Presidium Model United Nations 13Th-14Th August 2021
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry
Forum: Security Council Issue: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict Student Officers: President: Mohamed El Habbak Chairs: Adam Beblawy, Ibrahim Shoukry Introduction: Beginning in the mid-20th century, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the still continuing dispute between Israel and Palestine and part of the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and is known as the world’s “most intractable conflict.” Despite efforts to reach long-term peace, both parties have failed to reach a final agreement. The crux of the problem lies in a few major points including security, borders, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian freedom of movement, and Palestinian right of return. Furthermore, a hallmark of the conflict is the level of violence for practically the entirety of the conflict, which hasn’t been confined only to the military, but has been prevalent in civilian populations. The main solution proposed to end the conflict is the two-state solution, which is supported by the majority of Palestinians and Israelis. However, no consensus has been reached and negotiations are still underway to this day. The gravity of this conflict is significant as lives are on the line every day, multiple human rights violations take place frequently, Israel has an alleged nuclear arsenal, and the rise of some terroristic groups and ideologies are directly linked to it. Key Terms: Gaza Strip: Region of Palestine under Egyptian control. Balfour Declaration: British promise to the Jewish people to create a sovereign state for them. Golan Heights: Syrian territory under Israeli control. West Bank: Palestinian sovereign territory under Jordanian protection. Focused Overview: To understand this struggle, one must examine the origins of each group’s claim to the land. -
2018-2019 Model Arab League BACKGROUND GUIDE Council on Palestinian Affairs Ncusar.Org/Modelarableague
2018-2019 Model Arab League BACKGROUND GUIDE Council on Palestinian Affairs ncusar.org/modelarableague Original draft by Jamila Velez Khader, Chair of the Council on Palestinian Affairs at the 2019 National University Model Arab League, with contributions from the dedicated staff and volunteers at the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations Topic I: Devising strategies to plan for potential failure of peace negotiations. I. Introduction to the Topic A. General Background As early as 1947, Palestinian Arabs and Jews have wanted to undertake peace negotiations under the auspice of the United Nations. However, 1991 was the start of the series of peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine.1 The series of peace negotiations have produced a collection of peace plans, international summits, secret negotiations, UN resolutions, think tanks, initiatives, interim truces and state-building programmes, etc that have all failed. The reasons for why each peace negotiation has faltered is because each peace plan has failed to address key issues at a local, regional and global level for all parties involved. The main players in these negotiations include the Palestinian government, political parties of Palestine, the Israeli State, and members of the Arab League and United Nations. The most recent peace plan between one of Palestine’s prominent political parties, Hamas, which governs Gaza, took place with Israel in Cairo, Egypt. Currently, Egypt is finalizing the details of a one year truce that could extend to four years.2 Although this can be considered progress, it is only short term. A truce up to four years is not sustainable and does not resolve the larger issues at hand which include: Palestinian statehood, border placement, rights of Palestinian refugees and diaspora, Israeli settlements and the role of Arab League and United Nations. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
FROM PEACE to WAR: RELIGHTING the FLAMES of the ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman
94 Articles Section FROM PEACE TO WAR: RELIGHTING THE FLAMES OF THE ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman INTRODUCTION In the space of twelve months, the hopes of reaching a solution to the Israel- Palestine conflict have undergone a major downturn, from the near agreement reached at Camp David to a renewal of violence and the deterioration of the situation to one which has not been experienced in over thirty years of West Bank and Gaza occupation. The renewal in terrorism, roadside explosions, suicide bombers – not just in the West Bank and Gaza but inside sovereign Israel, even Tel Aviv, itself – and the hard-line retaliation of the right-wing Israeli government, including the use of helicopter raids and sophisticated missile attacks on Palestinian targets, have created a situation that is the closest to full out war between Israel and the Palestinians that has been experienced so far. Camp David – The summer 2000 Camp David summit was perceived, at the time, as being the opportunity to reach a final agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Why Did it Fail? Authority. The Agreement would provide for the establishment of an independent Palestinian State on approximately 90-95% of the area of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; the removal of most Israeli settlements in the West Bank, thus allowing for territorial integrity and compactness for the Palestinian State; and, ensuring a declaration to the effect that this would signal the end to the century-old conflict between the two peoples. The active participation of the leaders themselves, Prime Minister Ehud Barak of Israel, Chairman Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian Authority and President Bill Clinton of the United States, was a clear indication that this was the final stage in the long process, which had began in Madrid (1991) and Oslo (1993). -
Advocating for Israel: History, Tools and Tips a Message from the Baltimore Jewish Council: TABLE of CONTENTS
Advocating for Israel: History, Tools and Tips A Message from the Baltimore Jewish Council: TABLE OF CONTENTS The publication of this guide, Advocating for Israel: History, Tools and Tips, provides an opportunity for Introduction those who support Israel to become more involved in advocating on its behalf. It is designed for those who are becoming politically active for the first time, as well as seasoned Israel supporters. Event Timeline…………………………………………………………………………………………...2 While many people have traveled to Israel, attended lectures, and/or read about the country, there are Israel: Background…………………………………………………………………………………...….7 many who are not aware or comfortable with the process of advocacy. The purpose of this guide is to help bridge that gap. Key Words and Common Terms About Israel………………………………..………………………. 9 This guide was not created for a “one-time” event; it is a resource that can sit in your home, office, Understanding Israel’s Government…………………………...………………………………………11 classroom, or backpack and may be referred to at any time. Israel: Some Facts………………………….……………………………………………………………13 Information in this guide was developed from a variety of publications and web-based sources. We have Advocating for Israel………………...………………………………………………………...........…14 made every effort to confirm the veracity of the facts presented. Writing a Letter to Your Representative………………………………………………………………..15 To become more involved in Israel advocacy, please contact the Baltimore Jewish Council at Meeting With Officials………………………………………………………………………………….17 410-542-4850 -
View/Print Page As PDF
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Armistice Now: An Interim Agreement for Israel and Palestine Feb 24, 2010 Articles & Testimony R ead this article at ForeignAffairs.com More than 16 years after the euphoria of the Oslo accords, the Israelis and the Palestinians have still not reached a final-status peace agreement. Indeed, the last decade has been dominated by setbacks -- the second intifada, which started in September 2000; Hamas' victory in the January 2006 Palestinian legislative elections; and then its military takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007 -- all of which have aggravated the conflict. A further effort to reach a comprehensive settlement is bound to falter, thus increasing the dangers of another major flare-up and undermining the credibility of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The prospects of a deal between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PA President Mahmoud Abbas are slim, since Abbas already rejected former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's far-reaching proposals -- the sort of offer Netanyahu would never make. This diplomatic stalemate discredits moderates and plays into the hands of extremists on both sides who refuse to make the concessions that any viable peace treaty will require. Since an extended impasse is so dangerous, the best option for both the Israelis and the Palestinians is to seek a less ambitious agreement that transforms the situation on the ground and creates momentum for further negotiations by establishing a Palestinian state within armistice boundaries. In diplomatic terms, this formula would go beyond phase two of George W. Bush's 2002 "road map for peace," which proposed a Palestinian state with provisional boundaries, by striving to reach interim agreements on all the issues but stopping short of actually resolving the final-status issues of Jerusalem, the fate of the Palestinian refugees, and permanent boundaries, which were envisioned as phase three of Bush's road map. -
The Arab-Israeli Conflict Professor Zach Levey
1 The Arab-Israeli Conflict Professor Zach Levey Course number: 702.2395 Class Time: Monday 12:00-15:00 Class Location: TBA Instructor’s Office: Room 4020, Terrace Building Tel: 824-0933 (internal line - 2933) Office Hours: by appointment [email protected] Course Description and Structure: This course deals with the conflict in both historical and contemporary terms. The first part of the course deals with the growing clash between the Zionist Yishuv and Arabs of Palestine, examining its transformation into long-term confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. We will begin by examining the roots of Arab and Jewish nationalism, rival claims to Palestine, and the rise of conflict during the British Mandate period. The second of this course covers the years 1947-1982, analyzing the causes and effects of six wars between Israel and the Arab states; 1948, 1956, 1967, 1969-70, 1973, and 1982. Emphasis is on regional and global factors, such as inter-Arab rivalry and the Cold War, but includes an examination of the Israeli-Egyptian peace agreement in 1979. The third part begins with the aftermath of the 1982 Lebanon war and Palestinian intifada of 1987-1993, covering the Oslo Agreements, 2000 Camp David summit, the second Intifada and Israel’s conflict with both Hamas and Hizballah. Course Requirements: Three short essay assignments (each 5% of final grade), in-class mid-term exam (15%), term paper (15 pages, 70% of final course grad). Regular attendance is mandatory. This is a fast-paced course and students should complete readings for each class session. -
Jerusalem and the Riparian Simile Shaul E
Political Geography 21 (2002) 745–764 www.politicalgeography.com Jerusalem and the riparian simile Shaul E. Cohen a,∗, David A. Frank b a Department of Geography, The University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97303, USA b Robert D. Clark Honors College, The University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, USA Abstract Many see the city of Jerusalem as an intractable religious political issue, beyond the pale of negotiation and problem solving. This view reflects a set of problematic assumptions, includ- ing beliefs that Jerusalem produces a contest between maximalist claims that only power can resolve. In this article, we conduct a conceptual exercise designed to rethink Jerusalem as an issue of political geography open to needs-based bargaining. Drawing from evidence in the Transboundary Freshwater Dispute Database, we suggest that riparian negotiations offer an analogue that might be used to restructure the discourse used in the negotiations about Jerusa- lem. We propose the use of a riparian simile in which negotiators begin with the assumption that “the conflict over Jerusalem is like international water disputes.” Riparian negotiations encourage movement from sovereign rights to functional needs, the use of time as a flexible variable, a focus on beneficial uses, and the creation of language recognizing local contin- gencies. 2002 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. Keywords: Analogic thinking; Conflict; Jerusalem; Metaphor; Riparian simile; Territory And there are days here when everything is sails and more sails, even though there’s no sea in Jerusalem, not even a river. Everything is sails: the flags, the prayer shawls, the black coats, the monks’ robes, the kaftans and kaffiyehs, young women’s dresses and headdresses, Torah mantles and prayer rugs, feelings that swell in the wind and hopes that set them sailing in other directions. -
Palestinian Peace Process As Barriers to Resolving the Conflict
Chapter 8 Strategic Decisions Taken During the Israeli- Palestinian Peace Process as Barriers to Resolving the Conflict Ephraim Lavie and Henry Fishman Mahatma Gandhi’s famous quote – “We must become the change we want to see in the world” – makes the definition of ‘strategy’ very clear. It is the comprehensive and coherent conception of the ultimate goals of the leadership in combination with the main routes to achievement of these goals. The success of negotiations in any sector – business, civil dispute resolution, or political processes – is hard to predict on the basis of one of the parties’ “correct strategy” because success depends on coordination and harmony between the “correct strategies” of both sides simultaneously, in parallel, and throughout the entire process. This condition illustrates the fragility of a strategy even when it is the correct one, but it also challenges the leader to rise above and beyond in formulating or “finding” a strategy – a “grand strategy” – that can overcome the obstacles posed by the counter-strategy. Based on our experience in following the negotiating process with the Palestinians through its various stages and derivative developments since 1993, as well as on research and analysis of writings on this issue, our starting assumption is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can indeed be resolved through negotiations between the parties, but that this will require overcoming difficult or preventative obstacles. This chapter aims to present and analyze the barriers that led to the failure of the Oslo formula for negotiations and to draw lessons in the following three key areas: 1. The strategic decision of each of the parties as a matter of substance (the “grand strategy”) that lays a firm foundation for resolution of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict through a process of negotiations towards peace; 300 2. -
The IDF in the Second Intifada
Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade |Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | Shiri Tal-Landman המכון למחקרי ביטחון לאומי THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURcITY STUDIES INCORPORATING THE JAFFEE bd CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 13 | No. 3 | October 2010 CONteNts Abstracts | 3 A Decade since the Outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Strategic Overview | 7 Michael Milstein The IDF in the Second Intifada | 27 Giora Eiland The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada | 39 Yoram Schweitzer The Political Process in the Entangled Gordian Knot | 49 Anat Kurz The End of the Second Intifada? | 63 Jonathan Schachter The Second Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion | 71 Yehuda Ben Meir and Olena Bagno-Moldavsky The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality | 85 Zaki Shalom Israel’s Coping with the al-Aqsa Intifada: A Critical Review | 101 Ephraim Lavie 2000-2010: An Influential Decade | 123 Oded Eran Resuming the Multilateral Track in a Comprehensive Peace Process | 133 Shlomo Brom and Jeffrey Christiansen The Core Issues of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict: The Fifth Element | 141 Shiri Tal-Landman The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and Strategic enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, ASSESSMENT on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Key Dates in Israel's History
Key Dates In Israel's History February 14, 1896 Publication of Theodor Herzl's treatise "The Jewish State" August 29, 1897 Opening of the First Zionist Congress at Basel, Switzerland November 2, 1917 Issuing of BoBoBoBoyyyycottcottcottcott (on the Jewish community of Palestine) July 22, 1946 Irgun bombs King David Hotel February 14, 1947 Britain gives UN responsibility for Palestine November 29, 1947 UNUNUNUN P PPParararartitiontitiontitiontition Plan PlanPlanPlan approved (Resolution 181) May 14, 1948 DeclarationDeclarationDeclarationDeclaration of ofofof th thththeeee State StateStateState of ofofof Israel IsraelIsraelIsrael May 15, 1948 Outbreak of WWWWarararar of ofofof In InInIndependependependependendendendencececece. Ends January 1949 1 / 11 January 25, 1949 Israel's first national election; David Ben-Gurion elected Prime Minister May 1950 Operation Ali Baba; brings 113,000 Iraqi Jews to Israel September 1950 Operation Magic Carpet; 47,000 Yemeni Jews to Israel Oct. 29-Nov. 6, 1956 Suez Campaign October 10, 1959 Creation of Fatah January 1964 Creation of PPPPalestinalestinalestinalestineeee Liberation LiberationLiberationLiberation Or OrOrOrganizationganizationganizationganization (PLO) January 1, 1965 Fatah first major attack: try to sabotage Israel’s water system May 15-22, 1967 Egyptian Mobilization in the Sinai/Closure of the Tiran Straits June 5-10, 1967 SixSixSixSix Da DaDaDayyyy W WWWarararar November 22, 1967 Adoption of UNUNUNUN Security SecuritySecuritySecurity Coun CounCounCouncilcilcilcil Reso ResoResoResolutionlutionlutionlution -
Routledge Handbook of U.S. Counterterrorism and Irregular
‘A unique, exceptional volume of compelling, thoughtful, and informative essays on the subjects of irregular warfare, counter-insurgency, and counter-terrorism – endeavors that will, unfortunately, continue to be unavoidable and necessary, even as the U.S. and our allies and partners shift our focus to Asia and the Pacific in an era of renewed great power rivalries. The co-editors – the late Michael Sheehan, a brilliant comrade in uniform and beyond, Liam Collins, one of America’s most talented and accomplished special operators and scholars on these subjects, and Erich Marquardt, the founding editor of the CTC Sentinel – have done a masterful job of assembling the works of the best and brightest on these subjects – subjects that will continue to demand our attention, resources, and commitment.’ General (ret.) David Petraeus, former Commander of the Surge in Afghanistan, U.S. Central Command, and Coalition Forces in Afghanistan and former Director of the CIA ‘Terrorism will continue to be a featured security challenge for the foreseeable future. We need to be careful about losing the intellectual and practical expertise hard-won over the last twenty years. This handbook, the brainchild of my late friend and longtime counter-terrorism expert Michael Sheehan, is an extraordinary resource for future policymakers and CT practitioners who will grapple with the evolving terrorism threat.’ General (ret.) Joseph Votel, former commander of US Special Operations Command and US Central Command ‘This volume will be essential reading for a new generation of practitioners and scholars. Providing vibrant first-hand accounts from experts in counterterrorism and irregular warfare, from 9/11 until the present, this book presents a blueprint of recent efforts and impending challenges.