Japan Calling January, 2013
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Nishimura | Chasing the Conservative Dream Research Chasing the Conservative Dream: Why Shinzo Abe Failed to Revise the Constitution of Japan Rintaro Nishimura This paper examines the role of domestic actors in shaping Japan’s constitutional debate during Shinzo Abe’s time as prime minister. Based on a holistic analysis of the prevailing literature and the role of the public, leadership, and other political actors, this study finds that Abe was unable to garner enough support from the public or fellow lawmakers to push his version of proposed revisions to the Constitution of Japan. The paper identifies the wide spectrum of views that exist on the issue and how revising the constitution is viewed as a challenge against prevailing norms. Public opinion remains opposed to revision and the inability of lawmakers to build consensus on what to amend stymies the process further. Abe seems to have had a grasp on the political climate, opting to pursue constitutional revision largely for electoral purposes. Introduction Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced his decision to step down in August 2020.1 Japan’s longest-serving prime minister left behind a mixed legacy defined by electoral and foreign policy achievements, as well as a period of economic stagnation and string of political scandals.2 But what best defines Abe’s political career will undoubtedly be his desire, and ultimate failure, to revise the seventy-four-year-old Constitution of Japan (COJ). Although Abe’s failure to amend the COJ is often attributed to institutional hurdles, this paper argues that varying interests among domestic actors—from public resistance to militarism, to the prime minister’s agenda, and lawmakers’ scattered inter- ests regarding what exactly to amend—ultimately determined the fate of his political 1 Eric Johnston and Satoshi Sugiyama, “Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability,” Japan Times, August 28, 2020, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/08/28/national/politics-di- plomacy/shinzo-abe-resign/. -
Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian. -
*Japan ' ABSTRACT a Collection of Activities and Teaching Strategies Provides a Global Approach to Teachingabout Japan at the Elementary School Level
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 266 987 SO 016 940 AUTHOR Wooster, Judith S. TITLE Halfway Around the World Last Week. PUB DATE 81 NOTE 113p.; Eight pages containing illustrationsare marginally legible. PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom Use- Guides (For Teachers) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC05 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Asian Studies; Behavioral Objectives; Childrens Literature; *Cross Cultural Studies;Elementary Education; *Global Approach; InserviceTeacher Education; Instructional Materials; Learning Activities; Skill Develpment; *Social Studies;Units of Study IDENTIFIERS *Japan ' ABSTRACT A collection of activities and teaching strategies provides a global approach to teachingabout Japan at the elementary school level. Following a preface, material isdivided into three main sections. The first section outlinesinterdisciplinary skill goals and attitudinal skill goals of globallearning experiences. The second section, "For the Teacher Trainer" is designedto help teachers who will work with others to fosterglobal studies. A rationale for global education and the outlinefor a global education inservice are prLsented. The third section containsactivities focusing on Japan. All activities followa standard lesson plan containing theme, concepts, skills, anda student activity. Over ten activities focus on the Japaneseuse of space, Japanese children's literature and children's fun books,baseball in Japan and the United States, and comic book culture. (LP) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRSare the -
Asia and Japan in the 21St Century—The Decade of the 2000S
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php Asia and Japan in the 21st Century —The Decade of the 2000s* Taizo Miyagi Once characterized by war, conflict, and poverty, Asia had transformed itself into a region of remarkable economic growth and development by the end of the 20th century. This in fact was what Japan had hoped and striven for Asia throughout the postwar period. However, the emergence of China and other devel- opments have eclipsed Japan’s presence in Asia, so that Japan can no longer claim an unchallenged posi- tion even in economic matters. While 21st century Asia stands proud as the growth center for the world economy, there are undeniable signs that this region is becoming the stage for a new power game that is now unfolding. How is Japan to live and prosper in this environment? In the final analysis, the 21st cen- tury signifies the advent of a new age that can no longer be understood in terms of the “postwar” construct. I. The Koizumi Cabinet and Asia 1. Breaking Free of Conventional Wisdom with Bold Actions Before assuming the post of prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi was long considered to be a maverick within a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dominated by the Keiseikai Group (Takeshita Faction), which claimed the postal business lobby as a powerful source of support. -
Whither Japan's North Korea Policy Under Abe Shinzō さらなる
Volume 11 | Issue 15 | Number 3 | Article ID 3928 | Apr 14, 2013 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Yet Another Lost Decade? Whither Japan’s North Korea Policy under Abe Shinzō さらなる「失われた十年」?安倍晋三の北朝鮮政 策 Sebastian Maslow Pyongyang Declaration provided a roadmap for historical reconciliation and normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The return to power of Abe Shinzō and his Moreover, the declaration emphasised Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) unfolded as commitment to resolving the controversy tensions on the Korean peninsula mount. As a centered on North Korea’s nuclear and missile key advocate of the abduction lobby, Abe’s programs and was a rare signed commitment rapid political rise since the early 2000s is made by Kim Jong Il with regard to security closely connected with his role in promoting a 1 and peace in Northeast Asia. Journalists and hardline policy towards North Korea. diplomats accompanying Koizumi on his trip to Mobilizing a new nationalism in Japan, Abe’s Pyongyang recognized the declaration as the return as prime minister in December 2012 main achievement of the summit. Back in signals a rightward shift in Japanese politics. Tokyo, however, the news desks of Japan’s The current international crisis surrounding major newspapers and television stations opted North Korea offers a critical test for analyzing for the abduction issue as the main topic of the the trajectory of Abe’s foreign and security talks.2 policy. In addition to joining multilateral United Nations sanctions, the Abe administration has Hence, as is well known, Koizumi’s overture of increased the pressure on North Korea through normalizing relations with Pyongyang was soon new measures constraining the activities of torpedoed by Japanese reaction to Kim Jong Il’s pro-Pyongyang groups within Japan. -
The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final Report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar Series
Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar series #CHUKJapan Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright Asia-Pacific Programme | May 2019 The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, is a world-leading policy institute based in London. Our mission is to help governments and societies build a sustainably secure, prosperous and just world. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2019 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 302 3 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain. This publication is printed on FSC-certified paper. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reviews an honour guard at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London before his meeting with UK Prime Minister Theresa May on 10 January 2019. -
Institutional Foundation for the Abe Government's Political Power—The
POLITICS Institutional Foundation for the Abe Government’s Political Power—The Development of Prime Ministerial Control and Responsibility for National Policy Takenaka Harukata, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies The Five Years of the 2nd Abe Administration “The German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, who put Germany on the path to recovery after it lost World War II, became Chancellor when he was 74, continued in the job until 88, and then passed away one year later. To avoid any misunderstanding, I have absolutely no intention of continuing on in this job for that long, but what I am trying to say is that if everyone around the world is able to make full use of their abilities then the world will become a more fulfilling place and everyone will be able to lead more fulfilling lives.” (Website of the Prime Minister of Japan and Takenaka Harukata, Professor, His Cabinet) National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies Prime Minister Abe Shinzo made this comment when he convened the first meeting of the Council for Designing 100-Year Life Society on September 11, 2017. Prime Minister Abe reshuffled his Cabinet on August 3, 2017 to halt the drop in his approval ratings due to the Kake Gakuen issue. The Prime Minister has identified the “revolution in human resources development” as the most pressing issue for the reshuffled Cabinet, and established the Council for Designing 100-Year Life Society to discuss specific measures. Although there is clearly no question of his term extending to the fourteen years Adenauer spent in office, Prime Minister Abe’s present term is approaching the six-year mark, reaching a total of 2101 days on September 25, 2017. -
The Emergence of the Article 9 Association and Reorganization of Social Movements in Contemporary Japan: a Story of Network Practice for Social Change
THE EMERGENCE OF THE ARTICLE 9 ASSOCIATION AND REORGANIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN: A STORY OF NETWORK PRACTICE FOR SOCIAL CHANGE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI`I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN SOCIOLOGY MAY 2017 By Yoko Iida Dissertation Committee: Patricia G. Steinhoff, Chairperson Hagen Koo David T. Johnson Sun-ki Chai Lonny E. Carlile Keywords: Social movements, Political process, Protest cycles, Abeyance, Networks, Relational sociology ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Copyright © 2017 Yoko Iida To my father, Hiroshi Iida, in celebration of the ultimate optimism. And to my son, Yohji Eduard Iida, in celebration of the universal humanity. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is a result of many helping hands. I am greatly indebted especially to two very generous persons: First is my chairperson, Dr. Patricia G. Steinhoff, who guided me throughout my student life at UH Mānoa with her knowledge of Japanese society, scholarly well- roundedness, kindness, and warm-heartedness. I can never repay her for the time and energy she had invested in my work, but at least, I would like to express my sincere gratitude and respect to her here. Second is my father, Hiroshi Iida, without whose support and willingness to babysit my newborn son when I needed the time for writing, it was not possible for me to complete the dissertation. “The 1960s generation” himself, his personal accounts provided invaluable insights to this dissertation. I would also like to thank my committee members, Drs. Hagen Koo, David Johnson, Sun-ki Chai, and Lonny Carlile, whose expertise and constructiveness helped tremendously to sharpen my analyses. -
KOKUYO Group CSR Report 2013 Contents
KOKUYO Group CSR Report 2013 Contents Top Interview 2 Introduction of the KOKUYO Group 4 The Future of Tohoku 12 CSR Management 29 (Organizational governance) With Customers 46 (Consumer Issues) With Employees 55 (Human Rights/Labor Practices) With Business Partners 63 (Fair operating practices) With Local Communities 66 (Community involvement and development) With the Global Environment 70 (The environment) CSR Data 86 1 KOKUYO Group CSR Report 2013 Top Interview The year 2013 is the 108th year since KOKUYO started operations. Our ability to succeed over more than a century is the result of the constant efforts of everyone at our organization to maintain KOKUYO's reputation as the “honor of Japan.” Looking ahead to our next century, we are extending our operations to Asia to advance to a new stage of growth. We are rededicating ourselves to the importance of the concept of “honor” as we continue to move forward vigorously to earn recognition as “the honor of Asia.” The Chain Reaction from a Commitment to “More” Is the Origin of New Value KOKUYO's corporate philosophy is “enrich the world through our products and services.” In the past, growth was the obvious goal. However, today our markets in Japan are mature and the division of roles in the value chain is progressing. In this environment, it is difficult for our employees to incorporate this philosophy in their activities. All employees must ask themselves how their output contributes to society. Determining the answer to this question and reflecting this answer in our work will create the energy to take on even greater challenges. -
Multiethnic Japan
MULTIETHNIC JAPAN MULTIETHNIC JAPAN John Lie HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England • 2001 Copyright © 2001 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lie, John. Multiethnic Japan / John Lie. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-674-00299-7 1. Aliens—Japan. 2. Japan—Ethnic relations. 3. Japan—Civilization—1868– I. Title. DS832.7A1 L53 2000 952'.004—dc21 00-057503 for Charis Contents Preface ix A Note on Terminology xiii Introduction 1 1 The Second Opening of Japan 6 2 The Contemporary Discourse of Japaneseness 27 3 Pop Multiethnicity 53 4 Modern Japan, Multiethnic Japan 83 5 Genealogies of Japanese Identity and Monoethnic Ideology 111 6 Classify and Signify 142 Conclusion 170 Appendix: Multilingual Japan 185 References 189 Index 241 vii Preface Preface Preface Wielding my rusty Korean or rudimentary Thai, or interspersing a few Tagalog or Farsi phrases with English, I began this project by interviewing foreign workers in Japan in order to delineate their working and living conditions. Although there wasn’t an obvious moment of epiphany, my project eventually underwent what was tantamount to a Copernican Revo- lution. Perhaps the matter-of-fact narratives about the foreign workers’ trajectories to Japan bored me. The reams of documents and statistics I collected didn’t seem to lead anywhere, leaving me with answers in search of questions. Here the efflorescence of whiteness studies in the United States was inspiring. Rather than taking the majority population—whether white Americans or mainstream Japanese—for granted, the challenge was to explicate why and how the majority became the norm that escaped scru- tiny, free from historical reflection or contemporary critique. -
A Free and Open Indo-Pacific As a Major Narrative: The
NIDS Commentary No. 159 A Free and Open Indo-Pacific as a Major Narrative: The Reconstruction of Values in Asia NAGANUMA Kazumi, Planning and Management Division, Planning and Administration Department No. 159, 17 February 2021 Summary As Japan becomes the first country in the world to declare itself as an “Indo-Pacific nation,” it raises interest in how “Asia-Pacific” and “Asia” are talked about against the backdrop of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. Although there has been a decreasing number of references to “Asia-Pacific” and “Asia” in the Prime Minister’s speeches at Diet sessions, if we were to take a broader view that includes other speeches, there is at least no decline in the number of references to “Asia.” On the other hand, within Asia, particular emphasis has been placed on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and India. ASEAN adopted “The Narrative of ASEAN Identity” in November 2020. This document affirms that ASEAN identity is composed of “constructed values” such as democracy and freedom, as well as “inherited values” that include acculturation of religious elements including Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam. India and Japan have repeatedly affirmed the existence of shared values in Asia that embrace the rule of law and democracy, with the relationship between Hinduism and Buddhism as a starting point. The idea that “there is already a foundation in Asia to accept values such as the rule of law and democracy, and to allow them to take root,” provides a powerful narrative that appeals to psychological and cognitive aspects such as identity and values, for the realization of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. -
US-Japan Relations: Meet the New Boss/Same As the Old Boss?
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-Japan Relations: Meet the New Boss/Same as the Old Boss? Michael J. Green, CSIS/Georgetown University Nicholas Szechenyi, CSIS The Liberal Democratic Party won a Lower House election in a landslide and Abe Shinzo became prime minister for the second time amid public frustration with poor governance and anemic economic growth. The United States and Japan continued a pattern of regular consultations across a range of bilateral and regional issues with tensions between Japan and China over the Senkaku Islands and another North Korean missile launch topping the diplomatic agenda. The US military presence on Okinawa also featured with the deployment of the V-22 Osprey aircraft to Okinawa and the arrest of two US servicemen in the alleged rape of a Japanese woman. The year came to a close with Prime Minister Abe hoping for a visit to Washington early in 2013 to establish a rapport with President Obama and follow through on his election pledge to revitalize the US-Japan alliance. The LDP “takes back” power Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko was easily re-elected by his peers as president of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in September but quickly lost the confidence of the public after missteps that emboldened the opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and increased calls for a snap election. After taking a cautious approach to nuclear energy focused on improving safety standards and gradually reducing Japan’s dependence on nuclear power, Noda suddenly shifted gears in mid-September and announced plans for a “zero nuclear society” that would phase out nuclear power entirely by the 2030s, presumably to mollify anti-nuclear groups within the DPJ.