenon. Islam has underwritten the most extensive un iversalisms in the Indian Ocean. At present the idea of Islam and Islamic writing has virtually never been consistently factored into South African literary and cultural histo ries. Once such a project is attempted, the bou ndaries and vectors of South African literature will be substantially extended. A project such as th is would minimally consider th e 'secular' writers who engage with Islamic or Koranic ISA BEL HOFM EYR 2 5

themes (one thinks for example of Shabbir Banoobhai) and what this would mean once factored into historiographies of South African literature. Also important would be representations of Islam , an interesting example being Peter Lanham and A.S. Mopeli-Paulus's Blanket Boy 's Moon (1984 [1953]), which deals in part with a positive portrayal of Durban's Islamic community in the 1940s. The writing of practitioners of th e faith in South Africa would constitut e a vast body of work spread across numerous languages. Shamil Ieppie's (2007) recent exemplary study of the Arabic Study Circle in Durban leads the way here, demonstrating the themes that a detailed study of a particular textual community can op en up. +++ In conclusion, let me bring matters up to the present. What difference does the Indian Oc ean make today? As indicated earlier, there has been a significant intensification of trade between South Africa and Indi a. It is clear that South Africa's future will be sign ificantly shaped by India. This paper suggests that we need urgently to start writing the histories of this emerging present.

Isabel Hofmeyr is Professor of African Literature at the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. In 2004 she published The Portable Bunyan: ATransnational History of The Pilgrim 'sProgress (Princeton University Press), which examined themes of north­ south textual circ ulatio n. She has now turned her attention to questions of south­ south circulation and is working on a book entitled Indian Ocean Lives and Letters. She coordinates the South Africa-India Connections and Comparisons project at the University of the Witwatersrand . Email: [email protected]

Notes This paper was initially given as a keynot e address at 'Forging the Local and the Global; AUETSA/SAAC LALS/SAVAL Conference, University of Stellenbosch, 9-12 July 2006. 2 Title and translat ion as given in catalogue of the Johann esburg Public Library.

3 Title and translation as listed in Prem Naira n Agrawa l's Bhawani Dayal Sasnnyasi (1939: Appendix I). 26 THE BLA CK ATLANTI C MEETS THE INDIAN OC EA N

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