AEMI JOURNAL • VOLUME 15 AEMI JOURNAL Volume 15–16 • 2017–2018 – 16 • 2017 – 2018

Association of European Migration Institutions Cover picture: A moment from the performance “The intimate ritual of social movement: Embodiments of migracy” by María Peredo Guzmán, performed at the 27th AEMI Conference in Husum, Germany, on October 6th, 2018 Source: AEMI AEMI JOURNAL

Volume 15–16 • 2017–2018

Selected papers

from the 26th AEMI Conference in Santiago de Compostela, Spain, 2016 European Migrant Diasporas and Cultural Identities

and from the 27th AEMI Conference in Husum, Germany, 2017 ‘At Home or Alienated’ – Migrants and Receiving Countries between Integration and Parallel Society, between ‘Culture of Welcome’ and Xenophobia

Editors Hans Storhaug, Maja Gostič, Špela Kastelic, Klara Kožar Rosulnik

Association of European Migration Institutions www.aemi.eu

Ljubljana 2018 AEMI Journal Editors: Hans Storhaug, Maja Gostič, Špela Kastelic, Klara Kožar Rosulnik

Editorial board: Patrick Fitzgerald, Mellon Centre for Migration Studies, Ulster American Folk Park, Omagh, Northern Ireland Cathrine Kyø Hermansen, Danish Immigration Museum / Furesø Museums, Denmark Janja Žitnik Serafin, ZRC SAZU, Slovenian Migration Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia (Editor-in-Charge)

The Association of European Migration Institutions – AEMI, founded in 1991, is a network of organisations in Europe concerned with the documentation, research and presentation of European migration.

AEMI board: Cathrine Kyø Hermansen, Chair Patrick Fitzgerald, Vice-Chair Dietmar Osses, Secretary Emilia García López, Treasurer Maddalena Tirabassi, Advisory board

Manuscripts and editorial correspondence regarding AEMI Journal should be sent by e-mail to [email protected]. Authors should follow “Instructions for Authors” published in this volume. Statements of facts or opinion in AEMI Journal are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by the editors or publisher.

Published in September 2018 © AEMI ISSN 1729-3561 AEMI Secretariat, c/o LWL Industriemuseum, Zeche Hannover, Guenningfelder Straße 251, 44793 Bochum, Germany

Published by ZRC SAZU, Slovenian Migration Institute, ZRC Publishing House Printed in Slovenia by Collegium graphicum d.o.o. Contents

5 From the Editors

7 Programme of the 26th AEMI Conference in Santiago de Compostela, Galicia, Spain

11 María Fouz Moreno: Galician Music, Emigration and Otherness: The Presence of Galicia in the Musical Production of Argentinian Composers of the Mid-Twentieth Century

19 María González Blanco and Vincente Peña Saavedra: New Migrations from Galicia to Germany: Educational Profiles and Social Networks

27 Raphael Tsavkko Garcia: Historical Background of the Basque Diaspora in Latin America: Integration and Tensions

43 Sara Ingrosso: Italian Newcomers to Germany and Cultural Identity

53 Programme of the 27th AEMI Conference in Husum, North Frisia, Germany

57 Welcome Speeches: Uwe Haupenthal, Paul-Heinz Pauseback, Daniel Güther, Dieter Harrsen, Uwe Schmitz

63 Benan Oregi Iñurrieta: A Home or a Country? What did Basque Emigrants Leave Behind?

75 Laurence Prempain: How the Welcoming of Jewish Refugees Fleeing Germany for France Evolved through Time (1933–1938)

89 Vinzenz Kratzer: History of State Migration Research in Germany 105 Špela Kastelic: Social Impact of Migration Studies: The Case of Slovenian Migration Institute

115 Imanol Galdos Irazabal: Boise: A Model of a Welcoming City

131 Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson: Cautionary Lessons from the Americanization Movement of the Early 20th Century

137 Janja Žitnik Serafin:Care for Diasporic Communities: The Case of a Bilateral Agreement between Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina

153 Instructions for Authors From the Editors

It is a great privilege to introduce this new double issue of the AEMI Journal, for the most part prepared by a new team of editors. Let us first introduce ourselves and explain the chain of events that has led to this moment. Hans Storhaug, the first and only editor of the AEMI Journal for 15 years, proposed in late January that the Slovenian Migration Institute should take over the editorship of the Journal as it has many decades of experience in editing and publishing its own academic journal, Two Homelands: Migration Studies. The new AEMI board agreed. After careful consideration at the Institute, three editors were named along with a mentor to supervise their work. The new editors Dr. Klara Kožar Rosulnik, Špela Kastelic, MA, and Maja Gostič, MA are working closely together with their supervisor Dr. Janja Žitnik Serafin, who has 30 years of experience as editor of academic journals and monographs. Besides, as Mr. Hans Storhaug pointed out in his foreword published in AEMI Journal 1 (2003), “[...] it was Janja Žitnik, research consultant at the Slovene Centre for Migration Studies, who at the annual meeting in Stavanger in 2002, formally proposed to the General Assembly that AEMI should publish its own journal. Her idea was unanimously supported and adopted, and this is the result.” The decision on the 2017–2018 double issue was made by the new AEMI board in April 2018. The issue is based on a selection of papers presented at the 26th AEMI Conference in Santiago de Compostela (Spain) in 2016, and those presented at the 27th AEMI Conference in Husum (Germany) in 2017. The focus of the Santiago conference was on European migrant diasporas and cultural identities, whereas the theme of the Husum conference was ‘At home or alienated’ – Migrants and receiving countries between integration and parallel society, between ‘culture of welcome’ and xenophobia. The papers from the Santiago conference were selected and partly edited by Hans Storhaug, while the papers from Husum were selected and edited by the new editors. The last article in this issue is from the conference in Turin in 2015. Furthermore, we would like to address some of the changes that are coming with the new editorship. As Mr. Hans Storhaug pointed out repeatedly over the years of his editing of the Journal, there has been a great need for instructions for authors that would help them prepare their articles. It is necessary to adopt a uniform citation style and general guidelines that should be followed consistently throughout the Journal. Hence, we are publishing “Instructions for Authors” in this double issue and – hopefully – on the AEMI webpage. Moreover, we have set some additional criteria (e.g. the maximum length of the text, adequate level of English) for the selection of articles for publication. As there were no instructions available at the time when authors of this double issue were preparing their articles, we took the liberty of harmonizing the citation style of the Husum papers with the new guidelines as 6 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 much as possible. It was a bit more difficult with the Santiago papers as they were already edited by the previous editor, so we made a compromise there and edited those articles in a more limited way. Perhaps we should also clarify the structure of this double issue compared to the previous ones. As we have not received the protocols of the last two AEMI conferences and as the AEMI board agreed that the protocol of each conference should be available on the AEMI webpage, we decided not to insist on publishing the conference protocols in this or the future volumes of the Journal. For this reason, we are only publishing – besides the selected papers – both conference programs and the welcome speeches from the Husum conference that were obtained from their authors specifically for the purpose of their publication. It has been a great challenge as well as a privilege to take on the new editorship of the AEMI Journal. Special thanks go to Dr. Patrick Fitzgerald for his voluntary proofreading that has been ever so helpful to us. And finally, we would like to express our sincere gratitude and appreciation to Hans Storhaug for all the hard work he has done with the Journal throughout these past 15 years. As we admitted in one of our letters to the Board, we probably will not be able to meet the standards he has set but we will certainly try our best. Programme of the 26th AEMI Conference European Migrant Diasporas and Cultural Identities

28 September – 1 October, 2016 Santiago de Compostela, Galicia, Spain

Members of the Association of European Migration Institutions (AEMI) and other experts on migration issues met for a four day conference in Santiago de Compostela, Galicia, Spain – the conference was hosted by Consello da Cultura Galega and Arquivo da Emigración Galega (source: http://aemi.eu/aemi-meeting-2016-conference-program/). 8 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

WEDNESDAY, 28 September, 2016 Danish Immigration Museum, DK 18:00–18:30 Welcome Maria Giovanna Cassa, University of 18:30–19:30 Opening lecture Milan Bicocca, IT: Nord-Sud mobility, Fernando Devoto, Research Institute of negotiating a sense of belonging in Italian the Faculty of Social Sciences of the families living outwith Europe UCA, Buenos Aires, AR: The uses of José Manuel Estévez Saa, University of ethnic identities between history and A Coruña, ES: Cartographies of con- memory: An approach temporary migrations and transcultural identities in the 21st century English and THURSDAY, 29 September, 2016 American literature 9:00–10:30 Maria Beatriz Rocha-Trindade, Centro de SESSION 1: NEW MIGRATIONS IN Estudos das Migrações e das Relações EUROPE Interculturais, CEMRI, Universidade Chair: Emilia García López, Council of Aberta, UAb, Lisboa, PT: Portuguese Galician Culture / Galician Migration diaspora: Political potential of an expan- Archive sive social reality María González Blanco and Vicente Peña Cristina López Moreno, Sheffield Hallam Saavedra, University of Santiago de University, GB: Spanish post-2008 mi- Compostela, ES: New migrations from gration outflows: Media narrative versus Galicia to Germany: Educational profiles statistical “reality” and social networks 12.30–13.30 Lunch Sahra-Josephine Hjorth, Aalborg Uni- versity, DK: Social media usage among 13:30–15:00 Romanian labour migrants in Denmark: SESSION 3: DIASPORA Exploring types of usage and implications Chair: Fernando Devoto, Research Insti- Sara Ingrosso, Ludwig-Maximilians-Uni- tute of the Faculty of Social Sciences of versität Munich, DE: Italian newcomers the UCA, Buenos Aires, AR to Germany and cultural identity Manuela Palacios, María Xesús Nogue- Rebeka Mesarić Žabčić, Institute for Mi- ira Pereira, Margarita Estévez Saá and gration and Ethnic Studies, Zagreb, María Jesus Lorenzo Modia, University Croatia, HR: European migrations and of A Coruña / University of Santiago cultural identities: The Croatian commu- de Compostela, ES: Parallels between nity in Germany contemporary Galician and Irish migrant Laura Oso and Raquel Martínez Buján, diasporas University of A Coruña-ESOMI, ES: Edurne Aróstegui, University of the Mobility strategies and gender in a context Basque Country, ES: The construction of economic crisis in Galicia of Basque-American identity through the 10:30–11:00 Break analysis of literary sources Dietmar Osses, LWL Industrial Mu- 11:00–12:30 seum – Westphalian State Museum SESSION 2: NEW GLOBAL MIGRA- for Industrial Heritage and Culture, TIONS Hannover Colliery, DE: Rise and fall Chair: Cathrine Kyø Hermansen, The of German immigrant communities in 26th AEMI Conference 9

the USA 1848–1918 western Danish immigrant communities Patrick Fitzgerald, Mellon Centre for Simone Eick, German Emigration Center Migration Studies, Ulster American Bremerhaven, DE: Becoming a Palatine: Folk Park, Omagh, Northern Ireland: The “poor protestant refugees” from Ger- Irish and Basque Diaspora: A comparative many and their different identities in analysis London and N.Y. 1709–1760 15:00–15:30 Break Elissa Gosso, University of Turin, IT: “Igle- sias de transplante”: Protestant migration 15:30–18:30 to South America between autonomy and SESSION 4: IDENTITY AND RELI- attachment to the Mother Church. The GION: PATTERNS OF COLLECTIVE case of Waldensians BELONGING Chair: X. M. Núñez Seixas, Ludwig-Maxi­ FRIDAY, 30 September, 2016 milians-Universität Munich / Archive 9:00–10:30 of Galician Migration SESSION 5: TRANSCULTURALISM Federica Moretti, Katholieke Universi- AND HYBRIDIZATION teit Leuven, BE: New regulations, old Chair: José Moya, Barnard College / feelings: Houses, returns, disappointment Columbia University, US Antonello Scialdone, ISFOL – Dept. of Eleonora Angella, University of Naples Welfare, Rome, IT: On Cossack legacy l’Orientale, IT: The making of a feminist and matriarchs in exile: Linking na- paradigm: An Italian woman in Egypt tion-building process and rherotics of at the outset of the 20th century womanhood in Ukrainian diaspora Cenk Berkant, Mugla University, TR: Maria Luisa Di Martino, University of The Italian community of Izmir (Turkey) Deusto, ES: Migrant women’s career and its characteristic buildings in the city paths in the Basque Country: A re-con- Solange Maslowski, Charles University struction of Identity in Prague, CZ: Freedom of movement Inese Auzina Smith, Latvian Documen- of persons in the outermost regions of the tation Center and Archive, UK: Docu- EU: The case of Reunion island menting the history and cultural identity Javier Colodrón, University of Santiago of the Latvian diaspora in Brazil Compostela, ES: Galicians: The baton Raphael Tsavkko García, University of of Cuban anarchism (1880–1898) Deusto, ES: Historical background of María Fouz Moreno, University of the Basque Diaspora in Latin America: Oviedo, ES: Galician music, emigration Integration and tensions and otherness: the presence of Galicia in Adam Walaszek, Jagiellonian University, the musical production of Argentinian Krakow, PL: From the May 3 Consti- composers from mid-twentieth Century tution Day celebrations to the “Bartek 10:30–11:00 Break Bieda Show”: Polish and Polish diaspora culture in the United States 1870–1930 11:00–12:30 Pernille Skovgaard Christensen, Aalborg SESSION 6: MUSEUMS University, DK: Impacts of the Church? Chair: Dietmar Osses, LWL Industrial Processes of ethnic safeguarding in Mid- Museum-Westphalian State Museum 10 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

for Industrial Heritage and Culture, Bredstedt, DE: Looking back into the Hannover Colliery, DE future? An outlook on the AEMI Con- Freja Gry Børsting, The Danish Immi- ference 2017 gration Museum, DK: Letting go of Jean-Barthelemi Debost, Musée national the reins: Audience involvement at the de l’histoire de l’immigration, Paris, FR: Danish Inmigration Museum How the Musée national de l’histoire de Michalina Petelska, Emigration Museum l’imigration respond to migration crisis in Gdynia, PL: Polish identity on the in Europe? other side of the planet: The cooperation Open discussion on the European Migra- between the Emigration Museum in tion Crises with the participation of: Gdynia and Polish diaspora based on Riccardo Roba, Antonello Scialdone, the example of the projects conducted Hans Storhaug, Laura Oso with Polish New Zealanders and Polish 16:00–16:30 Break Diaspora in America Chris Zisis, Institute of Cultural Anthro- 16:30–17:30 Closing lecture pology / Folklore Studies, Hamburg José Moya, Barnard College / Columbia University, DE: Visual and material University: Diasporas and cultural iden- displays of migration histories in muse- tities in a global perspective ums/exhibitions in Germany. Case study: 17:30 Closing address Greek ‘Gastarbeiter’ in Germany. Towards Guided tour to Santiago’s Cathedral collaborative museum work with immi- gration communities SATURDAY, 1 October, 2016 Antra Celmina, Latvian Abroad-Museum 9:30–12:30 and Research Center, LV: Genealogy as AEMI Annual General Meeting (AEMI a method for the restoration of identity Members) and diaspora-homeland ties after the Iron 15:00 Walking of Santiago’s Pilgrimage Curtain: The Latvian example Way Nonja Peters, Curtin University Sustain- ability Policy Institute, AU: Developing ORGANIZING a sustainable model in mutual cultural Consello da Cultura Galega digital heritage: Tools and cases Arquivo da Emigración Galega 12:30–13:30 Lunch Association of European Migration In- stitutions 13.30–16.00 SESSION 7: EUROPEAN CRISES ON SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE MIGRATION TODAY Sarah Clément Chair: Maddalena Tirabassi, Centro Al- Emilia García López treitalie, Vice Chair AEMI Eva Meyer Tina Magazzini, University of Deusto, Xosé M. Núñez Seixas ES: Policing Roma integration between Hans Storhaug diversity recognition and deconstruction Maddalena Tirabassi of the mainstream Paul Pauseback, Nordfriisk Instituut, Galician Music, Emigration and Otherness: The Presence of Galicia in the Musical Production of Argentinian Composers of the Mid-Twentieth Century

María Fouz Moreno1

The ‘Other’ Galician Music explores discursively the image of the Since the late nineteenth century and cultures that made their space on the especially after the Spanish Civil War there periphery and other interstices” (Sosa have been numerous migratory move- 2009: 39). In this way, according to this ments from Galicia to Argentina, with same author, ‘otherness’, as a category of Galicians becoming the most substantial analysis of culture “allows visualization group of migrants in that country. The of the peripheral subject from different Galician emigrant community maintained angles, recognizes the conceptual expan- many of the customs and traditions of sion of radius and the generation of new their birthplace in the place where they approaches” (Sosa 2009: 39). settled, and among them music has played The point of view of ‘otherness’ allows a very important role in serving as a link us to analyze the image of those cultures between past and present because of its that experienced development in different ability to remind them of their place of spaces from their place of origin, and origin. As Smith points out, international this could be considered peripheral. This migration does not negate the sense of occurs with Galician culture, preserved belonging which communities feel with or reinterpreted in different places of respect to their places of origin, but rather settlement of Galician emigrants. In this migrants “transport and transplant with way, it can be seen how academic music them their original identity, creating what influenced by Galician culture and cre- some theorists have called ‘transnational ated in migratory contexts, in this case community’” (Giménez 2011: 12–3). in Argentina, has become a space for the As Elizabeth Sosa argues, ‘otherness’ ‘other’ in Galician musical historiography. “is an epistemological position which This will be considered from two different 12 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 perspectives, firstly with the composers Ricardo Pérez Camino, Juan María López, Juan José Castro and Roberto Caamaño Juan José Castro Piñeiro, among others, and, secondly through the figure of Isidro stand out.3 Some of their compositions Maiztegui. with reference to Galicia can be seen in Table 1. Galician Academic Music of Ar- As Aurora del Corno says: gentina The phenomenon of Galician emigra- Many of these composers [...] emi- tion, which began in the late nineteenth grated to Buenos Aires after carrying century, brought with it a relocation of out distinguished work in Galicia Galician music and an interesting resur- [...], in search of new horizons gence of this outside the borders of the and better circumstances, in some Iberian Peninsula, especially in the field cases, in which to develop their art. of academic creation. It is probable that Galicia has rec- Despite the long migratory tradition of ognized their importance but the Galicia, and the importance of musical impression remains that there was phenomena in emigrant communities, the no real interest in making the name history of Galician musical historiography of these remarkable artists live on is written mainly in relation to the music through their work, in all its aspects, composed within its territory. This trend beyond the limits of Galicia. On has prevailed and has created a vision of reaching the Galician capital, there the history of Galician academic music, in was general awareness of the works which those ‘other’ composers who made they produced, but these works show their music on the periphery (within the great humility, an enormous love for concept of ‘otherness’ previously outlined) their native Galicia, expressed in each were excluded or relegated a secondary musical phrase which referred to the role in the process of construction of region, more like a show of nostal- academic discourse. gia than a show of the talent they There are a number of Galician emigrant possessed. The community honored composers and descendants of emigrants them with recognition but did not who have been widely involved in musical provide them with sufficient support composition in Argentina but who are so as to continue to expand their art. quite unknown today. Nonetheless there (Corno 1989: 139–140) are some exceptions, such as the case of Andrés Gaos, whose figure was recovered Given the brevity of this article, it is thanks to the appearance of a number of necessary to place special emphasis on academic works, publications, published those ‘other’ examples of Galician music scores, concert programs and recordings by Argentine composers, descendants of some of his works.2 of Galicians, as is the case of Juan José Among the emigrant Galician musicians Castro (Avellaneda, 1895 – Buenos Aires, that continued their musical and compo- 1968) or Roberto Caamaño (Buenos Aires, sitional activity in Argentina, names like 1923–1993). Their family ancestry, the Egidio Paz Hermo, Manuel Prieto Marcos, first generation of descendants of Galician María Fouz Moreno 13

Table 1 COMPOSER WORK Himno a Galicia (1879) Ricardo Pérez Camino (Santiago de Compostela, 1842 – Ar- Himno a Pontevedra (1880) gentina, 1915) Himno a las Artes (lyrics by Emilia Pardo Bazán) Fantasía Gallega, texto de Curros Enríquez (1894) Recordando a Galicia (1901) Juan María López Segunda fantasía gallega (1902) (A Coruña, 1855 – Argentina, 1939) Fantasía sobre motivos de aires gallegos (1902) Na Ruada, muiñeira Adiós Ríos, Adiós Fontes (lyrics by Rosalía de Castro) ¿Onde vas? (lyrics by Aveliño Velloso) Sempre o memos Amor patrio A realidad Egidio Paz Hermo O medianeiro (Puebla do Caramiñal – A Coruña, 1863 – Buenos Aires, 1933 O crebanto Noite de lúa ou Mingos e Rosa Matorral

O consolo, (plot by Castro López) Alma Gallega

Alboradas, Alalás, Muiñeiras, etc. Muiñeira para violín y piano (1891) Aires Gallegos, suite para piano (1905) Andrés Gaos Berea (A Coruña, 1874 – Mar del Plata, Nuevos aires gallegos, suite para piano (1915) 1959) Sinfonía Nº2 En las montañas de Galicia (1917–1919) Rosa de Abril (Lyrics by Rosalía de Castro) Manuel Prieto Marcos Cuatro cantigas: Alalá, Foliada, Muiñeira y Ruada. (Tui, 1905 – Buenos Aires, 1945) 14 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 emigrants in Argentina, maintained their music contains clear references to musical interest in Galician cultural heritage, and rhythms or melodic turns of phrase of folk this is reflected in their compositions. and medieval Galician music.” (González As Julio Ogas notes, during the 1940’s 2010: 185) “there is a large in- crease in Argentinian However, the influence of Galician music with musical, programmatic or music with respect to sound stands out poetic allusions to Spanish culture” caused, in De Terra Galega. Rapsodia para Coro among other factors, by its ‘descent or y Orquesta by Castro. This work came nationality’ or by the “recognition [...] about as a request from the Galician of the intellectual values of exiled poets, Centre in Buenos Aires in 1946.5 In imprisoned or killed during Franco´s this score, clear references to elements of regime” (Ogas 2005: 92). Galician musical heritage, such as Alalá, Medieval Galician poetry and Rosalía Alborada or pandeirada, are highlighted. de Castro´s Follas Novas appear in the rep- The aforementioned work (with its Suite ertoire of songs of Castro and Caamaño. Introspectiva) was recovered and edited in The selection of these texts shows their Galicia, thanks to the work of Joam Trillo commitment to the movement of recov- and support from the Instituto Galego ery and promotion of Galician literary das Artes Escénicas e Musicais. heritage, as well as the protection of the Along this line, we can also quote the Galician language (mother tongue of their figure of the composer on whom we will parents in this case) which takes place in focus below: Isidro B. Maiztegui. In the exile. Similarly, it connects them with the same way as J. J. Castro and R. Caamaño, determination of emigrants to maintain he forms part of the first generation of their language as a distinctive sign of descendants of Galician emigrants in identity. On the one hand, Juan Jose Argentina that decide to incorporate Castro creates Dos canciones de Rosalía de references to Galicia in their scores. Castro (1948) based on poems by Rosalia However, it is necessary to explain that de Castro “Eu levo una pena” and “Que there is a difference between them from hermosa te dou Dios”, and Cantares de the point of view of ‘otherness’: In the case amor (1951), with texts by the Galician of Caamaño and Castro we have talked minstrel Juyao Bolseyro. On the other of ‘otherness’ from the point of view of hand, Roberto Caamaño composes Dos the deterritorialization of Galician culture cantos gallegos op.3 (1945) based on the (recreation and development of Galician poems “A Xustiza pola man” and “Vamos culture in Buenos Aires). Bebendo” by Rosalia de Castro (receiving Maiztegui is an immigrant musician awards at the International Competition who, after establishing contact with of the Galician Centre in Buenos Aires in Galician culture through the Galician 1950); and also Dos cantares galaico-por- community of emigrants, arrives in Spain tugueses del s. XIII op. 18 (1954) based where he becomes familiar with the Gali- on “Ay madre, nunca sentiu” by Juyao cian musical and cultural environment. Bolseyro and “Filha se grado eres” by He then works with important Galician the minstrel Lopo.4 As Marcela González intellectuals and, as a result, begins to noted, “the setting of these poems to compose his Galician works. Despite this, María Fouz Moreno 15 this composer stands as a ‘foreign other’ in Galician culture as a constituent part Galician territory and he is excluded from of his identity and his work, influenced the official History of Galician music. mainly by the oral transmission of Galician culture from his mother, an ideology ‘Other’ Music in the Musical linked to Spanish intellectuals exiled in Identity of Maiztegui Argentina and, above all, his nationalistic As indicated in the introduction, the sec- Galician consciousness formed through his ond focus of this article is on the analysis close relationship with Galician emigrant of cultural and musical circumstances communities and the links established leading a composer, born outside Galicia, with different Galician intellectuals in to take on, as part of his own identity, that Argentina, as well as during the ten years ‘other’ music bequeathed by his ancestors. that he lived in Spain (Luis Seoane, Isaac In this sense, this study starts by observing Diaz Pardo, Fernandez del Riego, etc.). the cultural and creative process that leads Galician influence is revealed in the this musician to take Galician music as a scenic cantata Macías o Namorado (1956), constituent part of his idiosyncrasy, which Preludios galegos op.28 for piano (1957), situates ‘otherness’ within the scope of songs for voice and piano Sin niño (1964), academic music from Río de la Plata. ¿Qué pasa ó redor de min? (1964), Longa One particularly interesting case is that noite de pedra y Tempo de chorar (1968), of Isidro Maiztegui (Gualeguay, 1905 – Paco Pixiñas. Historia dun desleigado Mar del Plata, 1996) who decided to contada por il mesmo (1970), Seis poemas integrate Galician music into his com- Galegos de Federico García Lorca. Most positions after establishing direct contact of these works were composed during with the native culture. In immigrant the period when Maiztegui emigrated communities a sense of collective identity to Spain. is maintained over time. As Núñez Seixas At this point, it should be pointed noted, this identity does not necessarily out that this last work was created at the disappear in the second generation but, in request of Professor Luis Perez Rodriguez, some cases, is transmitted “in the form of after a meeting with Maiztegui in Mar ethno-cultural symbolic identity to their del Plata in August 1994. The score was descendants, who maintain it as a form included in the book O Pórtico poético of voluntary and emotional affiliation, dos “Seis poemas galegos” de García Lorca consistent with a type of pride in tradition by Luis Perez and edited separately by the and culture shared by the original group” Consello da Cultura Galega. The world (Núñez Seixas 2002: 18). premiere of this composition was on April Maiztegui presents a multifaceted iden- 12, 1996 in this same institution, with tity in his ideas and in his artistic work, Maiztegui on piano accompanying the shaped by segments created from the soprano Marta de Castro (Pérez Rodríguez traditions received and selected (Argen- 1998: 359). tine, Galician, Spanish), and by fragments The relevance of his Galician works which come together in his creative and within their catalogue and the manner in intellectual work. The fact that is of in- which they are extolled by this composer, terest here is the selection of the ‘other’ demonstrates his strong commitment to 16 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Galician culture. In these works, references Galician music is like a coin with can be found to customs and traditions two sides, one showing the territorial from Galicia (cordel literature, religious Galicia and the other, the Galicia festivities, etc.) and, above all, the clear abroad. Both are inevitably different, influence of Galician music is revealed but both constitute an inseparable through the use or resounding allusion unity, and one cannot be understood to certain traditional instruments, the without considering the other, as use of resources from popular musical each shows a different ‘side’ of the genres and, at other times, through the music of the Galician people. (Cirio quoting of fragments of works from Gali- 2006: 17) cian academic music. These works are not only a tribute to Galicia, but they also In this way, ‘otherness’ as a category of entail the intention of a reevaluation of analysis of the framework of Galician the cultural tradition inherited from his academic music, serves to highlight the mother. In this way, for example, with importance of peripheral music generated works like Macías or Namorado or Paco in the context of migration, in this case Pixiñas, Maiztegui reinterprets elements from Argentina, from two points of view: of the Galician tradition to bring them On one side, through the study of the to an academic plane, where the various implications that generated the discourse elements that are part of Galician cultural of ‘otherness’ in creating the history of heritage become features that represent a Galician music, we have highlighted the real identity. need to broaden the concept of “Galician It is also necessary to emphasize that academic music” and to include in Gali- in some of the film projects in which he cian musical historiography those ‘other’ participates as a composer – Mariñeiros composers, immigrants or descendants of (José Suárez, 1939), Viento del Norte immigrants, who included references to (Antonio Momplet, 1954), Sonatas (Juan Galicia in their works (as is the case of Antonio Bardem, 1959) and, to a lesser Juan José Castro and Roberto Caamaño). extent, in La venganza (J. A. Bardem, On the other side, as a result of this 1958) he includes elements of Galician approach, a new history of Galician music culture through references to his music, also brings together the discourses of both using popular tunes and using musical music and identity, generated from the instruments or traditional instrumental contexts of migration and the consider­ groups. ation of those circumstances leading certain composers to take on, as part Epilogue of their own identity, that ‘other’ music To conclude, the phenomenon of Galician passed on by their ancestors (as in the emigration in the nineteenth and twenti- case of Maiztegui). eth centuries brought about fragmentation Whereas Caamaño and Castro represent and a process of relocation of contexts ‘otherness’ from the deterritorialization of creation of Galician music. This is of Galician culture produced by the phe- referred to in the following quotation nomenon of emigration, Maiztegui, as from Pablo Cirio: an immigrant musician, represents the María Fouz Moreno 17

‘foreign other’ within Galician territory. Emilio Ferreiro, Sada. A Coruña: Ediciós However, we must bear in mind that both do Castro. are part of the same reality because both Giménez, Gilberto (2001). Cultura, territorio are excluded from the official history of y migraciones. Aproximaciones teóricas. Alteridades XI (22), 5–14. Galician music, despite the importance González, Marcela (2005). Poesía española they had in sustaining a reinterpretation en la canción de cámara argentina (1910– of a Galician musical identity from both 1950). Revista de Musicología XXVIII (2), sides of the Atlantic. 1335–44. González, Marcela (2009). Ecos del Rex- Bibliography urdiemnento. Las canciones de Juan José Andrade Malde, Julio, Andrés Gaos (2010). Castro y Roberto Caamaño con poemas El gallego errante. A Coruña: Vereda. de Rosalía de Castro. Cuadernos de música Castro, Juan José, De Terra Galega (1993). Iberoamericana XVIII, 167–86. Rapsodia para Coro e Orquesta. Santiago González, Marcela (2010). Déjame tu voz. de Compostela: Ars Gallaecia Musicae. La poesía española en la canción de cámara Cabanillas, Ramón, Antonio de Lorenzo, argentina. Asturias: El autor. Isidro B. Maiztegui (1956). Macías o Nam- Núñez Seixas, Xosé Manoel (2002). O Inmi- orado: poema escénico, prosa e verso, a xeito gante Imaxinario: Estereotipos, Representac- de guieiro musical, sóbor dunha cantata de ións E Identidades Dos Galegos Na Arxentina Otero Pedrayo. Vigo: Galaxia. (1880–1940). Santiago de Compostela: Cirio, Norberto Pablo (2006). La investigación Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, de la música de las colectividades en Servicio de Publicacións e Intercambio la Argentina. Su aporte al estudio de Científico. los procesos migratorios. El caso de la Maiztegui, Isidro (1996). Música para os seis colectividad gallega. Entremúsicas. poemas galegos de Federico García Lorca. Música, investigación y docencia, Santiago de Compostela: Consello da http://entremusicas.com/investigacion/ Cultura Galega. la-investigacion-de-la-musica-de-las- Maiztegui Pereiro, Isidro B. (2009). Preludios colectividades-en-argentina/ (4-7-2016). Galegos op. 28, Baiona-Pontevedra, Dos Cirio, Norberto Pablo (2009). Repensando el Acordes-Series Ars Gallaeciae Musicae. patrimonio musical gallego desde quienes Ogas, Julio (2005). Primera década de la emigraron a la Argentina. In Rodrigo Ro- tendencia hispanista en la música argentina maní, (ed.) A música galega na emigración: de los años cuarenta. In Suárez-Pajares, [actas do] IV Encontro O Son da Memoria. Javier (ed.), Joaquín Rodrigo y la música Santiago de Compostela: Consello da Cul- española de los años cuarenta. Valladolid: tura Galega, 157–62. Sitem-Glarez, 79–93. Corno, Aurora del (1989). Músicos gallegos en Pérez Rodríguez, Luis (1998). O pórtico la República Argentina. Revista da Comisión poético dos seis poemas galegos de F. García Galega do Quinto Centenario 2, 127–40. Lorca. Santiago de Compostela: Consello Ferreiro, Celso Emilio, Isidrio Maiztegui, da Cultura Galega. Isaac Díaz Pardo (1970). Paco Pixiñas: Sosa, Elisabeth (2009). La otredad: una visión historia de un desleigado contada por il del pensamiento latinoamericano contem- mesmo. Romance de Aristides Silveira cun poráneo. Letras 80, 34–72. limiar tirado dos provérbios do conde de Vimioso (o vello) e um epílogo de Celso 18 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 Notes poesía española en la canción de cámara 1. Member of the Grupo de Investigación argentina. Asturias, El autor, 2010. en Música Contemporánea de España 5. Castro, Juan José, De Terra Galega. Rap- y Latinoamérica (GIMCEL)- Diapente sodia para Coro e Orquesta, Santiago de XXI (University de Oviedo). This ar- Compostela, Ars Gallaecia Musicae, 1993. ticle is inscribed within the research project “Música en conflicto en España y Latinoamérica: Entre la hegemonía y la transgresión (Siglos XX y XXI)” [MINECO-16-HAR2015-64285-C2- 1-P] coordinated by Dra. Celsa Alonso González (University de Oviedo). It forms part of the Programa “Severo Ochoa” de Ayudas Predoctorales para la Formación en Investigación y Docencia del Prin­ cipado de Asturias that is a beneficiary its author. 2. See into: Painceira Luaces, Vanesa, La revalorización de la figura de Andrés Gaos en Galicia, (Repositorio Institucional de la Universidad de Oviedo, http://hdl. handle.net/10651/17396 [10-1-2015]). 3. See into: Cirio, Norberto Pablo, Re­ pensando el patrimonio musical gallego desde quienes emigraron a la Argentina, in Rodrigo Romaní, (ed.) A música galega na emigración: [actas do] IV Encontro O Son da Memoria, Santiago de Compost- ela: Consello da Cultura Galega, 2009: 163–165; Corno, Aurora del, Músicos gallegos en la República Argentina, Re- vista da Comisión Galega do Quinto Centenario, 2, 1989: 127–140; Andrade Malde, Julio, Andrés Gaos: El gallego errante, A Coruña, Vereda, 2010. 4. See into: González, Marcela, Poesía es- pañola en la canción de cámara argentina (1910–1950), Revista de Musicología, XXVIII, 2, 2005: 1339–1340; González, Marcela, Ecos del Rexurdiemnento. Las canciones de Juan José Castro y Rob- erto Caamaño con poemas de Rosalía de Castro, Cuadernos de música Ibero­ americana, vol. XVIII, 2009: 167–85; González, Marcela, Déjame tu voz. La New Migrations from Galicia to Germany: Educational Profiles and Social Networks

María González Blanco and Vincente Peña Saavedra

Introduction but those who move to other parts of In recent years of the new millennium Spain increase” (La Voz de Galicia 2015); the media have spread several reports on “About 45% of Pontevedran citizens who the current migration of Spanish youth. choose to emigrate abroad are younger Among them – and to cite only a few than 30 years old” (Faro de Vigo 2015); examples for illustrative purposes – we find “Before, we exported unskilled labour; the following headlines: “Qualified Span- now, talent” (La Voz de Galicia 2016). ish immigration increases in Germany” In addition to this summary of current (ABC 2012); “Iciar Bollaín portrays the news items, reference should be made to disappointment and nostalgia of Spanish some of the authors who have worked emigrants” (El País 2014); “Millennial the most in the field of emigration such Generation: 83% of young people be- as Xosé Manuel Beiras Torrado, Antonio lieve they will have to emigrate to work” Eiras Roel, Julio Hernández Borge, Xosé (El Correo Gallego 2015); “A total of Manuel Núñez Seixas, Vicente Peña Saave- 36,511 Spaniards emigrated to Germany dra and Ramón Villares Paz, of whom we in 2013, according to the Federal Bureau will indicate some important works in the of Statistics” (España Exterior 2014); “The following section. loss of 25% of young people aggravates This media landscape reflects, to some the economic impact of aging in Galicia” extent, social concern about the phenom- (Faro de Vigo 2014); “Galician scientists enon of emigration which has led to a concerned about the brain drain because debate about the quantification of the of the recession” (Faro de Vigo 2012), number of emigrants leaving Spain. In “More than 30,000 people emigrated to fact, there is no source that can identify other countries or communities in 2014” relatively accurately the exact number of (La Voz de Galicia 2015), “Germany people who have left. And that is why benefits from immigration” (Deutsche the research presented herein is more of Welle 2014); “The number of Galicians a descriptive and qualitative analysis of who emigrate to other countries decreases, a sample of emigrants from Galicia to 20 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Germany and their academic profiles, and continues to leave, a huge imprint on rather than a study with ambitions of the fabric of the country, as both classic completeness and representativeness sur- and recent studies on the subject tes- rounding the current Galician emigration tify. In this regard, some publications of into German territory. outstanding importance on the study of This communication is the result of the emigration must be cited in chronological research conducted in the year 2014–2015 order, such as those made by Xosé Manuel titled: Approaching the emigration process Beiras Torrado (Structure and problems of Galician youth in Germany at present: of the Galician population [1970], The educational profile, employment and ex- economic backwardness of Galicia, [1972]); pectations.1 the work of professor Julio Hernández Why did we decide to do research on Borge (Galician emigration to Europe from this issue? The main reasons that have led 1961 to 1975 [1976] and Past and present us to this work have been personal, social of Galician emigration in Europe [2007]), and scientific. First, since childhood we publications of professor Vicente Peña have heard numerous anecdotes from Saavedra (Exodus, community organization endless stories referring to Germany that and school intervention: educational im- a person of our family who immigrated print of transoceanic emigration in Galicia in the 1960s to a town near Frankfurt, [1991]; Galicia-America: historical relations used to tell us (anecdotes about German and future challenges [1993]); the work of transport, recycling bottles, culture, ag- Antonio Eiras Roel (Contributions to the riculture, pollution, etc.). Following this study of Galician emigration, a regional flow of memories, our being able to visit approach [1992]); the work of Carlos Germany and see if what is known as the Sixirei Paredes (Emigration [1995]), the ‘economic locomotive of Europe’ was research of Professor Ramón Villares Paz really the same country that was set in (History of Galician emigration to America our imagination through the information [1996]), and the work of professor Xosé made available to us and the news we saw Manuel Núñez Seixas (Transoceanic return or read in the media, would become, years emigration and social change in the Iberian later, the birth seed of this research. Peninsula: some theoretical observations in Secondly, emigration is a systemic phe- a comparative perspective [2001]). And nomenon that is a substantial part of the some recent news about current emigra- history of Galicia. And although current tion, including: “Spaniards are migrants emigration flows show marked differences again” (UNRIC 2016); “Almost 100,000 from the profiles exhibited at other times Spaniards left the country in 2015, the (19th and 20th centuries), its survival and highest figure since the beginning of revival in Galicia today is a relevant factor the recession” (La Voz de Galicia 2016); affecting one way or another each of the “Almost 100,000 Spaniards emigrated in areas of the social fabric of the community. 2015, the highest figure since the financial Therefore, we must bear emigration in crisis” (El País 2016). mind as a component of marked influence Thirdly, at present, the research that is on the future of Galician reality, since its being done on emigration from within impact, immediate and delayed, has left, the field of education is still scarce and María González Blanco and Vincente Peña Saavedra 21 we consider it necessary to document and to Germany in recent years. visualize more transparently and deeply -- Establish close contact with the ob- what is happening with this phenomenon ject emigrant study group to collect from a pedagogical perspective. We believe information on their self-perception that together with the subject dealt with (feelings, emotions and opinions) re- from the sociological, economic, political, garding their emigration experience. historical or demographic areas, it is es- -- Inquire into the main expectations sential to examine it from its educational and social relationships of the group aspect, since there are several implications of young emigrants from Galicia in involved in this domain. Germany today.

Features of the Paper: Research The methodology used was of a mixed Problem, Objectives, Methodol- nature, both qualitative and quantitative. ogy, Results, Conclusions The former allowed us to have closer and Having presented the reasons that more detailed contact with the population prompted us to do this research, we now studied and the information it provided. elaborate on the characteristics of the The latter provided for the numerical work described. The basis of inquiry that treatment of much of the data collected we considered was expressed in these directly from our informants. terms: Have the most qualified and best The population under study was in- trained (young) people from Galicia been tentionally selected given they had the emigrating in recent years? In relation following characteristics: thereto, the overall objective we set out -- Young Galicians born in Galicia. was formalized in these terms: analyse the -- Aged between eighteen and forty-one current emigration of Galician youth to years old. Germany, while trying to focus mainly -- Emigrated since 2007. on their educational profile and type of -- Country of destination of their emi- employment done in the host country, in gration project: Germany. order to verify whether the phenomenon of brain drain, which the media talks The initial size of the population with much about, corresponds or not to the which we established contact totaled 77 reality of those who have left. people. After a review, and given that In addition to this overall objective, we some of the selected people did not have formulated several specific objectives strictly comply with the requirements, from which we highlight here those which this number was reduced to 69 people. are most relevant to the educational pro- Of this group, a total of 34 people were file targets, self-perception, relationships eventually involved. and participation in social networks, and How did we establish the approach and expectations of emigrated Galicians. They contact with the population? The main are the following: strategies and tools used to contact Gali- -- Identify and get to know the educa- cian emigrants were the use of the Internet tional profile (academic studies and and, more specifically, the social network training) of Galician emigrant youth Facebook. In this network we created our 22 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 own profile to carry out the research. Then IV. Self-perception, social relationships we searched for groups of Galicians living and expectations. in Germany. Some of the groups that we In the case of the interviews, we estab- found are identified as: Berlín en Galego, lished six core areas related to the core Galegos na Alemania, Galegos en Bavi- content of the questionnaire, and we era, Galegos en Heidelberg, Galegos en carried these out via Skype during the Hamburgo, Galegos en Bonn e arredores, months of May and June 2015. In the Galegos emigrados, Gallegos en Alemania, end, we managed to interview 9 people Españoles en Hamburgo, Españoles en (6 women and 3 men) aged between 23 Stuttgart, Españoles en Alemania, Es- and 30. The application of this technique pañoles en Duisburg, Españoles en Mu- allowed us more direct, face-to-face con- nich, Españoles en Berlín, Españoles en tact with our interviewees which provided Saarland and Españoles en Frankfurt. us more details about them by observing Through the created profile, and by post- gestures or by hearing the voice of the ing on different groups, we spread the interviewees, aspects that we consider message about the work we were carrying very positive for generating a climate of out. Gradually, through conversations confidence, peace and closeness with the with different emigrants, we succeeded collective. in gathering approximately 50 potential participants interested in the issue. The Results: Educational Profile, use of social networks in the conducted Self-Perception, Relationships and study was the best option because the Social Networks, and Expectations consulted databases (for example, the National Institute of Statistics [Spanish: Educational Profile Instituto Nacional de Estadística, INE], The main results regarding the educational the Galician Statistical Institute, [Spanish: profile showed that this is a youth group Instituto Gallego de Estadística, IGE] which is led by, with the same share of and EUROSTAT) as well as the literature 23.5%, those who attended higher ed- available in Spain until the present date ucation (Master level or equivalent) or on this subject did not provide us with the those with a three-year degree (Spanish: information we needed regarding the edu- Diplomatura). Those were followed, sec- cational profile of the current population ondly, by those who completed a five-year of Galician emigrants. degree (Spanish: Licenciatura) (17.6%) The methodological tools we used were and, finally, by those who completed a a questionnaire via the program Google degree (14.7%). A total of 28 people Docs and an interview outline. had university degrees, 3 had coursed The final questionnaire we prepared was vocational training (higher or interme- sent to emigrants through the Facebook diate level), 1 had a degree in Secondary profile and, in some cases, by email. The Education, 1 indicated that he had only aforementioned questionnaire was finally completed baccalaureate and 1 had a composed of 69 items, divided into four degree in artistic education. thematic blocks: I. Personal Data, II. Overall, in terms of specialization, Educational profile, III. Employment, the Engineering and Architecture area María González Blanco and Vincente Peña Saavedra 23 was highlighted with 9 people who had questions in the following lines during the studies related to it, and the area of Health interviews, getting the answers that follow: Sciences with 7 people who had studied How did you feel once you arrived in that. In addition to university studies, Germany? At first, what were your feel- areas of vocational training (higher or ings, emotions and personal impressions intermediate level) referred to in the study in this country? Did you feel welcome? were those of Graphic Arts, Image and Some answers we got: Sound, Hotel and Tourism, and Health. Other studies indicated concerned arts At first I felt pretty bad because it was education, among which the specialized a new town; I did not know anyone fields coursed by some of the emigrants ... [...] I was lucky at work and the were music and visual arts and design. German people I met were very kind Currently, most of the emigrants are to me and gave me a nice welcome. I not studying anymore, and those who did not feel welcomed either by the continue to study are studying in German Germans or the German bureaucracy. universities, artistic educational centers, [...] I felt fear, loneliness... on their own or at the National Uni- versity of Distance Education (Spanish: How do you think Galician youth emi­ Universidad Nacional de Educación a grants are perceived by the German soci- Distancia, UNED). The level of training ety? These were their responses: received in Spain was weighted by the majority (55.9%) as ‘high’, followed by Where I am living we are all Spanish the assessment of ‘average’ by 35.3% and emigrants, or Südländer as they call ‘low’ by 2.9%. us ... contemptuously. [...] they have Regarding the prior knowledge of the the perception that we migrate there German language prior to their depar- to steal their jobs ... [...] That we ture, 52.9% affirm they did have some came here demanding a lot ... want- sort of knowledge about this language, ing to make a lot and that we do not although only 8 people had an official make much effort ... [...] Everyone certification, while 47.1% did not have who is Spanish is very welcomed any knowledge at all. Other languages that because of the training they have. they knew before departure to Germany and in which they did have an official Currently, would you define yourself as certification were English, French, and a Galician emigrant, as a foreign worker, Portuguese. In a very specific case, one of as just one more German, etc.? The over- the subjects mentioned that he/she had whelming response mentioned, firstly, the certificates that were not official for the status of ‘emigrant’, and secondly, that following languages: Basque, Catalan, of ‘worker’. Some people proposed their Galician and sign language. own self-identification as ‘exiled’, ‘world citizen’ or ‘expatriate’. Self-Perception Overall, according to the predominant To get to know their particular and per- response of the subjects of the sample sonal views as emigrants, we asked them (82.4%), the Galician youth immigrants 24 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 in Germany are kindly welcomed, al- following question: Do you plan to return though the level of integration in the to your country? The answer obtained in the German society is reputed as ‘medium’. interviews confirmed that their desire is to return (82.4% assured that). However, Relationships and Social Networks the answers given by the interviewees The emigrant group in Germany partici- raised doubts about this matter because, pates in various activities and celebrations although they want to return to Galicia, in the area where they live and keep in they consider that if there are not par- touch with Spanish people more than ticular social, educational, work related with German people. In fact, the Galician or economic changes (for instance greater youth emigrants recognize that they keep job stability, better salaries, less abusive in more direct contact in Germany with schedules, etc.), this return is not clear, or, people who come from the Spanish auton- at least, it will take longer than originally omous communities of Galicia, Andalucía, planned. In this sense, the vast majority Castilla-La Mancha and Cataluña. marked the option ‘I don’t know’ as the The main means of maintaining com- one that best corresponded to their idea munication and relationship between about returning to Galicia or not. the emigrant population is essentially the Their expectations of emigration pre- Internet and, more specifically, social net- vious to their departure from the country works, among them Facebook, Linkedin of origin were basically work upgrading, and Twitter. These social networks play economic upgrading and, in some cases, an important role, since the immediacy extending their studies. As examples, we of response from members of the various highlight some of the answers: groups facilitates the organization of dif- ferent face-to-face meetings, announce- […] I always wanted to go abroad ment regarding housing availability or for a few years but not to stay here demand, or the search for multiple kinds my whole life. I wanted to find a job of useful articles for youth emigrants, such […]. […] when I was told I was hired as furniture. (for the job) I thought it couldn’t be An outstanding fact is that many of true. I wanted to gain experience, the people who are emigrants in the same learn the language. region, city or town often create a closed Facebook group to keep in touch with peo- Conclusions ple of the same origin living in that place. The study carried out allowed us to reach Other media used are mobile phones and the following conclusion about the re- the WhatsApp app and/or email. search problem set out at the beginning: that the educational profile of the Gali- Expectations cian collective of migrants in Germany The main expectations that they described is correlated with people that have a high are related to the return to their country level of education, both university and of origin and to the things they miss from vocational training or arts education. before their process of emigration. Moreover, some emigrants continue to In the case of return, we asked the extend their training in Germany. María González Blanco and Vincente Peña Saavedra 25

On the basis of the information gath- References ered, it follows that it is necessary to carry ABC (27th November 2012). Aumenta la out some changes in the education system inmigración cualificada española en Alemania, and in the training of students. For in- http://www.abc.es/sociedad/20121127/ stance, our informants have emphasized abci-inmigracion-cualificada-espanola- the need to improve the teaching of for- alemania-201211261916.html (22 May 2015). eign languages, particularly regarding the Beiras, X. M. (1972). O atraso económico de methodologies used, and to also improve Galicia. Vigo: Galaxia. the teaching of use and management Beiras, X. M. (1970). Estructura y problemas of Information and Communications de la población gallega. A Coruña: Servicio Technology (I.C.T.). de Estudios del Banco del Noroeste. With regard to self-perception, the vast Deutsche Welle (22nd May 2014). Alemania majority of people identify and define se beneficia de la inmigración, http://www. themselves as an ‘emigrant’. However, dw.com/es/alemania-se-beneficia-de-la- young Galician emigrants feel perfectly inmigraci%C3%B3n/a-17654000 (22 integrated in German society and main- May 2015). tain various contacts with other emigrants Eiras, A. (1992). Aportaciones al estudio de la emigración gallega, un enfoque comarcal. through Facebook. Although in some Santiago de Compostela: Xunta de Galicia, cases, at the beginning, their integration Secretaría de Relacións coas Comunidades in the host country was hard and they had Galegas. to deal with numerous obstacles such as El País (31st October 2014). Icíar Bollaín the language barrier or cultural differences, retrata la decepción y nostalgia de los nowadays their feelings are that they are emigrantes españoles, http://cultura. better off and more welcomed than in the elpais.com/cultura/2014/10/31/ first days and months after their arrival. actualidad/1414747166_793095.html (30 March 2015). The only doubts that remain to some th extent in the minds of the emigrated group El País (30 June 2016). Casi 100.000 are: When will we return? Where will we españoles emigraron en 2015, la cifra más alta desde la crisis, http://politica. be in a couple of years? If socioeconomic elpais.com/politica/2016/06/30/ status was clearly improving in the country actualidad/1467280825_063213.html of origin, maybe the answer would be (20 September 2016). easier and more immediate and there España Exterior (27th May 2014). Un wouldn’t be long moments of silence in total de 36.511 españoles emigraron the course of the answers. They confirm a Alemania en 2013, según la Oficina that changes are needed in different areas Federal de Estadística, http://www. (political, educational, economic, social espanaexterior.com/seccion/Emigracion/ or cultural) in order to encourage their noticia/337402-Un_total_de_36.511_ return. They hope to return some day but espanoles_emigraron_a_Alemania_ en_2013_segun_la_Oficina_Federal_ they do not know when. They also hope de_Estadistica (16 February 2015). the choice of emigration as an escape from Faro de Vigo (26th April 2015). El éxodo de the current situation never happens again, 9.100 jóvenes en un año baja la cifra de and that coming generations do not need ninis gallegos a su mínimo histórico. La to emigrate as they did. población nini en Galicia, 43. 26 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Faro de Vigo (1st August 2015). Cerca del ex-portabamos-man-obra-non-cualificada- 45% de los pontevedreses que optan agora-talentosspan/0003_201608G por emigrar al extranjero es menor de 23P35991.htm (20 September 2016). 30 años, http://www.farodevigo.es/ Núñez Seixas, X. M. (2011). Emigración portada-pontevedra/2015/08/01/cerca- transoceánica de retorno e cambio social 45-pontevedreses-optan-emigrar/1288742. na Península Ibérica: algunhas observacións html (20 September 2016). teóricas en perspectiva comparada. Revista Gonzalez Blanco, M. (2015). Aproximación Estudos Migratorios (11–12), 13–52. San- ao proceso emigratorio da mocidade galega tiago de Compostela: Consello da Cultura en Alemaña na actualidade: perfil educativo, Galega. emprego e expectativas. Final project Mas- Palmeira, I. (2015). Generación Millenial: ter´s degree, Universidade de Santiago de El 83% de los jóvenes cree que tendrá que Compostela. emigrar para trabajar. El Correo Gallego Hernández Borge, J. (1976). La emigración (17th April), 6–7. gallega a Europa (1961–1975). Madrid: Peña Saavedra, V. (1991). Éxodo, organización Real Sociedad Geográfica. comunitaria e intervención escolar: la im- Hernández Borge, J. (2007). Pasado e presente pronta educativa de la emigración trans­ do fenómeno migratorio galego en Europa. oceánica en Galicia. A Coruña: Secretaría Santiago de Compostela: Sotelo Blanco. Xeral para as Relacións coas Comunidades La Voz de Galicia (15th June 2015). Baja el Galegas, Xunta de Galicia, 2 Vols. número de gallegos que emigran a otros Peña Saavedra, V. (1993). Galicia-América: rel- países pero aumentan los que se mudan al acións históricas e retos de futuro. A Coruña: resto de España, http://www.lavozdegalicia. Secretaría Xeral para as Relacións coas es/noticia/galicia/2015/06/15/baja-numero- Comunidades Galegas, Xunta de Galicia. gallegos-emigran-paises-aumentan-mudan- Santos, A. (2012). Los científicos gallegos, resto-espana/00031434378343827307341. preocupados por la fuga de cerebros a htm (20 September 2016). causa de la crisis. Faro de Vigo, 1st La Voz de Galicia (16th June 2015). Más August, http://www.farodevigo.es/ de 30.000 personas emigraron a otros sociedad-cultura/2012/08/01/cientificos- países o comunidades en el 2014, gallegos-preocupados-fuga-cerebros-causa- http://www.lavozdegalicia.es/noticia/ crisis/670335.html (22 May 2015). galicia/2015/06/16/30000-personas- Sixirei, C. (1995). A emigración. Vigo: Galaxia. emigraron-paises-comunidades- UNRIC (s.f.) (2016). Los españoles vuelven 2014/0003_201506G16P10993.htm (16 a ser emigrantes, http://www.unric.org/ June 2015). es/desempleo-juvenil/279-los-espanoles- La Voz de Galicia (30th June 2016). Casi vuelven-a-ser-emigrantes (20 September 100.000 españoles abandonaron el país en 2016). el 2015, la mayor cifra desde el inicio de la Villares, R. (1996). Historia da emigración crisis, http://www.lavozdegalicia.es/noticia/ galega a América. Santiago de Compostela: emigracion/2016/06/30/100000-espanoles- Xunta de Galicia. abandonaron-pais-2015-mayor-cifra-inicio- crisis/00031467281355760634603.htm (20 September 2016). Note La Voz de Galicia (23rd August 2016). Antes 1. This work was mentored and guided by exportábamos mano de obra cualificada; senior lecturer Vicente Peña Saavedra of ahora talentos, http://www.lavozdegalicia. the University of Santiago de Compostela. es/noticia/ cultura/2016/08/23/span-langgl- Historical Background of the Basque Diaspora in Latin America: Integration and Tensions

Raphael Tsavkko Garcia1

Introduction their own and other nation-states main- This paper presents the preliminary em- taining cultural and political institutions” pirical findings of an ongoing PhD thesis (Tötölyan 1991: 5), also as a population examining the Basque diaspora in Latin dispersed from its homeland, with col- America, more specifically in Argentina, lective memory and idealisation or even and the political and ideological tensions mythical vision (Safran 1991: 83) of the within this diaspora, having the Euskal homeland, as well as a strong ethnic con- Etxeak (or Basque houses or clubs) as a sciousness and solidarity with co-members focal point of analysis. of the group (Cohen 1997:180) and an The objective of this paper is to discuss exacerbation of allegedly common and the historical basis of the Basque migration ancestral traits that are periodically rein- to Latin America and to present briefly forced (Billig 1995; Renan 2007). some of the most important or reality shifting moments of the conflicts that [Diaspora can be defined as] col- have permeated a 600 years long dias- lectives of individuals who iden- pora. Those moments can be identified tify themselves, and are identified as generational, found within patterns of by others as part of an imagined migration waves showing that, despite the community that has been dispersed clear formation of a diasporic identity, (either forced or voluntary) from its the most significant developments at the original homeland to two or more diaspora were also a reflex of tensions and host-countries and that is committed conflicts in the homeland. to the maintenance or restoration of this homeland. (Demmers 2007: 9) Basque Diaspora and Diasporic Identity The Basque Diaspora can be understood Diaspora can be defined as the “transna- as the community of ethnic Basques that tional collectivity, broken apart by, and were born – or descended from those who woven together across, the borders of were born – in the historical territory of 28 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 the Basque Country or Euskal Herria, tion and its complex interrelation comprising territories now divided by with nation-state building processes France (Iparralde or Northern Basque taking place throughout the Ameri- Country, part of the department of can continent. The ethnic politics of Pyrénées-Atlantiques) and Spain (Basque Basque identity construction spread Autonomous Community and Foral throughout the American continent Community of Navarre) and migrated by the establishment of immigrant elsewhere or, in the case of this article, associations and the work of ethnic to the Americas from the 15th century leaders in diaspora communities. up to today. (Oiarzabal and Molina 2009: 701) It is possible to assume that the Basque Diaspora is a community (Angulo Mo- This Basque imagined community (An- rales 2002) of constant construction and derson 2005), or imagined transnational re-construction of identities, a “sum of community (Appadurai 1997), is made up geographies, times, generations, and of individuals that may never meet each individual identities, by-products of liv- other, from Bilbao to Buenos Aires or San ing experiences and inherit traditions” Francisco and Reno, but they imagine (Oiarzabal 2013: 21). themselves as members of the same eth- These Basques at the diaspora – alto- nogroup, sharing common traits, despite gether with Basques in the homeland – the differences. “The different Basque form a nation, an ethnonational group diasporic groups preserve their ethnic (Connor 1994), a group of people who identities by considering and ‘imagining’ believe they are related since ancient times, themselves as a part of a global Basque maintaining traditions and heritage and ethnic community” (Totoricagüeña 2004: passing it to the next generation, sharing 10), therefore, they feel like members of a sense of uniqueness (Smith 1991) also the same Basque nation or ethnonational with the Basques at the homeland, despite group (Connor, 1994) and it has lasted for the fact that the Basque diasporic identity centuries and through different migration is much more than a mere reproduction waves, deterritorialised (Ortiz 1999, 2004; of the homeland identity – though many Haesbaert 2002, 2004). of the conflicts within the diaspora follow Despite political and ideological dif- in general lines those of the homeland –, ferences, as well as nationalistic points of but has added significant elements of the view, Basques in the Diaspora kept seeing host-nation and also maintained traits themselves as one group, one nation, long gone or abandoned in the Home- forming a Diaspora or Diasporic Identity land (Oiarzabal 2013) and maintaining (Totoricagüeña 2004: 147; Oiarzabal a culture of ethnical separation or even 2013: 28) that synthesises or combines purity (Zulaika and Douglas 1996), an both the Basque and the host-country ‘imaginary coherence’ for a set of identities identities in a transnational way (Vertovec (Hall et al. 2003). 1999), meaning that it relates Basques both socially, economically and culturally Basque identities were shaped by within multiple boundaries and societies. Basques’ own experiences of migra- As Oiarzabal (2013: 92) mentioned, “the Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 29 self-perpetuation of Basque identity in the Cava Mesa 1996: 137–139). Diaspora is very much based on the pride and affection for assumed characteristics, Diaspora associations create transna- such as uniqueness or singularity of such tional networks that maintain vary- an identity.” ing degrees of personal, institutional, The Basque diasporic identity is a (re) cultural, social, economic, political configuration of both the home-land – and business ties with the homeland “ancestral ties, kinship relations, common and with other countries where there language of communication, historical and is a Basque presence: a globe-span- imaginary memories and religious beliefs” ning network of attachments and (Gautam 2013: 7) – and the host country allegiances. (Oiarzabal and Molina identities, the ideal of being Basque as well 2009: 699) as being a member of the host society. It is the idea of integration, but not of Basques founded the Euskal Etxeak not losing one’s culture, of having multiple or only as sort of clubs for them to gather, transnational consciousnesses (Sorensen but also as institutions to help those in 1995: 107). Basques are physically con- need, specially the newcomers looking nected to their host-countries, yet they for a better life. In this sense, Basque remain psychologically and emotionally clubs or houses – and in some places connected to their Homeland. even hotels – are a place to experience According to Totoricagüeña (2004: home or to simulate environments of 102), the Basques managed to work with homeland (Totoricagüeña 2004: 148) their ethnic identity altogether with the and a “place of sociability of the members civic identity, the one of the host-country. of the Basque community” (Caula et The ethnic identity as the defining basis al. 2002: 55). To some extent, they also of Basqueness is still emphasized within tended to emulate homeland politics and the diaspora, the more civic identity has even political disputes in political party now become the centre of the homeland and ideological lines, despite some local nationalism (Totoricagüeña 2004: 54). and unique characteristics. During the second half of the 19th The Euskal Etxeak were a means to century Basque Houses or Euskal Etx- strengthen ethnonational ties, as Eriksen eak were founded, structures that had (1993: 68) noted, “social identity becomes not existed before, as Basques tended most important when it becomes threat- to organise themselves within the Real ened, which is often related to some kind Sociedad Bascongada de Amigos del País, of change, such as immigration.” The which served as a mostly economic but Euskal Etxeak – both the ones founded also political lobby towards the American by Foralists, Carlists and those who came colonies and also within religious entities, from Europe during the 19th century and such as the Orden Tercera de San Francisco those founded later by nationalists in the (Alvarez Gila 2010) or the brotherhood of 1940s and so on – will play a central role Nuestra Señora de Aránzazu (Aramburu during the 20th century, the role of the Zudaire 2002), and aid and beneficial focal point of many tensions, political institutions (Muru Ronda 1999: 100; debates and conflicts. 30 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Tensions within different waves of differences on the view of the Basque Basque migrants were something quite path towards independence that will lead common in the diaspora, but we can to splits within the Euskal Etxeak. The observe at least three specific moments formation of a Basque government during or major tension points, each coinciding the 1980s – with almost uninterrupted with the shift in migration patterns and PNV dominion – and the internet in the arrival of a new ideological approach the 1990s and later will give a boost to to the Basque question, rights and even the conflicts as in on hand the Basque identity that can also be understood as government will fill the Euskal Etxeak inter-generational conflicts of new mi- with money and promises, on the other grants challenging the domination of a hand the internet will allow the left wing previous or older group: nationalist organisations to spread their 1. The arrival of Basques after the Carlist ideology. Wars, the War of Independence and so It is important to note that this is not on during the 19th century that brought in any way an extensive list, nor is there a fuerista ideology, non-existent be- any intention in resuming centuries of fore within the diaspora. It was also migration and tensions in just three cases, a moment where the construction of but those are the most visible and, to the Spanish identity was being built some degree, profound conflicts that led and also the so called sub-national or to paradigm shifts within the diaspora. peripheral identities within Spain (see Oiarzabal & Molina 2009). Overview of the Basque Diaspora 2. The arrival of members of the PNV and the First Wave that brought with them the nation- During the Spanish Colonial period, alist Aranist ideology opposed to the Basques enjoyed leading positions all previous fuerista ideology at the end over the American colonies (Bilbao and of the 19th century brought up more Douglas 1975) constituting themselves as tension within the diaspora while they a self-aware ethnic group (Douglass 2006) attempted to spread their ideology and and formed migration chains (Aramburu also started taking over the direction of Zudaire 2002) that where based on cul- the Euskal Etxeak, not without a fight. tural peculiarities and an “ancient and The nationalist ideology of the PNV strong tendency towards mutual union and their members will permeate most of those originated in Vasconia, based in of the lives of the diaspora and of the turn on a consciousness of its collective Euskal Etxeak during the 20th century. identity and communitarian singularity.”2 3. During the 1970s, the wave of consist- The influx of Basques to the Americas ent numbers of left-wing nationalists before the 19th century was mainly of po- will threaten to – if not actually chal- litical and economic leaders of the colonial lenge – the PNV domination over the empire, as well as traders and merchants in diaspora. many important and key cities (Morales 2002) such as Havana, Potosí, Buenos During the following years, conflicts Aires, etc. and their number might be will arise due to political and ideological bigger than what is supposed (Aramburu Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 31

Zudaire 2002). who were part of the Spanish colonial The factors that led thousands of empire, and already analysed in this first Basques to migrate towards the Americas section, possessed the main characteristic afterwards, not only as representatives of being a wave made up mostly of Basques of the political elites and the Castilian who took part on the Spanish Empire Crown (Douglass 2006) were many, but enterprise as administrative figures or it is worth mentioning that there was a leading traders and merchants. growing need for labour in the so-called The second can be traced to the 19th ‘new world’. Leaders of colonies in the century, a wave of impoverished Basque Americas, such as the Río de la Plata migrants seeking jobs, especially in Uru- (now Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and guay and in Argentina, and also of refugees parts of Bolivia and Peru), searched for from the Spanish war of independence men to go deep into the territory in order and the Carlist wars. The first and second to create villages, commercial outposts waves overlap at some point during the and to take possession of the land that, independence of the many American up until that point, belonged to various countries and the borders of each wave, or indigenous populations. phase, cannot be precisely defined as the Additionally, after the independence process of substitution of the migration of Argentina and Uruguay (but also of of Basque elites for peasants and later of Colombia, Venezuela and elsewhere in Basque refugees as the process took over the Americas), the new leaders sought to a century. During this period, the Euskal secure the rule of the newborn states by Etxeak,3 or Basque houses, started to be populating vast areas such as the Pampas founded and they will be further analysed. (vast area of north-eastern Argentina and The third wave can be described as the most of Uruguay); thus, many Basques one of refugees from the Spanish Civil migrated there to work with cattle and War in the 1930s and the role of the on agriculture colonies (Douglass 2006). members of the Basque Nationalist Party Amongst other reasons for fleeing the (PNV), which brought some tension to Basque Country were the many conflicts the Diaspora while politicising it. within Spain and France at that time, The fourth wave is again a wave of such as the Napoleonic Wars, the First refugees, but now mostly left-wing ones, (1833–39) and the Second (1872–76) during the 1960s and 1970s. Members of Carlist Wars and the 1848 Revolution ETA, families of political prisoners and on the French side as well as, years later, any left-wing nationalists persecuted back the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and home. It was a wave with less human dis- the Francoist dictatorship (Totoricagüena placement, but with significant ideological 2004). repercussions in the years to follow. I believe that we can identify four dif- It is important to have in mind the dif- ferent yet overlapping Basque migration ficulties of identity maintenance a member waves, which I seek to analyse on the of a Diaspora faced while dispersed, away following pages. The periods are: from home, and with sporadic or even no First, the so-called original Diaspora contact with the Homeland. from the 16th to 18th century of Basques 32 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

The Second Wave new-born Euskal Etxeas took place, in some cases with serious fractures, also in Y es que el asociacionismo vasco geographical lines, with Basques from siempre estuvo en íntima conex- Iparralde (France), Hegoalde (Basque ión con movimientos políticos, en Country) and Nafarroa (Navarre) or- concreto con el carlismo y con el ganising themselves in their own groups nacionalismo. En sus centros, los or houses, which was the case of Mexico vascos hicieron práctica política ac- City and its Casino Español, Centro Vasco tiva, siendo muchas veces escenarios and Basque club of the Federal District de agrias disputas. Aparte fundaron (Oiarzabal 2013). entidades exclusivamente políticas, During this period the Spanish identity con el fin de difundir las ideas na- was being built, with little success ac- cionalistas de Sabino Arana entre la cording to de Pablo, Mees and Rodríguez colonia establecida en Argentina. Fue (1999). On the other hand, the nation también muy importante la partici- building of Spain “supported local and pación de vascos en la organización regionally based ethnic identities in order y divulgación de la ideología carlista to reinforce the roots of national iden- en la República. (Ortiz 1996: 128) tity among the population” (Oiarzabal and Molina 2009: 703). In other words, The main or most visible theatre of dis- during the 19th century, despite the weak putes and tensions between the so-called penetration of Spanish institutions in, for ‘old Basques’ and the second wave Basque example, the Basque Country up to the migrants were the Euskal Etxeak, many of Carlist Wars, the Spanish identity itself them founded in the second half of the contained local or sub-national identities 19th century as aid institutions and spaces or even regional identities (Álvarez Gila of sociability or even sociality (Maffesoli 1996: 175) as parts of the Spanish one 1996), understood as set of practices that (Oiarzabal and Molina 2009), the idea go beyond the state rigid social control, of a civic Spanish identity carried within a being-together that is independent of the Basque own ethnic identity – as well a goal to be achieved (Maffesoli 1996). as a Catalan or Galician ethnic identities. Tensions arose within such houses as According to Núñez Seixas (2004: 53), newcomers from the wars in Europe came the 19th century Spanish state had a “lack carrying political agendas or ideologies of efficiency in its nationalizing process” that were not an issue or relevant for the expressed by an “inefficient educational ‘old Basque migration’ (Douglass 2006: system, [...] a national army based in a 35). The new migrants brought a political discriminatory and classist military service, discourse, as well as a sense of ‘basqueness’ a scarce diffusion and a lack of consoli- that was completely distant from the dation of its own nationalist symbolism” mostly ‘Latinized’ (Douglass 2006: 35) and an inefficient administration of the old Basques that were for a long time state. Due to such problems, adds Núñez away of the homeland, sometimes for Seixas, the “social use of languages differ- generations. ent from Castilian persisted with great A struggle for power within the force” leading to cultural movements Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 33 for the promotion of regional languages legal arrangement, of the Fueros, which and identities. The Spanish identity, thus gave broad internal liberty for the Basques could be initially understood a civic one within Spain. It is not a mere curiosity that not opposed to the ethnic Basque, but the official name of the Laurak Bat was, at complimentary, “an ideological synthesis” the time of its foundation, Sociedad Vas- (Núñez Seixas 2004: 53), not without co-Española Laurac Bat or Basque-Spanish moments of tensions and conflicts during Society (Ortiz 1996: 128). the process of nation and state-building Ezkerro (2003) describes that the main of Spain. or first reason for the foundation of the Laurak Bat of Buenos Aires (fte Four in In historical perspective state-build- One, meaning the union of the Basque ing has generally been a coercive and historical regions of Navarre, Gipuzkoa, often a violent process. State-building Araba and Bizkaia, all of them in the involves imposing a unified, central- Spanish state) in 1879 was to “mani- ised state and subjugating peripheral fest from the ‘ethnic unity’ of the four regions, securing border areas and historical territories of the south of the imposing regulation, institutions, Pyrenees, the ‘protest’ against the ‘con- taxation and control. This has been stitutional unity’ imposed by the armed a violent process because it threatens violence” or the suppression of the Fueros the interests of recalcitrant actors by Spain following the Carlist Wars (Cava and it encounters outlying resist- Mesa 1996: 144). In other words, the ance which must be suppressed. It foundation of Laurak Bat was in itself is also often accompanied by violent a manifesto against the abolition of the processes of national and ethnic Fueros (Cava Mesa 1996: 143), a strong exclusion. The consolidation of na- and direct political statement. In the fol- tional political projects – including lowing years new tensions will arise with national identity – is a related process yet another shift within the diaspora, with that has often been accompanied by the pression of the nationalists in favour significant instability as groups with of an Aranist approach rather than purely vying political visions compete for foralist that would provoke ruptures (Cava control of the agenda. (Newman Mesa 1996: 146). 2013: 141) In Uruguay, the local Laurak Bat (founded in 1876) faced in just six years As mentioned, despite the conflicts after its foundation a split when a small over the Fueros issue – that became the group decided to leave the club to found starting point of the so-called ‘Basque a new one, promoting the abolition of the Question’, according to Oiarzabal and Fueros and opposing the idea of a Basque Molina (2009) –, 19th century Basques unity (Irigoyen Artetxe 1999: 79). still adopted the Spanish-civic identity, The Spanish-American War of 1898 as it is important to note that the main may be a key turning point for Spain, idea of the Laurak Bat founders was not but for most Basques, or at least for the the one of independence from Spain, migration waves, there were other more rather of the restoration of the previous significant turning points (Irianni Zalakain 34 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

2000); also the number of Basques that Nationalists Arrive migrated to the Americas during the 19th At the beginning of the 20th century the century and until the 30s of the following ideas of Sabino Arana – the founder of century, in conservative numbers, reached modern Basque nationalism in the 19th 200,000 people (Tápiz 2002: 181). century – arrived in the Diaspora by the It is true that there is an overlapping hands of Basques that were reflective of of waves, from the first to the second, as both migration for economic reasons, but the independence of the many countries also to work as propagandists of the Ara- in America happened not in the same nist ideology (Tápiz 2002: 183). Basque year, but within a century long period of nationalism became yet another source of time, also refugees from the Carlist War, tension within the Diaspora community for instance, starting arriving in the first and the Euskal Etxeas that led to factions half of the 19th century. We can say, with and even the foundation of rival ones in some degree of certainty, that the second Mexico City and Buenos Aires (Douglass wave started while the ‘old Basques’ of the 2006: 35). Also the type of migration first wave were still acting as protagonists. shifted once again. The tension between these two waves No longer impoverished peasants went will arise specially in the second half of to America, but now many political refu- the century, lasting up to the eve of the gees from the Spanish Civil War (Álvarez 20th century. 2002: 30, 56), many of them with con- What differentiates the first and second nections to the PNV (Spanish Nationalist waves is the political refugee characteristic Party founded by Arana), but also others and the peasant characteristic (Douglass with ties to the Spanish Communist Party 2006: 71), much unlike the members and so forming a new and political wave of of the previous wave that enjoyed status migrants different from the previous two and normally went to the Americas will- waves, of colonial elites to poor peasants ingly. Although – according to Douglass and political refugees that weren’t at all (2006) – many of the Basque refugees nationalists, as seeking the independence from the Carlist wars and so on that were of an imagined Basque Country. skilled, had a profession such as of doctors, The following years, over 150 thousand lawyers, etc., found themselves in better Basques flew from the Basque Country positions within the host societies in Latin to the Diaspora, most of them to the America (not only due the long standing Americas, influencing directly on the pro- presence of Basques that could receive cess of identity construction and identity them and make arrangements, but also maintenance of the old Basque migrants. because of the language, as all of them The number of political exiles was bigger spoke Spanish), the majority of migrants than ever, as were the tensions brought by were made up of unskilled and semiskilled them. The new patters of migration shifted peasants “seeking a better future in a new from the one of economic hardship to, in land” (Douglas 2006: 71) and hoping to the twentieth century, political oppression “remain peasants against the advance of greater than the one experienced in the the big cities and the urban moderniza- second half of the 19th century. tion”4 (Álvarez 2002: 30). The 19th century migration wave was Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 35 mostly made up of peasants (although club for Basques to share and perpetuate with a significant amount of migrants their ‘Basqueness’. With the arrival of escaping wars and conflicts within Spain), nationalistic political-minded Basques, while the 20th century wave was made up mainly members of the ‘old Basques’ mostly of city workers and of nationalist disliked the idea of turning the Basque individuals. houses also into propaganda centres for Considering specifically the nationalist the resistance against Franco as well as for migrants, Tápiz Fernandez (2002: 183) the independence of the Basque Country. discerns three periods or phases in which A struggle for power began, with ‘old the nationalist ideals of the PNV members Basques’ trying to keep the houses as they reached, developed and settled in the were, a safe haven, and the newcomers Diaspora: the first from 1903 to 1910, a trying to turn them into political strong- “moment of growth and development of holds for pressuring Spain and the host the nationalistic ideal in the Americas,”5 countries to act against Franco and to the second from 1910 to 1920, a regres- assure the ‘ancient rights’ of the Basque sion of such ideals, and finally from 1920 people. to 1936, the full implementation of the The idea of ethnonational and identity nationalistic ideals, almost as a preparation maintenance of the first Euskal Etxeak, of the many refugees to come from the public spheres or centres for the dis- Spanish Civil War. semination of Basque culture, music, Only in the 1920s the PNV started to history and etc. was somehow subverted grow in the Diaspora (as well as in the by newcomers with ties to the PNV and Basque Country itself). It is important with nationalistic/Aranist ideology that to recall, as does Tápiz Fernandez (2002), demanded more from the diaspora. They that the growing of the PNV and of the turned the Euskal Etxeak into political nationalist ideology was not linear and it strongholds for pressuring Spain and the was an ‘imported’ phenomenon, meaning host countries demanding a politicisa- that it was born in the Homeland and tion, an ideological commitment to the brought to the Diaspora, and that – after independence of the Basque country that some years and a certain amount of press­ went further ahead of the simple defence ure – it started to create roots and to of the former status quo, or the Fueros. dominate there. It is important to note The defense of the Basque identity was, that the PN-Vistas first took control of the at that point, starting to become defence Euskal Etxeas and then started expanding of the independence of the land of the to the colonies of Basque migrants, a Basques, from Araba to Lesser Navarre, movement that was somewhat easier than from Hegoalde to Iparralde and Navarre the previous, as the ideal of a Basque and that would settle definitively during nation and identity was already part of the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. the ideology of mostly Carlists Basques As Oiarzabal (2013: 167), noted, (Alvarez Gila 1996). “During the 1930s and onward, Dia­ The Basque Houses were, at that point, spora associations and communities were on the one hand a sort of aid centre for influenced by thousands of Basques who those in need, and on the other hand a were forced into exile as a result of the 36 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Spanish Civil War and World War II. not lived in the provinces perhaps for This implied a certain degree of Basque decades. (Totoricagüeña 2004: 75) nationalist politicization.” The majority of the third wave migra- [...] homeland politics are found tion was made up of Basque national- ’embedded’ in diaspora discourse or ists with connections to the PNV that identity, culture, and homeland. The fought against Franco and that arrived diaspora political discourse is exem- in the Diaspora with a few of the Basque plified by means of multiple cultural institutions abroad (Basque clubs) al- and folkloric activities and symbols. ready on the hands of sympathizers. As I The so-called diaspora’s ’cultural’ mentioned in the previous section, as in ethnonationalist dimension makes the past these clashed with members of assertions that are political in nature. the previous wave(s) and seized control In other words, this dimension dis- of many Euskal Etxeas. Those were the guises to some extent manifestations ones who competed for the control of or expressions of Basque nationalism. the Euskal Etxeas in their exile against (Oiarzabal 2013: 171) the Basques from the previous waves in terms of imposing nationalistic ideals, It is interesting that in the 1970s most of despite the fact that members of both the Euskal Etxeas changed their statutes to waves tended to be Christian conservatives impose some ‘non-political’ or ‘apolitical’ as well as integristas. status on them (Totoricagüeña 2004: 75) The fourth wave, on the other hand, when of the arrival of left-wing political was made up almost entirely of left-wing refugees, many of them imbued with refugees that were also in general nation- Abertzale ideology. alists or Abertzale, with some sort of link to ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, or Basque New Nationalists Land and Freedom) or ETA members, as well as a small percentage of exiles still Excluding Australia, the PNV had fleeing from the Francoist regime, and a the advantage of a developed network few running from ETA itself. and established communications ETA was, according to Granja Sainz with diaspora Basque centres, and (2000: 76), the result of the radicalization the majority of Civil War exiles were of a younger generation that would put an familiar with PNV names, strategy end to the PNV monopoly, to say, of the and goals. The ETA disagreement Basque society (Granja Sainz 2002: 179), with the PNV, and subsequent splits and that would be successful in creating within ETA, confounded an already “a community with a totalizing vocation” extremely complex nationalist move- (2002: 180). The PNV kept its hegemony ment. The change in rhetoric of the over the Basque Country population; the New Left to class struggle and class same happened to the diaspora, but now identity rather than ethnic and cul- faced a challenge with a more radical tural struggle and identity was not group disputing the same spaces. Among well received by Basques who had those spaces were the Euskal Etxeas. One Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 37 of the main difficulties of ETA exiles was as the previous ones, but it was, anyway, not only the fact that PNV was already consistent in a sense that it created visible well implanted all over the diaspora, but tensions even today in the Euskal Etxeas as well its ethnic instead of racial ideal of and in the diaspora itself as it imposed Basqueness (Granja Sainz 2000) and, of a need to take a political stand in oth- course, due to the socialist ideals of those erwise so-called ‘apolitical’ institutions exiles instead of the catholic/conservative (Oiarzabal 2007, 2013) – despite the fact ideology of the PNV. that most if not all Basque organisations claim a territorial unity that is part of a [...] the Basque diaspora is reifying nationalistic ideology, an imagined com- the Basque nationalist project of munity with nationalist ideals and goals building a nation-state based on an of independence. imagined ancestral territory formed The Euskal Etxeas are political institu- by seven historical provinces under tions per se and they have also been used the nineteenth-century nationalist or manipulated by consecutive PNV-led motto of Zazpiak Bat. (Oiarzabal Basque governments since the end of the 2013: 154) Franco dictatorship (Oiarzabal 2007: 110–125), sometimes as proxies for the As mentioned in the previous section, spread of the PNV view of Basque nation- during the 1970s some of the Euskal alism, other times as ‘ambassadors’ of the Etxeas changed their statutes to impose Basque Country or simply as a tool for some ‘non-political’ or ‘apolitical’ status to propaganda, to show, for instance, that them (Totoricagüeña 2004: 75), in other Basque Country is more than ETA and words, they kept defending to some degree that Basques are a peaceful people. the independence of the Basque Country Younger members of the Euskal Etxeas, on the lines of old Aranism sometimes, refugees and sympathisers of ETA’s strug- in more a ‘modern’ way, but forbade the gle putted pressure on the Euskal Etxeas political activities of the newcomers, gen- to support the fight of the Basque group – erally left-wing nationalists or Abertzales. considered also a fight for the Basque According to Totoricagüeña (2004: Country and the Basque people – and 94–96), during the 1990s one way for that triggered consistent pressure from homeland political groups such as the local governments, some with ties to the Herri Batasuna (the radical left wing party Spanish Francoist regime of the former of that time) to communicate with the democratic regime. The political activities diaspora was through sending e-mails and of some of the “radical” members of the publications to the Euskal Etxeas for it, diaspora and of the Euskal Etxeas started then, to be distributed among members, creating embarrassment and trouble for but many times the material was simply the directors of the clubs (Totoricagüeña deleted or destroyed by the, then, PNV- 2004). led clubs. Oiarzabal (2013: 180–181) gives us an It is important to keep in mind that example of the political tensions within the migration wave of the 1970s was not the Euskal Etxeas for the support of some as big in terms of the number of arrivals of its members or organisations within 38 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 its structure by describing the expulsion with the Basque Nationalist or Abertzale of the Eusketxe (Eusko Kultur Etxea, or left wing parties in the homeland and Basque Culture House) of the premises spreading support for Basque political of the Laurak Bat in 2004. According to prisoners. Oiarzabal, the Eusketxe, an umbrella for the Ekin editorial and the Euskaltzaleak Conclusion (Basque-language initiative), was evicted The Basque clubs were initially safe havens from the Laurak Bat, in Buenos Aires, after and aid centres for Basques in which they decades due to the support of the group were able also to promote their language, for left wing ‘radical’ nationalist ideology culture, dances – their identity – to newer and Basque political prisoners (ETA and generations and also worked as a place alleged ETA members). for those who were born in the Basque Country to feel home among equals. Dictatorial regimes in Argentina and The first tensions came, in some cases Uruguay supplied daily reminders to like the Euskal Etxea of Montevideo, just Basques in those countries of how life a few years after its foundation, Basques in homeland continued. Worldwide who felt more or just alike Spanish ended attention to the plight of the Basques up splitting and founding their own clubs, as an oppressed people lent credence Basques from the French side (or Ipar- and justification for ETA actions. ralde) or from Navarre also, in some cases, However, soon media coverage fo- sought to create their own institutions. cused on ETA activities themselves, The initial pledge for respect of the not the rationale or objectives be- Fueros soon changed into a more na- hind them, leading host-country tionalistic approach, and within a period populations to equate Basques with of less than 50 years the Euskal Etxeas violence and terrorism, a burden were in general connected or under the that diaspora Basques everywhere influence of the PNV and their ideology. have had to carry. (Totoricagüeña Then, new nationalists came around, new 2004: 77) ideas and a different view of the needs of the Basque Country and its indepen­ Groups such as JO TA KE Rosario, Aso- dence process, sometimes a more radical ciación Venezolana de Amigos de Euskal approach, but in general Basque clubs in Herria (Venezuelan association of Friends Latin America tended to welcome refugees of the Basque Country), Asociación Dia­ and sustained long debates on the ‘ETA spora Vasca (Basque Diaspora Associ- issue’, many times disagreeing with the ation), the Euskal Herriaren Lagunah Basque government in condemning or (Friends of the Basque Country), the not the group or its political violence. Red Independentistak (Independentist From the basic promotion/maintenance Network) among others have, for decades, of ethnonational identity (Connor 2004) online and offline, if not competing, shar- to proxies of the Basque government (not ing space and the minds of the Basques in without tensions and disputes) and spaces the Diaspora, promoting a more radical for the promotion of a diasporic identity nationalistic agenda, maintaining ties and of homeland-diaspora politics, the Raphael Tsavkko Garcia 39

Euskal Etxeas are not only a reflection the Franco Dictatorship, ETA members of the homeland, but also autonomous and sympathisers. In this paper I argue entities in constant move and evolution that each new wave of migrants brought that, for sure, reflect the complicated and tension to the diaspora, having the Euskal special relationship between homeland Etxeak, or Basque houses, as a focus point. and diaspora. The main idea is to analyse the different It is also important to mention the tensions and political discussions of this role of the internet (Oiarzabal 2013) in set of diasporic waves in Latin America. helping the process of maintaining the Basque identity as well as in strengthening References diaspora-homeland ties, and on the other Álvarez, Adriana (2002). Historia del hand promoting even more politicisation CentroVasco Denak-Bat: Mar del Plata. of the Basque diaspora members (Tsavkko Vitoria-Gasteiz: Servicio Central de Pub- Garcia 2014a). licaciones del Gobierno Vasco. With the process of the end of ETA Álvarez Gila, Oscar (1996). Vascos y vascon- and in the midst of a long process of dis- gados: luchas ideológicas entre carlistas y nacionalistas en los centros vascos en el armament and international verification Río de la Plata, 1890–1930. In Scobedo (despite the lack of interest on the side Mansilla, Ronald et al (eds.), Emigración of the Spanish government), the Basque y redes sociales de los vascos en América. diaspora tends to change once again – and Vitoria-Gasteiz: UPV-EHU, 171–192. perhaps more profoundly as well – with Álvarez Gila, Oscar and Morales, Alberto the influx of migrants escaping from the Angulo (2002). Las migraciones vascas en deteriorating economic conditions of perspectiva histórica (s. XVI–XX). Bilbao: Europe and more specifically of Spain UPV/EHU. and the Basque Country. Álvarez Gila, Oscar, Uzcategui, A. C., Irac- ulis, F. A., Días, C. F., Contrera, J. C. Abstract L., Maya, C. R., Gordejuela y Urquijo, Los Vascos en The formation of the Basque diaspora in J. R., Zubiri, A. U. (2010). las Independencias Americanas. Colombia: Latin America can be divided into several Fundación Centro Vasco Euskal Etxea y different periods. First, the so-called orig­ Editorial Oveja Negra. th th inal diaspora, from the 16 to 18 century, Álvarez Gila, Oscar (2010). La independencia of Basques who were part of the Spanish argentina. In Álvarez Gila, O. eta al., Los colonial regime. The second can be traced Vascos en las Independencias Americanas. to the 19th century, consisting of a mixture Colombia: Fundación Centro Vasco Euskal of impoverished Basque migrants seeking Etxea y Editorial Oveja Negra. jobs, especially in Uruguay and Argentina, Anderson, Benedict (2005). Comunidades and of refugees fleeing from the Spanish imaginadas: reflexões sobre a origem e a War of Independence and the Carlist expansão do nacionalismo (Editora 70). wars. The third wave is identified by, Appadurai, Arjun (1997). Soberania sem Revista Novos Estudos but not only through, the considerable Territorialidade. CEBRAP 49, 33–46. number of refugees from the Spanish Aramburu Zudaire, José Miguel (2002). La Civil War in the 1930s. The fourth wave emigración vasca a América en la Edad came during the 1970s, with refugees from 40 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

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(2009). Basque-Atlantic shores: ethnicity, Totoricagüena, Gloria (1999). Shrinking the nation-state and the diasporian Europe World, Expanding Diaspora: Globalization and America (1808–98). Ethnic and Racial and Basque diasporic identity. In Doug- Studies 32 (4), 698–715. lass, William A., Urza, C., White, L. and Morales, Alberto Angulo (2002). El más Zulaika, Joseba, The Basque Diaspora / La feliz éxito de su destino ... medios de in- Diaspora Vasca. Reno: University of Nevada tegración del emigrante vasco en América / Basque Studies Program, 284–301. y Europa durante el s. XVIII. In Álvarez Totoricagüena, Gloria (2004). Identity, Culture Gila, Oscar and Morales, Alberto Angulo, and Politics in the Basque Diaspora. Reno: Las migraciones vascas en perspectiva histórica University of Nevada Press. (s. XVI–XX). Bilbao: UPV/EHU. Totoricagüena, Gloria (2005). Basque diaspora: Muru Ronda, Fernando (1999). Las colectiv- migration and transnational identity. Reno: idades vascas de Sudamérica. In Douglass, Center for Basque Studies. W. A., Urza, C., White, L., Zulaika, J., The Tsavkko Garcia, Raphael (2014a). Cuestiones Basque Diaspora / La Diaspora Vasca. Reno: sobre identidad y nación vasca en internet. University of Nevada / Basque Studies Euskonews 684 (1), 1–3. Program. Tsavkko Garcia, Raphael (2014b). Comuni- Núñez Seixas, Xosé Manoel (2004). Mov- dades online e blogosfera: Questões sobre imientos Nacionalistas en Europa. Siglo XX. identidade e nação basca. Prisma.com 24 Madrid: Sintesis. (2), 40–60. Oiarzabal, Pedro. J. (2007). “We Love You”: Vertovec, Steven (1999). Conceiving and The Basque Government’s Post-Franco researching transnationalism. Ethnic and Discourses on the Basque Diaspora. Sancho racial studies 22 (2), 1–25. el Sabio 26, 95–131. Zulaika, Joseba and Douglass, William A. Oiarzabal, Pedro J. (2013). The Basque (1996). Terror and taboo: The follies, fables, Diaspora Webscape: Identity, Nation and and faces of terrorism. Psychology Press. Homeland, 1990s–210s. Reno: Center for Basque Studies. Notes Ortiz, Renato (1999). Um outro Território. 4. PhD candidate in Human Rights at Ensaios sobre a Mundialização. São Paulo: the University of Deusto-Deustuko Olho D’Água. Unibertsitatea (Basque Country-Spain) Ortiz, Renato (2004). Mundialização e Cul- and CAPES foundation fellow – BEX tura. São Paulo: Brasiliense. 2687-13-5 (Brazil); BA in International Renan, Ernst (2007). ¿Que és una Nación?. Relations (PUCSP – Brazil) and MA in Madrid: Sequitur. Communication (Cásper Líbero – Brazil). Smith, Anthony D. (1991). National identity. Contact: [email protected], raphael. University of Nevada Press. [email protected], www.tsavkko.com. Tápiz Fernandez, José Maria (2002). La ac- br, +34 617 687 224. tividad política de los emigrantes, el caso 5. In the original: “antigua y arraigada vasco (1903–1936). In Álvarez Gila, Oscar tendencia a la unión mutua de los orig- and Morales, Alberto A., Las migraciones inarios de Vasconia, basada a su vez en vascas en perspectiva histórica (s. XVI–XX). una conciencia de identidad colectiva, de Bilbao: UPV/EHU. singularidad comunitaria” in Álvarez Gila, Tölölyan, Kachig (1991). The Nation-State Oscar and Morales, Alberto Angulo, Las and Its Others: In Lieu of a Preface. Dia­ migraciones vascas en perspectiva histórica spora 1 (1), 3–7. 42 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

(s. XVI–XX) (Bilbao: UPV/EHU, 2002), 158. 6. Euskal Etxea is the singular version, while Euskal Etxeak the plural. 7. “continuar siendo campesinos frente al avance de las grandes ciudades y del proceso de modernización urbano”. 8. “momento de crecimiento y de desarrollo del ideal nacionalista en América”. Italian Newcomers to Germany and Cultural Identity

Sara Ingrosso

Introduction behaviors represent a still unexplored field Since the start of the 2008 economic of study in the analysis of new mobility. crisis, an increasing number of qualified This paper will focus on the linguistic and highly educated young women and and cultural identity attitudes of Italian men from southern Europe have been newcomers settled in the urban area of leaving their countries of origins, often Munich. The Bavarian city stands out moving to other European countries in as a relevant example not only for its search of better opportunities. This new geographical proximity to Italy, which economic migration wave was described traditionally led to strong relationships in the German press in the first half of and to a considerable migration flow to the 2010s as Wirtschaftsflüchtlinge1 (eco- Munich, but also because of the synergy nomic refugees), an echo of a term that of modern infrastructure, technological had been already used from the 1960s development and the presence of mul- in local public opinion to define people tinational companies, which have been who left their homeland with no political attracting a large number of people. motivation seeking for an improvement The first part of this contribution will in their standard of living. What distin- focus on the problem of attempting to de- guishes post-modern migration flows fine the composite group(s) of newcomers from the traditional ones seems to be who form a part of the so-called comunità the lack of a structured recruitment like italiana in the city of Munich. The main in the 1960s. The current flow results section presents the most relevant empiri- from a conscious individual choice to cal findings on identity attitudes and per- leave. Moreover, post-modern mobility ceptions, which result from data gathered is not only economic and political; it in German and Italian in May 2014 in the also results from a constantly evolving form of semi-structured interviews with cultural pattern of life that, because of 21 Italian people aged 21–45, who have its specific features, cannot be identified settled in Munich and are employed in as a traditional migration flow. various professional contexts. This method Newcomers’ identity attitudes towards represents the key to discovering their deep the target society in social and linguistic world and to revealing their perceptive 44 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 viewpoints. Through the discourse analysis residents at the end of the year 2005 and of the complete transcription of all the 21,038 residents at the end of 2010. This orally recorded contents, this methodology means an increase of almost 7,000 people permitted a subject-centered perspective in the last ten years, most of them between in the analysis, illuminating processes for 2011 and 2016 (Table 1 and Figure 1).3 their self-construction from a social and Working with statistics reveals the linguistic perspective. extremely difficult issue of quantifying the phenomenon of the new mobility. Current Immigration Forms and Due to the lack of borders and freedom New Mobility of movement, short-term stays, seasonal According to data provided by the Mu- workers and others cannot be registered nich Statistical Office, the number of and included in any statistics. Nonetheless, people with Italian citizenship living in data provided by local municipalities may the Bavarian city on the 31st July 2016 permit a better comprehension of the comprised 27,758 people, 16,464 men phenomenon in comparison to Italian and 11,294 women.2 Data provided by the consular sources, based on the AIRE same source reveal only 20,847 registered (Register of Italians Living Abroad). In fact, facilities – such as renting accommodation or signing an employ- ment contract – are only permitted after Table 1: Italian population in Munich ac- registering at the local German registry cording to gender from 2001–2016 (courtesy office. Although registration in the Italian of the Munich Statistical Office) consular register and an official transfer Italian population of residence are officially compulsory one Total Male Female year after leaving Italy, the dark figure is 31/12/2001 22.169 13.739 8.430 still very high. Within the framework of 31/12/2002 21.519 13.204 8.315 this essay, a direct comparison between German and Italian sources was not 31/12/2003 21.384 13.075 8.309 possible, but recent studies,4 participant 31/12/2004 20.797 12.635 8.162 observations and the interviews carried 31/12/2005 20.847 12.655 8.192 out for the analysis revealed that a large 31/12/2006 20.871 12.681 8.190 number of newcomers said that they were 31/12/2007 21.064 12.748 8.316 not registered in the AIRE register. Such 31/12/2008 21.346 12.874 8.472 incomplete statistical data offer a partial 31/12/2009 20.769 12.474 8.295 and incomplete picture of intra-European 31/12/2010 21.038 12.586 8.452 mobility, because people in a changing 31/12/2011 21.679 12.947 8.732 and continuous development can hardly 31/12/2012 22.988 13.711 9.277 be categorized and quantified. 31/12/2013 24.337 14.512 9.825 Heterogeneity and fragmentation also play a central role in the attempt 31/12/2014 25.978 15.458 10.520 to describe the composition of new ar- 31/12/2015 27.340 16.203 11.137 rivals. Despite the growing presence of 31/12/2016 27.758 16.464 11.294 well-educated and qualified young Italian Sara Ingrosso 45

Figure 1: Italian population in Munich from 2001–2016 (courtesy of the Munich Statistical Office) people, newcomers are included in widely define the subcategory of immigrants in differing professional fields in Munich a good employment situation who are society. This is mainly due to their motives often in a given place for a short time. for leaving Italy. On the one hand, there According to the definition provided by is increasing internationalization and the Gatti (2009), expats: attraction of new experiences that are facilitated by rising opportunities in the appear to be a special subgroup of im- European Union; on the other hand, there migrants characterised by a high level is the recent economic crisis in southern of education and a relatively high Europe as a result of the lack of guarantees professional status […], between 25 and perspectives in the country of ori- and 35, here for a limited time, […] gins. Therefore, contemporary migration this group is also formed by artists, flows are difficult to categorize within a scientific researchers, engineers, etc., unanimous general definition. Even the as well as by the families of many who word “migration” could be questioned. have a stable professional position. New trends also introduced the term (Gatti 2009: 5–6) “expat” in an attempt to describe and 46 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

If the heterogeneous subgroup of new ar- orientation throughout the interview, and rivals is included among the whole Italian on the other the opportunity for the test population living in Munich, which also persons to express their opinions openly comprises traditional old migrant workers and to re-call the subjectivity of their and their offspring, it can be seen that de- migratory experience. Migration change spite the same migratory background, the involves new dynamics in the development Italian population does not form a close so- of cultural identity. For this reason, the cial community. It is a rather large and not young Italian newcomers interviewed were homogeneous group, difficult to subsume asked to talk about their new experience among its various components; hence it and their confrontation with the local is difficult to talk about a community to language, and to express the way they define people who in some cases just have perceive themselves as individuals. a common citizenship. This leads to the Before the presentation of empirical question if the term comunità italiana, results, it is necessary to focus on the which should imply by its etymology co- conceptual explanation of identity, a term hesion and a common membership, is the which is a constant and complex subject correct one to express such a complexity. If of academic and public discussion. If it is not, local and Italian institutions and postmodernism is characterized by plural- associations in Munich that were founded ism and the multiplicity of paradigms in in the last decades to increase a sense of to- all areas of life, most recent theories also getherness among the traditional migrant argue about plurality in identity. In this workers have to face a great challenge to regard, the model developed by Keupp adapt to present issues. The need for such (1999) tries to describe this pluralism of a framework is relevant when considering identity by considering the complexity identity issues in personal and social ap- of contemporary cultural and historical proaches to the topic of migration. times. Identity does not act at a single level and is not represented by a simple Theoretical and Methodological issue, but is an endless biographical process Aspects formed by dominant parts, feelings and The pilot study was carried out in Mu- biographical narratives.5 According to nich in 2014 and aims to investigate his definition: the perception of language and identity attitudes of individuals belonging to a Identität verstehen wir als das indivi- group, which is difficult to categorize. The duelle Rahmenkonzept einer Person, survey sample involved 21 Italian citizens, innerhalb dessen sie ihre Erfahrungen 12 women and 9 men, aged between 21 interpretiert und das ihr als Basis für and 46, who have been living abroad for alltägliche Identitätsarbeit dient. In no more than 15 years and have been dieser Identitätsarbeit versucht das settled in Munich for less than 5 years. Subjekt, situativ stimmige Passun- The oral survey provides access to the gen zwischen inneren und äußeren subjective and deep side of the migration Erfahrungen zu schaffen und unter- experience. The semi-structured interview schiedliche Teilidentitäten zu ver- permits on the one hand a structure and an knüpfen. Auf dem Hintergrund von Sara Ingrosso 47

Pluralisierungs-, Individualisierungs I would say I am European but und Entstandardisierungsprozessen I would also say Sicilian. […] A ist das Inventar kopierbarer Iden- Sicilian in Europe. [M34-2013 – titätsmuster ausgezehrt. (Keupp et PhD Student of Physics (00:46:56– al. 1999: 60)6 00:47:05)]9

This concept of a patchwork identity-com- Multiple perceptions obtained from the posite may be included in the contem- interviews confirm the hypothesis that porary debate concerning the modern new immigrants are considered to be- liquidity in current migration issues, as long to different worlds simultaneously. this approach considers the complexity Such glocalism indicates that they are of the subject within its social, historical, and feel themselves to be bearers of dif- and cultural background. ferent identities, which coexist in one individual simultaneously. The speaker Multiple Identity Patterns recognizes this complexity and is able to Migration is a unique and individual express his local self-perceptions, identi- process. Comparative evaluations in quali- fying himself as Sicilian and European at tative analysis in case studies may therefore the same time. The source identification be difficult to investigate, as every single with his home region is not cancelled, person has his/her own background, per- but exists side by side with the acquired sonality, education and a series of collected feeling of being European. The contexts experiences. Nonetheless, similarities and where these overlapping and intersecting parallels could be found in the different multiple identities are situated may be speech sequences in the analysis provided, better explained in example (2). Here too. Through the exploration of language the informant tries to express her het­ and content analyzed in the interviews, erogeneity,­ describing her way of dealing construction processes of a multiple self with transformations including different within composite identity patterns could feelings of ethnic membership. be demonstrated in Italian newcomers in Munich. We can’t say I am the typical Italian First, the old ethnic sense of belonging girl […] but we negotiate it. […] related to one single nation appears obso- I am rather German, but […] my lete in the autorepresentation7 provided lifestyle is Italian. I eat pasta, I don’t by the oral histories, as different ethnic eat at six o’clock. My habits are Ital- patterns are now acting simultaneously. ian. Regarding my approach towards One of the most relevant aspects is that the life, towards my professional life, I perceived cultural identity transformation am rather German. [F25-2013 – is in most cases conscious and acknowl- Engineer (00:26:19–00:27:27)] edged by the informants. As indicated in example (1), multiple identity perceptions The multiple self and the awareness of range from local to global attitudes and a transformation are here perceived in go beyond one single ethnic affiliation, the varying fields of daily life, fields that creating a composite identity perception.8 have been defined by Keupp (1999) as 48 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 identity parts. The individual transforma- manent self-perception of non-belonging. tion process is recognized by the speaker In which geographical place the individual herself. Original habits and traditions can is located does not play any role, a limited be identified with the country of origin; and unsettled belonging place will be professional life can be identified with perceived. Whether this is a structural the country of destination. According to deficiency in current migration forms, is this example, cultural identities are built not known. Still, the continuous lack of within personal experience and are inserted constancy and sense of affiliation within into the various activities in everyday life, one place is one further characteristic of transforming the individual progressively. new mobility which remains unstable in New contexts and activities also contribute its continuous identity-building processes. to this transformation, with the acquisition of new abilities and skills in daily life shap- Multilingualism and Multiple ing a more complex individual. Previous Identities habits belonging to the culture of origin According to the sociolinguistic approach are therefore joined to others belonging in the identity definition by Bucholtz & to a different world in one single person, Hall (2005), “identity does not emerge at resulting in a complex individual who is a single level […] but operates at multiple aware of this transformation process. levels simultaneously” (Bucholtz & Hall Moreover, if multiplicity indicates on 2005: 586). With regard to this, the social the one hand that the sense of a compos- means of conveying cultural and linguistic ite sense of belonging is impressed into identity are given at an interactional level their self-perceptions, on the other hand by linguistic signs. Language is the me- new migrants are not able to find any dium of expressing these compound issues, individual and social membership in any shaped by strategies in performative acts, place. The bi-directional state of isolation grammatical constructions and linguistic and exclusion provided in example (3) interactions. Identity is the result of such emphasizes the partial and undefined interactions. In this respect, performative sense of broken identity, which derives acts by a multilingual subject work as an from the liquidity of all patterns. indicator of individual and social attitudes, whereas language represents the medium I felt like a stranger in Italy […] to conceive and understand the full range and now I feel like a stranger here. of interactions. Hence, language is not [M30-2013 – IT worker (00:41:32– just a tool to convey information, but 00:41:40)] also a central practice to understand social meanings. The relevance of the example lies in its A sense of identification with the lo- meaningfulness from a linguistic perspec- cals may be therefore expressed by the tive, too. The pragmatic use of a past tense pragmatic use of language, as provided referring to Italy and the present tense with in example (4): regards to his current location seems to indicate not only a conscious separation You can really understand what peo- from two different worlds, but also a per- ple say and become part of those Sara Ingrosso 49

people. [F24-2011 – Student and Phenomena of isolation and cultural Italian teacher (00:15:55–00:16:05)] detachment are present in immigrant discourse. The inability to find the one’s In other words, language is able to meas- own place among local people is expressed ure perceived inclusion and exclusion by in the performative act, conveying a mean- certain language signs. The value of the ingful and powerful identity positioning, example given lies in the expression of a given by the lack of relationship between personal sense of belonging in the self-per- self and other. Under these circumstances, ception of her own social identity, which it is possible to observe another type of is given by expressing language signs. The self-detachment. The speaker refers to pragmatic use of a third person form himself using the second person. Is this indicates to what extent language performs another sign of a further absence of in- the role of an indicator of personal and clusion? This separated self is compared social inclusion, assuming in this concrete to local people, who are referred to – as case that the person who is speaking does in example [4] – using the third person. not feel herself entirely included. For It is not a matter of discrimination, but this purpose, language arises from the membership is perceived as unattainable. interaction constituted by the social action Hence, language is the way of performing and is “viewed as the emergent product and transporting the expression of this rather than the pre-existing source of postmodern patchwork identity pattern. linguistic and other semiotic practices and therefore as fundamentally a social and Outlook: Multiple Identity Pat- cultural phenomenon” (Bucholtz & Hall terns in Ingroup Communication 2005: 588). The involvement of language All the Italian interviewed newcomers signs in immigrant discourse is therefore stated that they used a certain specifi- required to communicate multiple identity cally ingroup communication with fellow patterns, because a self-multiplicity is countrymen settled in Munich or in other given by language performances. Within urban areas of Germany. This is done to the context of contemporary migrations, convey and express details and concepts newcomers experience a fragile and fluid of their particular migration experience. distance from and closeness to both the Therefore, further investigations will have country of origin and the country of desti- to be conducted to determine whether a nation. A state of isolation and separation certain linguistic variety of their native may also occur, as given in example (5): language is developed among newcom- ers who have a multilingual repertoire. It doesn’t matter how much you The discourse analysis reveals first the study German and how well you pragmatic use of certain lexical items speak it. You are a stranger. People in and neologisms. These elements emerge Munich are very kind. But you can’t from contact between the Italian source become German or someone from language, the German target language Munich. [M30-2013 – IT worker and other lingua franca (in most cases (00:29:30– 00:29:45)] English). This defines communication in the intragroup relationship. 50 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

For example, the newly coined term revised in favor of a more appropriate anmeldarsi occurred frequently in all term which could reflect all aspects and narrations and was perceived in full con- facets of the heterogeneity of the Italian sciousness as a neologism created among population set in this urban area. Not the Italian population to express a newly only because newcomers are employed shaped identity pattern in the new migra- in widely differing professional contexts, tion context. This is a verb which derives but also because this term links them to from the German substantive Anmeldung traditional migrants who arrived in the (here: registration) and consequently from second half of the 20th century and their its reflexive verb sich anmelden (here: to offspring who are employed in widely register oneself). Among the Italians in differing professional and social contexts Germany, this new term indicates the in local society. process of registering at the local German In this respect, identity is a process municipality at the moment of arrival. The acting at multiple levels simultaneously as same reflexive form from the German is a product of social, cultural and linguistic maintained, while the Italian -are ending practices. This multiplicity ranges from (which is most frequently chosen in the local to global attitudes (diatopic) in the creation of neologism into the Italian lan- various identity parts within other individ- guage) suggests a process. It is not known uals (diastratic). Language is the medium for certain if it is possible to talk about a of expressing an identity positioning. diatopic variety of the Italian language, a Because of this, the existence of a diatopic common interaction code which is spoken variety of the Italian language, which has by Italian immigrants settled in the area. been and is being developed among the What may certainly be assumed is that Italian population in Germany, can be the pragmatic use of certain terms reveals hypothesized. Cultural words are adopted ingroup identity behavior expressed by by the multiplied individual, influencing using language signs. their interactions. The semi-structured interviews conducted with Italian new- Conclusions comers to Munich permitted the discovery Contemporary migration flows reflect of a deeper and more complex world. the fragmentation of post-modern and Complex attitudes demonstrate the need global society. Newcomers have not been for Italian associations and institutions in recruited like traditional migrant workers; the target destination to review the old they left their homeland as individuals. parameters, which were conceived and People who left their country because of developed for traditional immigration. the economic crisis also made the choice This challenge will hopefully lead to a to leave individually. They are difficult better comprehension of today’s migration to quantify, and statistical data are not issues. able to include the instability of their displacement. The old concept of the term comunità italiana to define people with Italian citizenship who live in the metropolitan area of Munich should be Sara Ingrosso 51 Bibliography submitted for publication. Bartolini, Laura et al. (2015). Escaping the Ingrosso, Sara (2015). 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Leverkusen: Expat: the case of high-skilled migrants. Budrich Uni Press, 119–140. Brussel Studies, 28, 1–15, http://www. Pichler, Edith (2006). 50 anni di immigrazi- brusselsstudies.be/medias/publications/ one italiana in Germania: transitori, inclusi/ EN_115_BruS28EN.pdf (30 Nov. 2016). esclusi o cittadini europei?. Altreitalie 33, Ingrosso, Sara (2016). Sprache und Integration 6–18. am Beispiel italienischer Einwanderer in Pichler, Edith (2002). Pioniere, Arbeitsmi- München: Vergangene und aktuelle Mi- granten, Rebellen, Postmoderne und grationsformen im Vergleich. Manuscript Mobile: Italiener in Berlin. Archiv für 52 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Sozialgeschichte 42, 257–74. 5. For the entire explanation of the patch- Pichler, Edith (2013). Von Arbeitssuchenden, work identity model developed cf. Keupp Empörten und kreativem Prekariat: et al. 1999: 218. Die neue italienische Einwanderung 6. Identity is understood as the individual nach Berlin. Heinrich-Böll Stifung, framework of a person, within which http://www.migration-boell.de/web/ he/she interprets his/her experiences as a migration/46_3602.asp (30 Nov. 2016). basis for everyday identity work. In such Reeg, Ulrike (2014). Wer bin ich, und wer identity work, the subject tries to create möchte ich sein? Überlegungen zum situational coherences between inner Aufbau von Sprachidentität. Antonella and outer experiences and to connect Nardi & Dagmar Knorr (eds.), Bewegte differing partial identities. Against the Sprache. Leben mit und für Mehrsprachigkeit. background of pluralization, individual- Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 13–26. ization and de-standardization processes, Remotti, Francesco (1996). Contro l’identità. the inventory of copyable identity patterns Bari: Laterza. is weakened (Keupp et al. 1999: 60 – Riehl, Claudia Maria (2014). Mehrsprachig- Translation into English S.I.). keit: Eine Einführung. Darmstadt: WBG. 7. Krefeld & Pustka 2010: 14. Simon, Ulrike (2016). In der Sprache sein: 8. For easier comprehension, all the exam- Identitätskonstruktion bei plurilingualen ples provided in the present contribution Sprecherlnnen. Salerni. Paola & Senf, have been translated into the English Jörg (eds.), Texte und Kontexte der Mi- language. gration. Frankreich und Deutschland im 9. Informants have been anonymised within Zuge der Mondialisierung. Paris: Hermann, the following schemata: sex, age, year 297–315. and month of arrival in Germany. Pro- Tirabassi, Maddalena, Del Pra’, Alvise (2014). fessional status is also given for a better La meglio Italia: Le mobilità italiane nel XXI understanding of the social background. secolo. Turin: Academia University Press. Finally, the recorded time during the Valisena, Daniele (2016). From migrations interview is indicated. to New Mobilities in the European Union: Italians in Berlin between anomie and Multi-Situated Identity. AEMI Journal 13/14, 174–81.

Notes 1. Süddeutsche Zeitung, 02. 04. 2013: R3. 2. Courtesy of the Munich Statistical Office (Statistisches Amt München). 3. All the data provided by the Statistisches Amt München refer to people settled in the City of Munich and include people with a dual nationality, too. Information courtesy of the Munich Statistical Office. 4. Cf. Valisena 2016: 176; Tirabassi & Del Pra’ 2014: 24. Programme of the 27th AEMI Conference ‘At Home or Alienated’ – Migrants and Receiving Countries between Integration and Parallel Society, between ‘Culture of Welcome’ and Xenophobia

5–7 October, 2017 Husum, North Frisia, Germany

WEDNESDAY, 4 October, 2017 Star Line Museum, Antwerp 18:00–20:00 Informal meeting at the Maria Jarlsdotter Enckell, Åland Islands Nordfriesland Museum NISSENHAUS Emigrant Institute: Going West North- West to the Pacific North 1817-1867 THURSDAY, 5 October, 2017 Patrick Fitzgerald, Mellon Centre for 8:45–9:15 Welcome Migration Studies, Ulster American Dr. Uwe Haupenthal, Director of the Folk Park, Omagh, Northern Ireland; Nordfriesland Museum Queen’s University Belfast: Paddy’s Big Hans Storhaug, Chairman of the AEMI Apple: A review of Irish migration to and Dr. Paul-Heinz Pauseback, Head of the through New York City Emigration Archive of the Nordfriisk Wolfgang Grams, Routes to the Roots, Instituut Research and Travel: “Ei söppohß juh ahr än emmigrent” - Als die Deutschen 9:15–9:45 Opening lecture Ausländer waren. Learning from the 19th Thomas Steensen: What is a Frisian and Century German American Migration how to become one – an inclusive ap- Experience proach to minority affiliation 11:00–11:15 Break

10:00–11:00 11:15–12:15 PART I, SESSION 1: EUROPEAN PART I, SESSION 2: EUROPEAN EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES I STATES II Chair: Marie-Charlotte Le Bailly, Red Chair: Maddalena Tirabassi, Centro Al- 54 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

treitalie, Turin Dieter Bacher, PhD candidate at the Uni- Michalina Petelska, Polsk-Skandinavisk versity of Graz, Anne Unterwurzacher, Forskningsinstitut, Copenhagen: A senior postdoc-researcher at the Center scientific melting pot: Polish immigrants for Migration Research in St. Pölten/ and scientists in New York in the 19th and Lower Austria: Similarities and dif- the first half of 20th century ferences: Challenges and possibilities Imanol Galdos Irazabal, Department of of linking research of past and present culture of the city council of Donos- migration phenomena and their context tia, San Sebastian: Boise: A Model of a as a chance for „evidence-based policy“ Welcoming City Dietmar Osses, Hannover Colliery, Dort- Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson, historian mund, Westphalian State Museum of American immigration policy and for Industrial Heritage and Culture: assimilation theory: Cautionary lessons Segregation, assimilation or integration? from the Americanization movement of Migration and football in Germany the early 20th century 1900–2015 12:15–13:30 Lunch Rafał Raczyński, research officer in Emigration Museum in Gdynia and 13:30–14:30 assistant professor at the Pomeranian PART II, SESSION 1: EUROPEAN University in Słupsk: The perception of RESEARCH CENTERS AND CON- immigrants from EU countries in British TEMPORARY MIGRATION society in the context of Brexit Chair: Cathrine Kyø Hermansen, The Agnieszka Kulesa, PhD candidate at the Danish Immigration Museum Warsaw School of Economics, researcher Špela Kastelic, Slovenian Migration Insti- at the Centre for French Culture and tute ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana, Slovenia: Francophone Studies, University of Social impact of migration studies: The Warsaw; Nicolas Maslowski, director case of Slovenian Migration Institute of the Centre for French Culture and Brian Lambkin, Mellon Centre for Mi- Francophone Studies, University of gration Studies, Ulster American Folk Warsaw: Anti-racism and anti-discrimi­ ­ Park, Omagh, Northern Ireland: The na­tion approaches in migration policies of Development of a ‘National’ Diaspora the Central European states: The state of Centre in Ireland play and challenges for the future Vinzenz Kratzer, PhD candidate at the 16:00–16:15 Break European University in Frankfurt/ Oder: History of state migration research 16:15–17:45 in Germany PART II, SESSION 3: CONTEMPOR­ ­ 14:30–14:45 Break ARY MIGRATORY ISSUES Chair: Emilia García López, Consello 14:45–16:00 da Cultura Galega, Santiago de Com- PART II, SESSION 2: PAST AND PRE­ postela SENT MIGRATORY ISSUES María González Blanco, PhD at the Chair: Adam Walaszek, Jagiellonian Uni- University of Santiago de Compost- versity, Krakow ella; Vicente Peña Saavedra, Senior 27th AEMI Conference 55

Lecturer of History of Education at the 10:00–10:15 Break University of Santiago de Compostela: Possibilities and limits of the statistical 10:15–11:15 SESSION 2 sources for the study of educational and Chair: Gorka Alvarez Aranburu, Director cultural profiles of Spaniards in current for the Basque Community Abroad emigration Nicolas Monnot, Monica Berri, Civic- Laurence Prempain, associate researcher Wisers & Designers Civique, Com- at the University Lyon: Evolution of the mon.language: “WHAT IS HOME?”: perception of German Jewish refugees in Diachrony and synchrony, glocality, fear, France: From “Victims” to ”Undesirable” humanity & memory (1933-1938) Anđelko Milardovic, Institute for Migra- Cathrine Kyø Hermansen, Sahra-Jose- tion and Ethnicity, Zagreb, Croatia: phine Hjorth, Anders Thorkilsen, The Global Migration, Parallel societies in Danish Immigrant Museum: A better the Federal Republic of Germany, France understanding of the past is essential to and Xenophobia deal with contemporary migration – our Sarah Clément, Generiques, Paris; research project “MiClue” Jean-Barthelemi Debost, Musée na- 18.00 Dieter Harrsen, Landrat/Chief tional de l’histoire de l’immigration, executive of the district of North Frisia: Paris, France: The built heritage of mi- Greeting grations in Europe – different cases study in France. What about the migrations in FRIDAY, 6 October, 2017 the European year of cultural heritage 9:00–12:30 in 2018? PART III: “WHAT IS HOME?” 11:15–11.30 Break 9:00–10:00 SESSION 1 Chair: Paul-Heinz Pauseback, North Fri- 11:30–12:30 SESSION 3 sian Emigration Archive, Nordfriisk Chair: Brian Lambkin, Mellon Centre Instituut for Migration Studies, Omagh Antra Celmiņa, Latvians Abroad – Mu- Solange Maslowski, Center for Com- seum and Research Centre, Riga: Going parative Law of the Faculty of law of (Back): The Meaning of Home, Belonging Charles University in Prague: Mahoran and Identity for Western-born Latvian and Roma migrants, second-class Union Repatriates citizens? Gorka Alvarez Aranburu, Director for the Nonja Peters, Sustainability Policy In- Basque Community Abroad; Benan stitute, Curtin University, Australia: Oregi Iñurrieta, Officer for the Basque Place identity and belonging related to Community Abroad: A home or a coun- the Dutch diaspora among mixed race try? What did Basque emigrants leave indigenous groups in South Africa and behind? Namibia, Indonesia and Western Aus- Marie-Charlotte Le Bailly, Karen Mooe- tralia skops, Red Star Line Museum, Antwerp: Maria Beatriz Rocha-Trinidade, Univer- A Safe Home in Belgium (1950-today). sidade Aberta in Lisbon, Portugal; the Refugee children and their family history founder of the Centre of Studies on 56 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Migrations and Intercultural Relations, Sarah Clément CEMRI in Lisbon: New Initiatives in Hans Storhaug the Portuguese Museology Program Maddalena Tirabassi

12:30–13:45 Lunch at the “Tine Café” at the harbor

13:45–17:00 PART IV: ROUND TABLE: REFLEC- TIONS ON AEMI POLICIES Chair: Hans Storhaug, president of AEMI Uwe Schmitz, Mayor of Husum: Greeting Sebastian Tyrakowski, host of next AEMI Conference: “Challenges of Contem- porary Migrations” – an outlook on the AEMI Conference 2018 at the Emigration Museum in Gdynia, Poland 14:15 Reflections on AEMI Policies: Projects, Museums, Archives, Public History, Innovation, Communication, members’ participation, networking … 15:30 Break 16:00–16:15 María Peredo Guzmán, performing a short solo called: “The intimate ritual of social movement: Em- bodiments of migracy”

20:00–22:00 AEMI Dinner at the “Rats­ keller” Restaurant in Husum SATURDAY, 7 October, 2017 9:30–12:00 AEMI Annual General Meet- ing (AEMI Members) 12:00–13:00 Lunch 13:00–19:00 Excursion over “the bor- der” to the town of Tønder/Tondern, Denmark ORGANIZATION AND CON- FERENCE COMMITTEE Franziska Horschig Paul-Heinz Pauseback Marlene Kunz Welcome Speeches

Dr. Uwe Haupenthal cally several years ago, even if it can be Director of the Nordfriesland Museum and considered a balmy breeze here compared the Museum Association of North Friesland to the situation in other countries and on Ladies and Gentlemen, distinguished other continents. Suddenly humanistic guests: values count for little, whereas political On behalf of the Nordfriesland Mu- and economical burdens matter all the seum and the Museum Association of more. Uncertainty has been coming within Nordfriesland I wish to give a warm wel- reach everywhere in Europe overnight. come to each one of you. And I would like This has to be hurdled in a democratic to wish you an interesting and successful way within the next few years, without conference. our open societies falling to pieces. The venue and date for your meeting in Meanwhile, the challenges are tre- Husum have been chosen well. For quite mendous. No one should understate the some time now, we – together with our problems – or, on the other hand, negate curator Dr. Paul Heinz Pauseback – have the chances that are opening up. After engaged ourselves with the emigration all, societies are always in motion, and of Ludwig Nissen, later founder of the culture depends on the disputes caused by Nissenhaus, to New York. After a number unfamiliarity and otherness. Incidentally, of unsuccessful attempts, Nissen made a this is what every museum is about! fortune in the New World, and we owe We are all very anxious to hear the our museum to that very capital. Thus questions you will be asking during the our house is causally embedded in issues next few days, how you reason them, of migration. Nissen’s achievements are a and what approaches or solutions you story of success. In his days, hundreds of will present. You are contributing not thousands of people from Schleswig-Hol- only to current political debates but also stein emigrated, too – although with much to the European idea, which should not less economic success! be threatened by certain nationalistic Certainly, the history of the USA has tendencies. been a story of migration to this day – even I wish you every success with your if this fact is ignored by certain political conference. Thank you very much for circles nowadays. Migration is a dominant your appearance, and again: Welcome feature of human history. To the best to our museum! of my knowledge, today more than 60 million people are fleeing from political Dr. Paul-Heinz Pauseback and ecological catastrophes. This is a fact Head of the Emigration Archive of the that until most recently had been barely of Nordfriisk Instituut interest to the inhabitants of our allegedly Ladies and Gentlemen – Friends from safe Europe. But this changed dramati- and of AEMI, let me put it this way: “A 58 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 dream has come true!” is missing. This is a good opportunity After announcing this conference in to thank her for her work and always Turin 2015 and offering an invitation to it ready support. (Let’s give her, her boss in Santiago de Compostela last year, I am Mr. Haupenthal and the team of the now opening the 27th Conference of the Nissenhaus loud applause). This goes Association of European Migration Insti- too for Mrs. Marlene Kunz, the treasurer tutions hosted this year by the Nordfriisk of the Nordfriisk Instituut, who cannot Instituut and the Nordfriesland Museum be here with us today, and for Thomas Nissenhaus, where we are today. Steensen, our director, especially for his Ahead of us lay three conference days engagement in securing funds for this full of papers, discussions, brainstorming conference. and networking, and last but not least, of Let me now talk about two things we the fun and the delight of being together are all deeply concerned about. The first again with friends and colleagues – and is migration, a basic human behavior with of course of meeting new ones every year. which we are all professionally connected My hearty thanks to all of you for coming in one way or another. And the second here, and: “Welcome to Husum, welcome is Europe, a united, free, pluralistic, to North Frisia.” democratic and therefore strong Europe. Today will be our day of labor. We will Over the last years we have watched our hear 17 papers this first day, the even share dream fading, staggering, swaying right of 15 minutes given to each speaker. The and left under heavy blows, trying to timekeeping will be rather strict; therefore find its way into a common future. The the chairmen and chairwomen of the only possible good future, I may add. sessions have these yellow and red cards. And because the situation is so difficult, Yellow means: still 5 minutes to go, red: meetings like ours are so important. This one minute left, come to an end please. is a European event. When we meet, we But nevertheless, we will take our time are part of Europe United. It is the initial and will not hurry. There are breaks and goal of the founders of the AEMI that refreshments enough, and we will take a has become so important now: people walk to the harbor for lunch to get some from all over Europe coming together fresh air. And you see this pipe: it is not on friendly terms, working and having the emergency break in case someone fun together. This fills the European Idea should happen to be color blind. I will with life. Europe is not a distant vision use it before I or Mrs. Horschig would then, symbolized just by as distant names announce something technical to make as Merkel, Macron, Juncker or Tusk. No, sure that everybody is listening. when we meet, Europe gets a face, a voice, Let me now introduce to you Mrs. a name more familiar to us. Europe is Horschig, who represents the Nissenhaus Benan, the Basque, it is Maddalena from Museum as I represent the Nordfriisk Turin, it is Emilia from Galicia, Maria Instituut. Like myself, she is also in charge Beatriz from Portugal – and Brexit or no of all matters concerning this AEMI con- Brexit – it is Brian and Paddy, our Irish ference. So feel free to ask either of us if friends. Yes, Europe on a personal level any questions should arise or if anything becomes a friend. And when we go back 27th AEMI Conference 59 home, we take this spirit with us – and at the Mexican border to restrict illegal that makes these annual meetings so very immigration. The EU struggles hard to important. find a way to get back the control over This year we have our meeting here in the outside borders, especially that vast the Nissenhaus Museum. An institution border called the Mediterranean Sea. For that has been built from the fortune the Schengen Area and the Dublin treaties Ludwig Nissen earned as a successful will only work with an efficient border immigrant in New York and in his last will control and an even share of migrants and bequeathed to his city of birth, Husum. refugees for every member state. He is an example of a very successful self- Otherwise national borders will spring made man and of a perfect integration in up again all over Europe, as Ferruccio his new home country. As a very self-con- Pastore showed us so impressively at the scious German-American member of the Turin meeting. I would not have believed Anglo-American elite, he had to show all in 2015 that this could be the case too his qualities as a good fighter during the at our next-door border with Denmark. time of the German-bashing of World But now this once vanished border has War I. You can learn more about him and been closed again since 2016, now it is his times in the exhibition on this floor. regularly guarded by the police again, The first part of our conference dealing who since last week have been reinforced with migration to the USA represents a by soldiers. After a visit to Hungary, the homage to him. representatives of the People’s Party in Beginning in 2015, we are now in the Denmark are fond of a solid fence at the third year of the so called “Migration border. We will go on an excursion across Crisis”. It has become more and more the border to Tondern on Saturday – and clear that we are at the beginning of a maybe find out that on the West coast movement that will be the most important things usually are not as hot as elsewhere. as well as the most crucial feature of the At the Turin conference we also learned century, and we are also sure that we have that great parts of the African population no time to waste. Last year I cited Niall are on the move. It will be a great chal- Ferguson, a well known Harvard and now lenge to cope with that and stick to our Stanford historian. In an interview with principles of freedom. No national state the German newspaper Die Welt he had for itself can do that, only a new founded compared Europe with the United States. United Europe can be up to that task. Migration from the South, he said, will In Santiago de Compostela I said it had make the US a more Latin-American become very clear that migration contains and more Catholic land. Migration from both positive and negative aspects, chances Islamic countries, he added, will make and dangers alike, as everything in real life Europe more like the Near East. So the does, depending on the people involved. problems Europe will have to solve in the Only in ideology and wishful thinking it future will in this respect be more like the is otherwise. Luckily this kind of idealism ones in the United States. US President is on the retreat since then, but there is Trump had fared well in his campaign in my opinion still too much thinking of with the promise to build a solid wall just that kind going on. 60 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Therefore, migration policy should not to me – whatever noble motives they be regarded as an attempt against the right may have or claim to have – more like political tendencies, or as a means to show a part of the problem than like a part of that you are steadfast in your religious a future solution. Surely we all have our faith or of superior moral standards, and personal preferences but as scientists we surely not as being used to polish up a should try to avoid this trap. So we should certain bad national image. Migration be able to enlighten the way a little bit policy is a value in itself; it does not need with our findings. Philosophy, science any additional and distracting impetus. It and democracy have the same ancient deals with human beings, affecting whole root in Athens. Since then we know that lives of millions of people, their fears, the important thing is not a monolog dreams and hopes – everything – and not promoting one’s own point of view. To always with a happy end. We know about defend one’s own sacred opinion at any the necessity and obligation to guarantee cost is undemocratic at heart. What really shelter to those whose lives and health counts is the much more tedious and are in immediate danger. But we have to troublesome open dialog between equals accept that not all we want from others honestly searching for a compromise, can come true, and that the more people which is always the best solution to a come, the more will have to go back. So problem. And that is also the way a real the main and only concern of migration United Europe will surely work. policy should be the wellbeing of the hu- I now wish us all another great AEMI mans it concerns: refugees, migrants and meeting. Unfortunately, the Governor of natives alike. And it should be pragmatic, Schleswig-Holstein, Mr. Daniel Günther quick, consequent and compatible in the cannot be with us today to open this whole of Europe. conference. He is hosting the President We are far from that, I know. But what I of the German Republic, who is visiting also know is this. If this thing goes wrong, Schleswig-Holstein today. But he will I am not so much worried about the mi- write a foreword for our AEMI Journal grants or refugees. It is not their fault that comprising this year’s papers. I suggest that migration leads Europe into a crisis. They we take this opportunity to express with a behave like all human beings – they are hearty applause how much we appreciate trying to save their lives and/or improve his support and interest in our work. their living conditions. What I am afraid Now let us start our meeting with of is how we – the natives – might react, my introducing the keynote speaker of led by national egoism and driven by fear. this year’s conference: Professor Thomas It is our job as researchers and scien- Steensen, the director of the Nordfriisk tists to speak up in time, to put forward Instituut. facts and figures, our findings and our He will now tell us what it means to theories against the loud right-wing and be a Frisian, what it requires to become a left-wing ideologies, against maximum member of this minority and what history, claims of pressure groups and against culture and language have to do with philanthropic naivety as well. Their usually it. And he will tell us about our special loud and solidly founded opinions appear inclusive approach to minority affiliation, 27th AEMI Conference 61 which is so totally contrary to the exclusive coming conference as well, and I wish national one. Maybe it could work not the participants many informative and only for a minority but at the European stimulating lectures and discussions. level as well? (Translated from German by J.Ž.S.) Daniel Günther Dieter Harrsen Minister President of Schleswig-Holstein Landrat / Chief Executive of the District Migration and integration are salient of North Frisia themes for Schleswig-Holstein. That is You may not have noticed at first glance, why I am so pleased that these proceedings but I have a kind of migration back- of the Association of European Migration ground myself. A long time ago, at the Institutions (AEMI) are now published. age of sixteen, my great-great-grandfather Results of an event so important for emigrated from the island of Pellworm, Schleswig-Holstein are documented here: where he was born, to the USA. There he results of the Husum Conference titled “At managed to make a small fortune, and in Home or Uprooted” that was co-organized the year 1900, when he was thirty-four by the Nordfriesland Museum – Nis- years old, he came back home. Now he senhaus and the Nordfriisk Instituut in had enough money to buy two farms cooperation with AEMI. including farmland on Pellworm. Schleswig-Holstein can contribute a lot When my great-great-grandfather went when we speak about European migration to New York, it was normal to do so. The movements. Besides the immigration United States was an immigrant country, of our people to the United States of and no president would have thought of America, our state also knows the con- building a wall against Mexico or other sequences of the flight from a war and its countries. aftermath – be it after the Second World But the world has changed, and we are War or nowadays. Through its Emigration facing different challenges today. More Archive, the Nordfriisk Instituut has very than 60 million refugees have left their well illustrated the topics of migration home countries. About 1.3 million have and integration. arrived in Germany since the year 2015 As the Minister President of this state, I and about two thousand have been put am extremely pleased when migrations in a up in Northern Frisia. Here they found a wider European context are the subject of lot of people willing to help them; many discussion in Husum. AEMI is a network people partly acted for the public auth­ of currently forty organizations in twenty orities. Federal President Frank-Walter European countries due to which it is Steinmeier, whom I am going to meet bound to present this topic to European in Husum castle tonight, gave a speech publics in a positive way. In doing so, on this year’s commemoration day for AEMI has been making a valuable con- the German unity on Tuesday. There he tribution to the united Europe, and the pointed out that we Germans have not many speakers and conference guests have yet answered a rash of questions. played a significant part in it. In his speech, Federal President Stein- I wish AEMI a lot of success with the meier said: “Other people’s hardship must 62 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 never leave us unconcerned.” But Stein- When Ludwig Nissen left his home- meier also said that we have to try to bring town in 1872, he strived for a better life in line the realities of the world and the in a better world. These days, millions possibilities of our country. This difficult of people try to reach other countries discussion now lies before us. We will because of poverty, political persecution need a special law with which we will be and fear of war, and unfortunately we able to manage and control immigration must admit that the rest of the world depending on our own standards. It will hides behind its own smaller problems. be one of the most important tasks of the I am convinced this behavior is wrong, next German federal government to start and so I am thankful that scientists like this discussion and involve the people in it. you deal with this topic, so that a united Scientific support can help us deal with Europe has a chance to come true. these challenges, and thus I wish you good I suppose a certain question is going results out of your conference. to be important during this conference: Thank you for listening! What does ‘a home’ mean? A place, a language, family, neighborhood or friends, Uwe Schmitz religion, customs and traditions, and so Mayor of Husum on … But to leave you enough time to Dear Mr. Storhaug, ladies and gen- discuss all the aspects of your theme, I tlemen: will come to the end now. I am very pleased to welcome you to the I wish your conference a lot of success, 27th AEMI conference here in Husum, in and I will be happy if you have the oppor- the Nordfriesland Museum Nissenhaus. tunity to spend some time to visit Husum’s I am grateful to Paul-Heinz Pauseback attractions, for example the harbor or the from Nordfriisk Institut, who asked me historic center. Have a good time and if I could address a few words to the thank you for listening. participants of this meeting, and said that I should do this preferably in English. I have to admit that my schooldays were over a long time ago and that I usually use English for ordering food and drinks during the holidays. For this reason, I hope you agree I should not talk too long. At first I would like to say that it is a great honor for Husum and me as its mayor that this conference is taking place in our little town this year, especially because I have heard where it took place in former years. I think that the topic you are engaged in has always been of fundamental importance for the whole of mankind, and is still very important these days. A Home or a Country? What did Basque Emigrants Leave Behind?

Benan Oregi Iñurrieta (edited by William A. Douglass)

Introduction: A Dualism: Etxea Etxea (Home) and Herria (Land) The anthropological and psychological According to Robin Cohen’s definition points of view look retrospectively in- of diasporas, they are defined by nine ward towards a moral status, sentiments features.1 Basque emigration meets all and processes that transpire prior to the of Cohen’s criteria to a greater or lesser decision to emigrate (fear of leaving, degree. Note that the term “homeland” dread of failure, panic over the unknown, appears in four of the nine criteria – but separation anxiety over whether one will what exactly does it mean? ever see their beloved family again). The Searching the term “homeland” in emigrant’s sacrifice implies abandoning Google, most of the millions of references “home” – the dwelling that represented are related to the popular series “Home- security, wellbeing and affection; the warm land” on Fox Channel; there is also a ref- hearth of winter. These factors charac- erence to a small town in California called terize the migration experience whether Homeland (with 3,710 inhabitants). A departure is voluntary (as in the search more appropriate definition for present for improvement in one’s circumstances) purposes refers to the “Country you were or involuntary (the flight from adversity). born in” (Cambridge Dictionary); “One’s The term for “home” in Basque is etxea. native land” (Free Dictionary); or “A state, The etymon etx- can be found in many region or territory that is closely identified common Basque nouns such as etxekoak with a particular people or ethnic group” (family), etxaldea (neighborhood), but also (Free Dictionary). In migration studies as a part of the names of farmhouses, usu- the term is opposed to “host country” or ally with a geographical referent. Exam- “host society”. Therefore, the issue of what ples are Goikoetxea (The House Above), emigrants left behind can be approached Bekoetxea (The House Below), Etxandia by disaggregating the compound noun (The Big House) and Etxeberria (The New “homeland” into “home” and “land.” House). These are but a few of the many 64 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 examples. It should also be noted that speakers denote their ancestral homeland most Basques take their last name from as Euskaria, Euzkadi and Euskal Herria. such a house name. Thus, Etxeberria and Each of the foregoing terms has political its variants (Echeverria, Etxebarria, etc.) is connotations according to whether one is the most common Basque surname – akin a Basque nationalist (of either a regionalist to Smith or Jones in English. Furthermore, or independist variety) or a French and given the inheritance practices that will be Spanish centralist. There have also been considered below, many Basques resided echoes of these distinctions at various in the ancestral residence that bears their times in different Basque diasporas as well. surname. In this regard, the emigrant left behind not only his personal and ancestral Basque Collectivism during the etxea, but also his etxekoak or extended Colonial Era family of the same surname. William A. Douglass and Jon Bilbao, co-authors of Amerikanuak: Basques in Herria the New World,2 arguably the foundational Regarding the land or territory, in the “bible” of Basque diaspora studies, begin Basque case the question of just what at the beginning with evidence that the the emigrant left behind remains very mutiny during Columbus’s first voyage controversial. It has also evolved over was instigated by the Basque crewmen time. The European Basque homeland on the Santa María (a vessel constructed has been divided for several centuries by in a Basque shipyard). When the admiral the Spanish-French border. Each of the left a group of men behind on Hispaniola traditional four Spanish Basque territories while he returned to Europe for rein- (Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa, Araba and Navarra) forcements, the weakened “colony” was and three French ones (Lapurdi, Benafar- slaughtered by the indigenes after a schism roa and Xiberoa) has its Spanish, French in its ranks caused the “Bizkaians” (the and Basque name. The “French Basque generic Spanish term for Basques at the Country” is called in Basque Iparralde, time was Vizcaínos) to retreat as a group whereas the four southern or “Spanish to form their own settlement.3 Basque” territories are designated as He- In 1540, the Basques resident in Se- goalde. In contemporary politics the three ville and thereby engaged thoroughly Basque entities of Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and in the “American Run,” founded the Araba constitute an autonomous region Congregación de Nuestra Señora de la within the Spanish state, whereas Navarra Piedad (The Congregation of Our Lady is its own autonomous community. of Piety) as a religious society. It was com- This reflects several centuries of tension prised exclusively of natives of Bizkaia and between the independent Kingdom of Gipuzkoa – Navarrese were excluded.4 The Navarra and the Provincias Vasconga- first New-World Basque ethnic association das of the Kingdom of Castile. As for was founded in Lima, Peru, on February the whole of the Basque Country, there 13, 1612. This Cofradía de Aránzazu de are the Spanish terms Bascongadas, El los vascos de Lima (The Lima Basque País Vasco and Vasconia. The common Brotherhood of Aránzazu)5 constructed French rendering is Pays Basque. Basque a chapel and allowed Navarrese into the Benan Oregi Iñurrieta 65 membership. Hence, all “Spanish Basques” “race war” while contesting economic and were eligible. Subsequently, there were administrative control of the rich mining other Cofradías de Aranzazu established settlement.8 In 1728, Gipuzkoan Basques in the New World. There was one in established the Real Compañía de Caracas Mexico City dating from 1681 and other (Royal Gipuzkoan Company of Caracas), Mexican ones appeared in Guadalajara, chartered by the Spanish monarchy as Puebla de los Ángeles and Zacatecas. In a trade venture that ultimately came to 1715, the Basques resident in Madrid dominate the Venezuelan political and established a Real Congregación de nat- economic affairs. Indeed, this provoked urales y originarios de las tres provincias a reaction against Basque ethnics by the vascongadas (Royal Congregation of the Creoles.9 Natives and Descendants of the Three It should be noted that it was in the Basque Provinces), thereby excluding Basque diasporas, rather than the home- Navarrese. In 1767, Basques (including land, that unity of all Basques received Navarrese) founded the Colegio de San its greatest expression. While Basques in Ignacio de Loyola6 (or The College of the homeland tended to see the world Saint Ignatius of Loyola) in Mexico City through the lens of their respective his- to provide asylum for indigent women, torical territory (Bizkaian, Xiberoan, including some non-Basques. It has Navarrese, etc.), it was in the diasporas functioned continuously for 250 years that such inclusive notions as guztiak bat down to the present. Finally, in 1764 the (“all as one”), denak bat (“altogether”), Basques of Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and Araba anaitasuna (“brotherhood”) and, more founded the Real Sociedad Vascongada recently, zazpiak bat (“the seven are one”) de los Amigos del País (Royal Basque gained currency.10 Society of the Friends of the Country). It was designed to foment liberal Enlight- The “New” Emigration enment thought and scientific projects as By the first half of the nineteenth century part of the modernization of the Basque the majority of Basque emigrants were economy and society. Chapters were departing for southern South America, chartered throughout the Basque dia­ notably Uruguay, Chile and, above all, sporas, including Manila. Eventually the Argentina. Some were simply economic Navarrese were incorporated, as were the refugees leaving a relatively impoverished Basques of Iparralde, but all non-Basque and overpopulated pre-industrial home- Spaniards and Creoles were excluded. land; others were self-exiles fleeing the Some scholars have even discerned the Napoleonic clashes and the two Carl- beginnings of modern Basque national- ist Wars that swept across the Basque ism (essentially a twentieth-century and Country. Basques, primarily from rural continuing movement) in this initiative.7 backgrounds, were established as sheep Nevertheless, there are examples in men throughout the pampas by the 1830s. which this Basque ethnic exclusiveness However, this emigration thrust drew was denounced by non-Basque Spaniards upon all sectors of Old-World Basque and/or Creoles. In 1582, Basques and society – including the professional classes. Extremadurans in Potosí engaged in a By mid-century the siren song of Cali- 66 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 fornia gold initiated the second “modern” 1853 – “to govern is to populate”. Thus, movement. Yet Basque fortune seekers, there emerged professional recruitment like most of the “Argonauts,” failed. in which emigration agents from both Several were drawn from the ranks of sides of the Atlantic enticed potential established Basque sheepherders in the candidates for emigration. pampas, and in the vast unoccupied Furthermore, during the last three dec- (except by a few indigenes) rangelands ades of the nineteenth century, Basques, of southern and central California they having lost their “foral” privileges after discerned an opportunity akin to that defeat in the Second Carlist War, were sub- in Argentina and Uruguay. By the early jected to obligatory military conscription 1870s, Basque sheepherders were crossing for the first time. It was a time in which the Sierra Nevada mountains into the Spain needed conscripts for its bloody Great Basin states beyond. By 1900, to say wars against insurrectionists in both Cuba “sheepherder” throughout the American and North Africa. Consequently, many West was to mean “Basque.” Since then young males from Hegoalde crossed the the Basques have dominated the region’s Pyrenees surreptitiously and emigrated sheep industry from herder to rancher. out of a French port to either a South In Latin America, Basques established or North American destination – to be both a rural and urban presence that received there in most cases by established encompassed a wide spectrum of occupa- kinsmen or acquaintances. tions. In the United States the concentra- Then too, there was the flight of Basque tion of Basques in sheep husbandry meant political refugees, largely to Latin Ameri- that most of the immigrants were drawn can destinations, after their defeat in the from the rural Basque countryside. In both Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). These South and North America, the magnitude included Cuba, Mexico, Venezuela, Co- of Basque immigration was such that it lombia, Peru, Chile and Uruguay. In 1941, quickly established the basis for extensive Argentina’s President Ortiz opened his further chain migration, as established country to these exiles. immigrants facilitated the emigration Against the backdrop of all of these fore- of their kinsmen and acquaintances. In going extraordinary circumstances, there short, continued Basque immigration was a constant factor spurring Basque received an external stimulus from the emigration over the centuries – including Basque diasporas themselves. In the Latin the nineteenth one. Reference is to an American case in particular, there was inheritance system in which a single heir periodic public support of European was designated in each generation for immigration as governments sought to the family patrimony. The heir or heiress populate vast hinterlands with agricul- co-resided with his or her parents (the turalists. In 1976, Argentine President classic stem family household), while the Avellaneda promulgated a law of Immi- disinherited siblings were dowered and gration and Colonization that afforded expected to leave. Some married the heir land to newcomers, thereby formalizing or heiress of another rural etxea; others what Juan Bautista Alberdi, the father professed religious vows or migrated to of the Argentine constitution, stated in employment in a nearby urban center. Benan Oregi Iñurrieta 67

However, over the generations, virtually located near railway stations to enhance every rural etxea produced multiple candi- their visibility for the immigrants, it was dates for international emigration. Indeed, there that the newcomer could speak his it was not uncommon for the residences language, eat familiar cuisine and share the of its etxekoak to encompass members comradeship of fellow ethnics (including in both Latin American countries and over time that of Basque-Americans who North America.11 frequented the hotels in search of their So, if Basques had a well-developed ethnic “roots”). emigration tradition, constituting, as it As early as the late nineteenth century were, one of Europe’s prime seedbeds of in several Latin American countries, and emigrants, there was also the pan-Euro- the early twentieth century in the United pean explosion of transatlantic emigration States, Basques were founding another from the mid-nineteenth century through type of ethnic institution – the so-called the 1920s. José Moya speaks of the five Basque “clubs” or voluntary associations. “revolutions” that stimulated this massive Some had physical locales while others did population transfer: the demographic not. Most encompassed both Old-World- explosion in Europe; the liberal revolution, born Basque immigrants and New-World the agricultural revolution, the industrial hyphenated ones in their leaderships and revolution and the revolution in means of memberships. In this regard, they were transportation.12 This transfer of Europe’s contexts in which to formulate (and, “huddled masses”.13 at times, contest) ethnic identity, while projecting it to the outside world. In any Basque Diasporic Ethnic Institu- event, they were referred to, quite tellingly, tions as euskal etxeak (Basque houses). In short, In his “New World” the Basque emigrant these constituted the new “big house” also found an alternative “home away from in which to accommodate an enhanced home”. Reference is to the Basque hotel form of extended etxekoak – namely the that emerged to accommodate Basque Basque community abroad in its many immigration into the host society. While diasporic incarnations. present throughout the Latin American The earliest Basque euskal etxea (called diasporas, the Basque hotel was less Laurak Bat) in the New World was founded critical and pervasive there; given that in 1876 in Montevideo,15 followed quickly the immigrants had some competence by an association of the same name in Bue- in the Spanish language and likely had nos Aires (1877). Laurak bat means “four established kinsmen or acquaintances in in one” and refers to the four historical the venue disposed to provide both tem- territories of Hegoalde.16 Their creation porary respite and assistance in securing was part of a reaction against the loss of employment. Therefore, it was in the the fueros that was centered primarily American West, where Basque immigra- in the homeland.17 These associations tion was both shallow-rooted and spread would protest against this loss in their over an immense geographical expanse, annual assemblies as well; demanding that the boardinghouse or hotel became their restoration. Consequently, this could a critical social institution.14 Strategically be viewed as a diasporic expression of 68 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 the unity of all Basques everywhere in a of JEL. Arana romanticized rural life and common cause.18 In 1884, Montevideo’s symbols (in contrast to the urban indus- Laurak Bat changed its statutes to include trial developments in parts of the Basque Iparralde Basques as well, and the name Country that were attracting job-seekers of its publication was broadened from from throughout Spain that were margin- Laurak Bat to El Euskaro (“The Basque”). alizing the language and diluting Basque The earliest such association in North culture). He emphasized Basque racial America was the Centro Vasco-Americano, purity and denigrated Spaniards. An Sociedad de Beneficencia y Recreo (“The euskoberria, or “new Basque speaker” Basque-American Center, Beneficent and (i.e. someone who learns the language Recreational Society”) established in 1913 after childhood) himself, he authored a in New York City by the Basque collec- grammar and tried to renovate the Basque tivity resident in the key port of entry. language by inventing many neologisms This latter name captures perfectly the to replace foreign (primarily Spanish and fact that all of these associations were Latin) loan words. initially intended to provide assistance He coined the slogan Zazpiak Bat to to the destitute (e.g., return passage to refer to a unified Hegoalde and Ipar- the homeland, medical care and funeral ralde within a single and independent expenses for indigent Basques) and sub- Basque nation that he called Euzkadi – a sequently evolved more into recreational politicized term that he preferred to the and cultural organizations that taught more benign Euskal Herria. Nevertheless, the language and folk dances, sponsored unlike other contemporary European sporting events like handball and jai alai ethnic movements, Arana did not consider and organized an annual festival that territoriality to be an essential feature of welcomed their non-Basque neighbors nation.19 Arana wrote that “Nation is while projecting a positive image of the measured in terms of race, history, legisla- Basque ethnic identity. tion, tradition, character and language … Our Euskeria would still be Euskeria if we The Basque Nationalist Movement took it to an island in the Pacific”.20 This The politician writer and ideologue emphasis upon ius sanguini instead of ius Sabino Arana y Goiri (1865–1903) is soli is scarcely surprising, given that Arana’s considered to be the father of modern “entity,” the seven Basque territories had Basque nationalism – a movement that been pulled in differing directions – the informs Basque politics to the present day. kingdoms of Castile and Navarra; Spain During his short life (he died at 38), he and France – for a millennium. A corollary designed the current Basque flag (1894) was that anyone who was descended from and founded the Basque Nationalist Party Basques was Basque – including diasporic (1895). His maxim was Jaungoikua eta persons to be sure. Indeed, there is the Lege Zarra (“God and the Old Laws”). interesting phenomenon evident in the Thus, Basques were to adhere to their older diasporas of persons with one re- traditional Catholicism and fuerism. mote Basque ancestor, yet practically no The aphorism JEL came to identify the knowledge of Basque history or culture, nationalists as the JELtzaleak, or followers joining a Basque club. Then too, we might Benan Oregi Iñurrieta 69 mention the abortive 1897 project of to constitute an autonomous community. Florencio de Basaldúa, a pioneer in the In December of 1979, the Basques passed Basque Nationalist Party and emigrant to their own Statute of Autonomy of Gernika Uruguay and Argentina. He proposed to that established the autonomous com- the Argentine government establishment munity of Euskadi22 (Navarra constituted of a vast Basque agricultural colony in the its own). Under its provisions Euskadi province of Tucumán that would receive has its own president, parliament, police 50,000 immigrants. If not a transfer of force and considerable control over fiscal Euzkadi to the South Pacific, this might be matters. It raises its own taxes and makes regarded as creation of the eighth Basque an annual agreed payment to Madrid for territory – a Basque Country removed the expenses of the national government from Europe.21 (most notably its defense costs). Arana also felt that every Basque had an Article 6.5 of the Statute of Gernika obligation to learn and use the language. states that “Given that Euskara or Basque He coined the motto Euskaldunon Aberria language is the heritage of other Basque Euzkadi da (“Euzkadi is the Nation of territories and communities” the Basque Basque Speakers”). Despite the essential- Autonomous Community is empowered ism in these positions, Arana’s ideology to sign mutual cultural agreements (in- contained the kernel of the postulate cluding with entities in Iparralde) with that “anyone who felt Basque and who them to conserve the Basque language. was willing to learn the language was Article 7.1 defines who is considered to be thereby Basque”. As we shall see, this has “politically Basque” as anyone residing in become a tenet of contemporary Basque a municipality of the Basque Autonomous nationalism. Community. This incorporates the forty In short, there were anomalies and irrec- percent, or so, persons without Basque oncilable postulates sprinkled throughout genealogical credentials into the “Basque Arana’s ideology. It could be alternatively electorate” – a clear case of ius soli. Never­ exclusive and inclusive. It weighed race theless, Article 7.2 incorporates into the (descent), language and territory differ- Basque Autonomous Community persons ently depending upon context. from the Basque homeland living abroad and their descendants. While primarily Basque Diasporas in the Post- an emphasis upon ius sanguini, in theory Franco period it could include the descendants of a The present Spanish Constitution was non-Basque born in the Basque Country approved in 1978 after a national ref- who now reside in, say, Argentina. Those erendum in which the “no” vote along whose last residence before emigrating was with the abstentions were in the majority the Basque Country, and who retain their in the three Basque provinces, excluding Spanish citizenship, can claim the same Navarra. However, shortly thereafter the rights in the Basque Autonomous Com- Basque electorate, at the urging of the munity that are enjoyed by its residents. Basque Nationalist Party, approved a Regarding its relations with the Basque Statute of Autonomy under which each diasporas, the Basque Parliament passed of Spain’s seventeen regions were allowed unanimously Law 8/1994. It committed 70 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 the Basque Government to foster mainte- viding assistance to the Basque diasporas, nance of the Basque language and culture although some are under consideration. among the several diasporas around the According to Sho Hagio23, “the elabo- globe that were founded beginning in the rated article 3.3 shows a significant impor- early nineteenth century in Latin America. tance in that it expanded a new horizon of It was in part recognition of the support the Basque collectivity with its openness given by many of these collectivities to beyond the principles of nationality in Basque political refugees from the Spanish terms of lineage and territoriality in terms Civil War. of birthplace of the member of Basque Article 3 of Law 8/1994 defines the centers”: Hagio mentions that there still three groups that constitute members of remains the question of territoriality from Basque diaspora. First, Article 3.1. defines the angle of the “homeland” “or a vague the scope of those who are eligible under image of home in their collective myths Article 7.2 of the Statute of Gernika: or aspirations, even if such a “homeland” these are the “politically Basque” because does not contain a strict territorial sense. A they can vote in the elections under two deterritorialized diasporic situation might conditions: last residence in the Basque counterbalance a longing for a stabilized Autonomous Community and retain territory”, as the Basque Government their Spanish passport. Second, Article often incorporated various institutions 3.2 regards those born in Euskadi, but and artists of Nafarroa and Iparralde into evacuated from it during the Spanish Civil its diaspora projects. Professor Hagio War, and who remain resident abroad. even speaks about a potential leading After eighty years, most are deceased and to a “reterritorialization” of the “Basque the survivors languish without targeted mainland”. assistance from the homeland. At present, the official register of recog- Third, Article 3.3 grants Basque nized Basque entities established by Law community membership to members of 8/1994, contains a total of 191 entries of Basque Centers (primarily euskal etxeak euskal etxeak and cultural associations in but also including certain Basque cul- 25 countries on five continents (all the tural associations as well) recognized by inhabited ones except Africa). Altogether the Basque Government. This, in effect, they number 36,000 members. Approx- expands the horizon of what constitutes imately half antedate the promulgation “Basqueness” beyond those with specific of the legislation; it might be posited connections to Euskadi. Thus, many of the that the proliferation of such associations recognized euskal etxeak are dominated subsequent to it might actually be in part by descendants of Iparralde and/or have in response to the financial support offered considerable contingents of Navarrese by Euskadi to the Basque diasporas. in their memberships. The Autonomous Of interest as well is the fact that more Community of Navarra has nothing com- than eighty Argentine Basque entities have parable to Law 8, although it has a grants constituted themselves into FEVA, or the program that provides assistance to eight Federación de Entidades Vasco-Argentinas Navarrese diaspora centers outside of (Federation of Basque-Argentine Entities). Europe. Iparralde has no institutions pro- In 1973, modeling their initiative on Benan Oregi Iñurrieta 71

FEVA, North American Basques consol- horizontally with one another and verti- idated their more than 30 entities into cally with institutions and individuals in NABO (North American Basque Organ- the ancestral European homeland. Indeed, izations). We might consider these two it seems fair to say that the future Basque organizations to be respective etxaldeak “nation,” whatever form(s) it may acquire writ large. In these two diasporas (as well over time, may be best configured from as Uruguay and Chile), the several euskal the eighth territory, i.e. the diasporas. It etxeak now share a common cultural pur- is there that the universalist and inclusive pose (fomenting the Basque language and view prevails, rather than the territori- identity) that make them “neighborhoods” alism and essentialism that sometime on a national scale. divide Basques from one another in the European homeland. It is important to Conclusion remember that there are easily twice as We might now underscore that much is many “Basques” (immigrants and their happening with regard to both relations descendants) residing outside of the among the traditional Old World Basque Basque Country than there are within it. territories and between them and the diasporas. In January of 2017, Jean René Notes Etchegaray, President of the newly-created 1. These include: “1) Dispersal from an community of Basque municipalities in original homeland, often traumatically, to Iparralde (its first such collective institu- two or more foreign regions; 2) alterna- tion) met with Euskadi’s President Iñigo tively or additionally, the expansion from Urkullu and the Navarra’s President Uxue a homeland in search of work, in pursuit Barkos to discuss common projects. This of trade or to further colonial ambitions; 3) a collective memory and myth about was the first such encounter ever and it the homeland, including its location, underscores the growing awareness that history, suffering and achievements; 4) all European Basques share a common an idealization of the real or imagined ethnic heritage that can be best preserved ancestral home and a collective com- by pursuing a collaborative agenda. By mitment to its maintenance, restoration the same token, there is now considerable safety and prosperity, even to its creation; interaction between the various diasporas 5) the frequent development of a return and the Basque homeland. Law 8/1994 movement to the homeland that gains of Euskadi’s Parliament played no small collective approbation even if many in part in creating such bridges. FEVA and the group are satisfied with only a vicari­ NABO both facilitate the visits of hy- ous relationship or intermittent visits to phenated Basque youth to their ancestral the homeland; 6) a strong ethnic group consciousness sustained over a long time homeland. Both promote the tours in their and based on a sense of distinctiveness, respective host countries of Old-World a common history, the transmission of a Basque performing artists. common cultural and religious heritage Finally, we might mention that the and the belief in a common fate; 7) a Internet now facilitates the existence of troubled relationship with host societies, a planetary Basque etxaldea, as Basques suggesting a lack of acceptance or the from throughout the diasporas interact possibility that another calamity might 72 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

befall the group; 8) a sense of empathy and as well. By the late nineteenth century co-responsibility with co-ethnic members some Basques in Buenos Aires, disaffected in other countries of settlement even with the increasingly politicized agenda where home has become more vestigial; of Laurak Bat, the city’s main Basque and 9) the possibility of a distinctive cre- association, founded El Centro Vasco ative, enriching life in host societies with Francés (“The French Basque Center”) a tolerance of pluralism.” Cohen, Robin, and El Centro Navarro (“The Navarrese “Diasporas and the State: From victims Center”). Ibid, 164. to challengers,” International Affairs 72 11. During the twentieth century the list (3), July 1996: 507–20. would come to include Australia, many 2. Douglass, William A. and Jon Bilbao, of the countries of the European Union Amerikanuak: Basques in the New World, and even contemporary China. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1975. 12. Moya, José, Primos y extranjeros. La 3. Ibid, 74. inmigración española en Buenos Aires, 4. Muru Ronda, Fernando, “Las colectiv- 1850–1930, Buenos Aires, Emecé, 2004. idades vascas de Sudamérica: Pasado, 13. Handlin, Oscar, The Uprooted: The Epic presente y futuro” in Douglass, William Story of the Great Migrations That Made A., Urza, Carmelo, White, Linda and the American People, New York, Little, Zulaika, Joseba (eds.), The Basque Di- Brown and Company, 1951. aspora/La Diáspora Vasca, Reno: Basque 14. See Echeverria, Jeronima, Home Away Studies Program, University of Nevada, from Home: A History of Basque Board- Reno, 1999: 94–107. inghouses, Reno and Las Vegas, University 5. De la Puente Brunke, José, “La Cofradía of Nevada Press, 1999. de los vascos de Lima” in Las huellas 15. Irigoyen Artetxe, Alberto, Laurak Bat de América. I Congreso Internacional de Montevideo primera euskal etxea del Arantzazu y los Franciscanos Vascos en mundo, 1876–1898, Vitoria-Gasteiz: América, Eusko Ikaskuntza, Donostia-San Servicio Editorial del Gobierno Vasco, Sebastián, 2004: 103–113. The Virgin 1999. Mary was purported to have appeared 16. Chueca, José, “El asociacionismo vasco to a shepherd on a Gipuzkoan mountain en América” in Juan Andrés Blanco (ed.), and is the object of Basque devotion to El asociacionismo de la emigración española this day. There is a significant monastery a América, Uned-Zamora, Salamanca, on the site that has devolved a practical 2008. and political role in Basque history that 17. The Basque troubadour, José María Ip- is quite akin to that of the Monastery of arragirre, author of the song Gernika’ko Montserrat for Catalans. Arbola (“Tree of Gernika”) that is the 6. Patron saint of Bizkaian and Gipuzkoan de facto Basque national anthem for Basques. The College was also known as nationalists, emigrated to Uruguay and the Colegio de las Vizcaínas. Argentina after the loss of the fueros. 7. Douglass and Bilbao, Amerikanuak, After a disastrous run as both a sheep- 104–112. herder and tavernkeeper, the Basques of 8. Ibid, 81. southern South America raised money to 9. Ibid, 88–94. pay for his return to Europe. (Douglass, 10. This is not to say that the Old-World William A., “El vasco antitético: Iparra- divisions, as we shall see, were not at times girre en América” in Mendibil, Gontzal manifested in the New-World settings Jose Maria Iparragirre: Erro-urratsak/Raíz Benan Oregi Iñurrieta 73

y viento, Igorre, Bizkaia, Keinu, 1999, 23. Hagio, Sho, “Nationality and Territorial- vol. 2: 161–172. He also penned the ity in Basque Diaspora Politics” in Azcona, song popular among Basque emigrants José Manuel (Ed), Identidad y estructura whose first verse is Gazte gaztetatikan de la emigración vasca y navarra hacia erritik kanpora Estranjeri aldean pasa Iberoamérica siglos (XVI–XXI), Thomson det denbora. Errialde guztietan toki onak Reuters Aranzadi, 2015: 555–570. badira. Bañan bihotzak dio: zoaz Euskal Errira (“Since I was very young I have spent time abroad. But although there are good places everywhere, the heart says: go back to the Basque Country”). 18. Nevertheless, in 1877 a similar association was founded in Havana with the name Laurak Bat. Its founders were aligned with Spanish centralists against the Cuban independence movement. So in this case “four in one” meant that Spanish Basques were in accord with Madrid’s colonial policy. See Irigoyen Artetxe, Alberto, La asociación vasco-navarra de beneficencia y otras entidades vasco-cubanas, Vito- ria-Gasteiz: Urazandi, Gobierno Vasco/ Eusko Jaurlaritza, 2014. 19. Totoricagüena, Gloria Pilar, Identity, Cul- ture and Politics in the Basque Diaspora, Reno and Las Vegas: University of Nevada Press, 2003. 20. Cited in Heiberg, Marianne, The Making of the Basque Nation, Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1989: 52. 21. Basaldua, F.: “Eskal-Berri” in Bol. Inst. Amer. Est. Vascos, 142, 1985: 136–144. 22. This is a modification of Arana’s term “Euzkadi” that designates the entire Basque Country. That use is politically charged to this day and refers to an in- dependent Basque state encompassing all of Hegoalde and Iparralde, irrespective of the desires of the Navarrese and French Basques (where such sentiment remains in a distinct minority). Use of the term Euskadi to refer to the Basque Auton- omous Community does not have the same radical political connotation and is accepted by Madrid.

How the Welcoming of Jewish Refugees Fleeing Germany for France Evolved through Time (1933–1938)

Laurence Prempain

Introduction primarily political circumstances; deprived of governmental protection A man without a passport is a dead [...], it lacks what a jurist called the man on leave. He barely has the asset third constituent element of the to kill himself, and it is all that’s modern man, after the soul and the left to do. And with a passport? A body: the passport.2 passport will not grant you a work permit abroad. Of course not. But These two texts, published in 1939 and at least it allows you to starve easily. 1946 are milestones of a story that has Without being constantly alert. And continued since then, on other grounds. that is already something.1 Millions of men and women, yesterday coming from Germany, Poland, and Rus- Eric Maria Remarque based his book, sia, and nowadays from Syria, Iraq, and Les exilés in French, on his own story. He Afghanistan were and are still forced to started being attacked by the German exile to flee repression, discrimination, nationalist press back in 1929, and as incarceration, and even murder. Until the of 1932 he was harassed by the judicial 19th century, there was simply no term proceedings plotted by the Nazis, he chose that properly defined these people. It is to exile. His words echo those of Abbé only during the two last decades of the Glasberg, a historical figure known for 19th century that awareness was raised. his help to refugees in France. In 1946, In the wake of the 20th century, in the he clarified what is entitled by the word aftermath of the First World War, the refugee according to his vision. He ex- phenomenon grew due to the dismantling plains that: of Empires, the creation of new Nations, and the inherent alterations of borders. In The refugee is not only a foreigner, Russia, the Revolution, constant famine he is a compounded foreigner. Out- and the collapse of the White armies have lawed or fugitive, he is a victim of dispelled more than a million and a half 76 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 of citizens between 1920 and 1921. They militants from left-wing parties and many became “stateless due to a global, forced were intellectuals. They were fleeing Ger- and automatic deprivation of their na- many in the aftermath of the Reichstag tionality based on ideological and political fire which led to 4,000 arrests of potential grounds”.3 In December 1921, Fridtjof suspects and regime opponents, conducted Nansen, a Norwegian academic and ex- by the Nazis during the night of the 27th plorer, was named High Commissioner February 1933.5 Even though Jews were of problems related to Russian refugees numerous, they were nonetheless often in Europe. Free movement was inherently distant from any feeling of identity. Fol- crucial to these people, such that the lowing the boycott measures put in place Nansen passport was created in 1922. on the 1st April by an anti-Jew nationalist It is the equivalent of a travel document campaign, and specifically aimed at Jewish specific to exile population. Remarque’s shops, the first departures began as Jews book quotes one Russian who had this realised that living a decently normal life type of passport: “A Nansen passport? in Hitlerian Germany would no longer [...] Well then you belong to the stateless’ be possible. Between March and Au- aristocracy.”4 It was in this international gust 1933, Parisian police headquarters atmosphere that Hitler took power in the registered 7,304 refugees coming from 30th January 1933. Germany. However, this number does As part of this contribution, I will not include the additional 2,500 illegal demonstrate how the welcoming of Jew- immigrants.6 ish refugees coming from Germany to This shows that Hitler’s rise to power France evolved with time, and how they had some nearly instant impact on the shifted from being warmly welcomed to departures of some people who left the becoming “undesirable”, according to country immediately. However, the ma- then terminology. Furthermore, I will jority of those who were not as politicized explore the reasons that pushed France began to leave Germany following the to preach the most extensive reception racial laws of Nuremberg enacted in Sep- right before closing its borders. Hence, tember 1935. Chronologically, Austria’s I will enlighten the measures taken by annexation into Nazi Germany (Anschluss) the French administration to restrict in March 1938 led to another flood of ref- the hosting. Finally, I will acknowledge ugees and indirectly triggered the violent how the persecuted men and women, far outbreaks of the Kristallnacht between the from passively enduring their situation, 8th and 10th November 1938, therefore actually reacted to find solutions which hastening more departures. In March I call sidesteps and transgressions. These 1939 Czechoslovakia, which had already concepts will be explicitly highlighted lost the Sudetenland since September of based on concrete examples of life courses. that year, was invaded by the Hitlerian troops, hence further inducing the flight German Jewish refugees of Czech Jews and other refugees living The first victims of the Hitlerian regime in Czechoslovakia. To these population crossed the French border on the 16th flows must be added those of the Ost­ March 1933. These refugees were mostly juden – essentially Romanian, Polish Laurence Prempain 77 and Ukrainian Jews. Thus, the Jewish ness, France will wish to remain a population in France raised from 200,000 refuge to all victims of persecutions. in 1933 to 300,000 in 1939.7 Orders, is that right Minister, will France’s initial hosting attitude is known be given to all our borders, so that to be based on compassion from the Jewish those who will have managed to flee community, as well as from other pop- Nazi rifles or Reichswehr machine ulation groups, such as non-communist guns, will find in our country the left-wing parties and unions, the Human fraternal welcome that has always Rights League, the International League been the glory and pride of France.9 against Anti-Semitism, the International Red Aid, some politicians and many aca- He even specified, in a ministerial circular demics. Edouard Herriot, mayor of Lyon, to the Prefects dated 20th April 1933, came forwards as part of this movement that if refugees did not own a visa, they when he declared in April 1933: would nonetheless be “allowed to enter the country with a simple statement of We must respond to violence only their status”, meaning declaring oneself with peace and kindness. I am pleased as a refugee. that no political speech serving ha- In fact, it is speculated that France tred has been pronounced during was trying to regain a dominant position this meeting. We must defend those and therefore welcomed the oppressed who suffer, stay loyal to our duty as without any restriction. The effects of such human beings, and therefore work policy were immediate, as suggested by towards the emergence of a universal the French ambassador in Brussels: “It is confidence and trust.8 justified for us to believe that the values advocated by our country will contribute The nature of this welcoming can be to an improved international climate.”10 questioned. The only plausible explanation This obviously suggests a better position regarding the opening of French borders, amongst other leading Nations as well while immigration restrictions persisted in as a restored prestige on an international Great-Britain and the United States, lies scale. Moreover, a sudden shift in the in foreign politics. Indeed, at that time, English position can be noticed. In the France was diplomatically isolated. While English press, The Guardian reflects on the the rest of Europe was seeking easing of crudeness of the English position and de- tension, France welcomed thousands of clared: “No Frenchman, be he nationalist, refugees from Germany in an attempt to reactionary, or even anti-Semite, would show the rightness of its uncompromising ever be indecent enough as to consider position against the Nazi system. It is in German refugees as undesirable foreign- this mindset that the social deputy Jules ers.”11 France regained its former prestige. Moch, speaking to the Minister of the With such behaviour, France denied being Interior Camille Chautemps before the a warmonger, a spoiler, underlined its Parliament, on the 5th April 1933 declared: pacifist position and demonstrated how crucial its security policy against the ris- I am certain that amid Europe’s mad- ing Nazi Germany truly was. Therefore, 78 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 refugees promptly became part of larger arrival. Faced with this urgent situation, foreign politics led by the French. Mean- the national French National Emergency while, within the government, President Relief for German refugees threatened by Edouard Daladier was in favour of closing anti-Semitism [Comité national français the borders, while the Minister of the de secours aux réfugiés allemands victimes Interior Camille Chautemps argued that de l’antisémitisme], acknowledged by the France must maintain the current hosting French government as the main speaker situation to its broadest. It seems that the of the Jewish community, was forced to consequences of welcoming all refugees seek help from the French government without restrictions were not carefully itself. Another reason lies on a sensitive evaluated, especially because it is highly issue – namely, the too pronounced Ger- unlikely that politicians had considered manity of the German Jewish refugees. this hosting as only temporary. These It is undeniable that in France, even internal conflicts generated an overall amongst the French Jews, a very strong impression of profound chaos. Whereas anti-German attitude persisted. Indeed, visa demands were supposedly “examined a journalist described: in the largest and most liberal state of mind”, constraints and conditions were At first, it’s true; they [German Jews] applied straight away. Finally, the official were warmly welcomed. But much statement of the Alliance Israélite Uni- has changed since. French Jews verselle (AIU) claiming that the Jewish complain that the newcomers have community would take entire control of brought along with them flaws that the financial responsibility for refugees are specific to Germans. Too loud, may have had a questionably precipitating too convinced of the superiority of role regarding the decisions of welcoming. German civilisation. In sum, true During the first weeks of the refugees’ Fritzie [Boche].12 afflux, the French Jewish community seemed to be fully committed to their Finally, another factor contributing to the cause. The AIU has assured that the entire anxious climate originated from political cost of their hosting would be taken upon tensions emerging between the elite of by the Jewish community to avoid refugees French Jews and Jewish refugees. Indeed, becoming an extra charge to the French some felt very strongly politically involved state. However, the optimism of the first and urged the others to protest Nazi an- weeks was followed by deep concerns. One ti-Semitism. However, some leaders of of the main reasons was that the leaders the Jewish community in France advised of the Jewish community in France had these German Jewish activists to stay low not considered the extent of the refugee in order to not stir up more anti-Semi- flow and had not imagined that it would tism, implying no more protests. Hence, persist on the longer term. In other words, towards the end of 1933, the relationship they only thought of it as temporary. between refugees and the National Emer- Yet, very rapidly, fundraisings could no gency Relief had significantly deteriorated. longer compensate for the ever-increasing Both parties felt ill towards each other; the financial need necessary for the refugees’ former blamed the latter for insufficient Laurence Prempain 79 financial aid and condescending attitude reason, although none will publicly claim while the latter criticised the former for its it”.16 It was not long before anti-Semites ungratefulness and irritation. At the same began to insinuate that Jewish refugees time, while the refugee situation evolved from Germany were blowing their horror to becoming a “problem”, the meaning stories out of proportion and that they of the word itself was being clarified. It were not in such a bad place after all, as soon appeared that it differed significantly Robert Brasillach wrote in 1941: from the notion discussed earlier in the introduction where the refugee was de- In Lyon …, I saw the first German fined as a person banned from his/her Jews arrived. They were not so scared, country in the name of Freedom.13 Danièle they still had connections with some Lochack, a law professor, demonstrated rich relatives in Frankfurt or Berlin. this precisely by referring to Hannah They were farsighted and anticipat- Arendt, who wrote in 1951 that from now ing the tough times ahead, yet their on, refugees were no longer persecuted, exile, which was at the time painless “neither solely or mainly based on their and without real persecution, was former actions of thoughts, but because already amplified by the press of both there are born forever into the wrong continents as a tremendous lament.17 racial or social category.”14 In addition, they were no longer perceived individu- To reach the French public opinion, ally but rather as a collective whole due partially receptive to the popular an- to the fleeing phenomenon that they ti-Semitism movement, still “diffuse, were a part of. In other words, the logic unorganised, instinctive”18 at the time, was reversed, and one was collectively the far right systematised its actions. Since considered a refugee depending on the anti-Semitism could only be expressed population group to which one belonged. within a legal frame, all the ways that One direct and immediate consequence could potentially reach the population was that French authorities began to treat and its social activities were exploited, to refugees depending on their identity and win over the widest support possible in the on whether they were political refugees or goal to disregard Jewish German refugees: Jewish refugees. Aurélie Audeval associated “Booklets, leaflets, newspapers, flyers and the former with a romantic vision and cartoons are the media most commonly with the “very foundations of the French used by Judeophobic movement.”19 state inception”, while the latter “triggers It is in this context that the Great [...] an attitude of charity and an irritation Depression – initiated in 1929 – finally due to the burden represented, as well as hit France. The shock was particularly suspicion regarding the reasons that led significant since the French had thought other States to get rid of this population.”15 they could avoid it and because the This type of suspicion can be linked to economists had not managed to read the the extreme right’s attempt to radicalise foreshadowing signs. Between 1929 and the French’s hostility. Indeed, according 1936, unemployment raised by a factor to these extremists, nine Frenchmen out of four, partial unemployment drastically of ten were “anti-Semites by nature, or by increased, while working time decreased. 80 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

It is thought that in the early 1935, 2 The only ones who would have the possi- million out of 12.5 million of employees bility to try and obtain one were German were left with no job. Anti-Semites were citizens and stateless persons. This caused quick to draw direct conclusions from this the French Minister of Foreign affairs to economic situation and used it to spread announce in September 1934 that Jews their ideas while the far right insisted that from Eastern Europe would not benefit Jews were threatening the jobs of French. from any specific refugee status.22 At the This disastrous economic situation in same time, from the 2nd August 1933 France, due to the Great Depression, onwards, the border police were instructed prompted all governments (set up from to forbid anyone from entering the French 1933 to spring 1936) to give in almost territory unless they possessed a valid entirely to the protectionist measures visa. Meanwhile, the French consuls in demanded by the extreme right. These Germany and in Europe were told to measures were taken over by all moder- reduce the number of delivered visas. On ate politicians, as well as by journalists, the 19th October 1933, the liberal regime but were rejected by the majority of the that was put in place in April regarding the centre-right and centre-left, who despite delivering of visas, was repealed. Instead, little ambivalence stood strongly against the previous regime was restored, with xenophobia.20 The measures then put even further restricting measures, such in place by the successive governments as financial ones, where only those with aimed to restrict the hosting of refugees sufficient financial funds would be given a in France. For those already settled in visa. Finally, in February 1934, one could France, the policy of national preference actually be asked to prove his/her status rendered their living situation materially as a political refugee. In other words, difficult. consular authorities and border control officers were only allowed to hand visas or Evolution of the hosting situation identity cards to those “capable of proving In 1933, following the short liberal pe- that they were physically threatened and riod that only lasted a few weeks, the that their life was in danger”.23 restrictions concerning the access of the In 1938, some decree-laws were en- French territory cannot be seen as a sim- dorsed and hereinafter not only deter- ple step back, as they were in fact part mined how refugees were hosted but of the establishment of an even more played a pivotal role in the conditions severe regime, further worsened by the under which refugees would live in France. decree-laws of 1938. Vicky Caron recounts This legal arsenal attempted to limit and how France, despite its promise of never control the presence of refugees, and on closing its borders, installed a policy in a larger scale, of foreigners in France. total opposition to its status as an asylum The decree-law of the 2nd May 1938, nation.21 despite discussing the refugee situation, Back in July 1933, the Minister of more importantly reflected how much Foreign affairs declared that refugees arriv- the mindset of the French population ing from any country other than Germany and the French state had evolved: moving would not benefit from the refugee status. away from the compassionate hosting Laurence Prempain 81 of the victims in 1933, they were now sion of undesirable, but the administrative inclined to the idea of interning all the discourse during the 1930s contributed “undesirables”, as was planned in the to its generalization. decree issued on the 12th November 1938. While the administration debated the From refugees to undesirables, this shift in economic benefits and side effects of terminology implies the change of public foreigners, the status of political refugee opinion as well as the state of mind of po- then required an administrative proof. It litical parties.24 Men and women arriving initially remained rather random, because from Germany were initially considered the policy was not based on any established as refugees (in March 1933), but a shift procedures, and thus no criteria had been in discourse quickly occurred, such that clearly defined. The ultimate decision the terms “fake refugee”25 (in May 1933) hence depended on official in charge of and “so-called refugees from Germany”26 the case. Claire Zalc refers to the case of began to emerge. From there on, the a refugee from Germany who provided a distinction between the true and the fake document to the French authorities clearly refugee became a heated debate. Thus, stating that he was explicitly threatened to Edouard Herriot declared on the 29th be forced sterilized; yet the document was January 1935 in front of the Parliament: not considered sufficient evidence for an actual threat and he was denied the status Reason, common sense, justice, and of refugee. Therefore, it could be assumed the French and Republican mindsets that the decree-law of the 2nd May 1938 encourage us to distinguish the gen- was a step forwards as it mentioned in uine political refugee who deserves Article 2 that “political refugees who, upon the protection that France has always their arrival in France, at the first border offered to the ones victims of their post, claim their status according to the beliefs, and to disassociate him/her determined forms and conditions, will from those pretending to be political be subject to an administrative inquiry. refugees in order to conduct certain The Ministry of the Interior will be the activities that are conflicting the rules one in charge of the final decision.” These of politics and of common law.27 conditions were later made more specific in a praefectorial document stating that to At the same time, the idea of a useful benefit from Article 2 from the decree-law immigration progressed and Philippe of the 2nd May 1938, one must: Serre, head of the Sub secretary of State for the immigration, created on the 18th Provide proofs to the status of polit- January 1938 following Edouard Herriot’s ical refugee by bringing forward the initiative,28 considered that the distinction following supporting documents: must be made between useful foreigners 1° certificates from French consular and what is then called the undesirable, authorities potentially inclined to mainly Jews from Eastern Europe who testify on behalf of the person; entered the French territory illegally. This 2° testimonies from groups, French notion is not new, as the law of the 3rd or international figures, whose moral December 1849 already allowed the expul- value is unquestionable; 82 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

3° press clippings relating the events flux of foreigners, and it established the that have led the person to expatriate, first step towards internment as it allowed as well as documents (letters, regis- house arrest for those who could not leave tration of residence, etc.) proving France. The decree-law from the 12th that one was indeed temporally and November 1938 worsened this clause, spatially present when and where the because it added the establishment of events took place. The clips must internment centres. The first one was demonstrate that the person was opened in Rieucros, in Lozère, at the affected, either individually or as beginning of the year 1939. part of a larger category of people The notion of “concentration camp” is concerned by these same events; explicitly expressed in the ministries.30 It 4° documents that may establish that was also planned that in case of mobilisa- the individual was an opponent of tion due to war, all male foreigners aged his country’s regime and that this from seventeen to fifty years old needed hostility exposed him to abuse or to to be gathered within the shortest time property damages (press clippings, possible in gathering centres specific to membership card, etc.); foreigners. When the war broke out, Ger- 5° documents testifying pursuit, man nationals and former Austrians were prosecution, custody due to polit- therefore interned during many months ical events, etc. Furthermore, the in dreadful camps. Hence, it is clear that individual will need to prove that these decrees-laws left no solution to the he is not able to leave our country, problem concerning the refugee status and by producing visa denial letters from they were far from guaranteeing them the consular authorities of at least three right to asylum.31 On the international countries that could potentially host scale, an international convention, issued him. Failing that, one must prove on the 1st February 1938 and inspired by that he indeed did request the consu- the one of 1933, was drafted and signed lar authorities. Besides, please com- in favour of the refugees coming from plete and return the leaflets attached Germany. France refused to sign it. The and advise me on the chances of his emigrant’s nationality remained the de- expulsion.29 termining factor when deciding on the obtention of the refugee status. Therefore, The decree-law from the 2nd May 1938 Jewish refugees from Eastern Europe could mentioned the term “political refugee” not benefit from the international aid for the first time (Article 2), but this promised by the conventions of 1933 term did not withhold any promise of and 1938. In July 1938, during the Evian protection. Instead, it reflected the desire conference, France failed to pretend that to control, and to eventually deport, as it intended to remain an asylum nation. shown in the above document, which From then on, during the year 1939 until begins by demanding proof that one is the beginning of hostilities on the 1st indeed a political refugee and ends with September, the French policy towards the word “expulsion”. This decree-law was refugees was subject to many contradicting inherently aimed to monitor and control forces, drowning it into the most profound Laurence Prempain 83 confusion. [...] We do not need to hit hard, but to Regarding refugees, while the de- put our affairs in order.”34 Obviously, this cree-laws insisted on being stricter, not measure was not meant to directly harm only did refugees continue to arrive, refugees, but they inevitably suffered from but the number of illegal migrants kept its consequences. increasing. In the beginning of the year Simultaneously, the access to certain 1939, out of 60,000 refugees present in jobs such as lawyers and doctors was France and coming from Eastern and being restricted. L’Étudiant francais, a Oriental Europe, 42,000 are thought to monthly magazine part of the Students be illegal.32 Since the detention centres National Federation of Action française, supposed to be in place following the a far-right movement, reported on the decree-law of the 12th November 1938 demonstrations that took place towards were simply inexistent, illegal migrants the end of January 1935 in the main were accused of violating the decree-law French faculties of medicine, and wrote: of the 2nd May 1938 and massively ended “Against the invasion of métèques. All up in French prisons. of France’s faculties are on strike to pro- test the invasion of the French medical Domestic policy community by foreigners.”35 All sources In terms of domestic policy, several steps clearly state that these demonstrations were taken in the direction of a national were anti-Semite, which is explicitly con- preference policy. Back in August 1932, firmed by Doctor Louis Goubin: on the 10th, a law aimed to “protect na- tional manual force” had already been All these Romanians, and these unanimously passed and intended to do Poles settling in France, who are so by establishing quotas of foreigners. The they, actually? Everybody seems to eager enforcement of these new measures ignore it, but is it not an open secret? from 1934 to 1936 suggests that they Who still ignores that all of those satisfied most of the French population. who we persist to call Romanians The French State then took further action are simply Jews? [...] It would be by constraining all industries hiring more more appropriate, when discussing than 10% of foreigners to put forward the invasion of the French medical quotas. The number of decrees increased: community, to speak in terms of from only 72 between 1932 and 1933, Jews instead of foreigners.36 this number raised to 170 passed in only six months as from November 1934, These demonstrations resulted in the and finally reached 383 in the eighteen Cousin-Nast law in July 1935. From following months, thus summing up to then on, foreign students can no longer 553 in three years.33 Edouard Herriot, benefit from any exemption from exam- during a public appearance at the city ination, and all naturalized doctors must council in Lyon on the 21st November wait five years before carrying out his/ 1934 declared: “I will prove to you that her functions.37 Lawyers have similarly I am convinced, as all of you are, that managed to obtain the same restrictions French workforce needs to be prioritized. within their sectors. Thanks to several 84 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 medical members who sit in Parliament, tween sidesteps and transgressions cannot they obtained the vote in July 193438 of a and should not be drawn. Indeed, many law proposal which prevented naturalized other factors can influence one’s decision citizens’ access to the bar, or of holding a process, such as context, his/her identity public office, during ten years after their and his/her journey. Moreover, according naturalisation. to Jacques Sémelin, it is highly possible that fear of punishment hinders the shift Men and Women reacted to transgression. Sanction, disobedience, Initially welcomed but soon rejected due and insubordination frighten everyone.39 to the economic crisis and upheavals hit- I will here share only one life story, the ting France in 1935, Jews who had taken one of Laja and her husband Ela Mielnik. shelter in France inherently depended on They arrived in France on the 22nd May the French administration, which turned 1933 and were coming from Germany, this population group from an inclusive where they ran a business for ten years in space into an exclusive one. Therefore, Frankfurt. Their business was boycotted, confronted to this exclusion, men and hence forcing them to leave. They were women actively try to find solutions which foresighted as they brought along with I chose to call sidesteps and transgression. them machines and raw material necessary These words are not synonyms, yet they to start over their business. Moreover, both suggest the presence of limits, im- they did not go to Paris, like most Jewish plemented by the successive governments refugees from Germany did, but to Lyon. of the Third Republic. However, these Why Lyon? First, because they were less words imply some non-overlapping ac- visible there; and second, because Lyon tions as certain actions are deliberately was an important economic centre. They opposed to the law, hence transgression; had clients in Switzerland, Alsace-Lor- whereas others suggest a shift of focus raine and Sarre, such that this geographic toward the limitation, which therefore position seemed strategic. However, the refers to sidestep, bypassing and avoidance. prefect of Lyon was suspicious, and he Therefore, sidestep and transgression are wrote that they not interchangeable in the sense that the first refers to situations of basic impera- ... say they are political refugees from tives (such as food and housing, work, Germany. [...] These foreignerswould supporting one’s family) while the second be Israelites [...] their business would deals with vital imperatives (how to not be boycotted, but there were not be interned, to live, or at least to survive). personally molested nor threatened The difference between sidesteps and by Nazis [...]. They entered France transgressions is a question of scale in through Strasbourg on the 14th Sep- which the unit of measure would be the tember 1933 [...]. They came directly degree of arbitrariness in the decisions to Lyon, where they run a factory of taken by the French administration. How- leatherwork. [...] I think it is wise to ever, we cannot and should not divide reject the MIELNIK couple.40 all behaviours solely based on these two categories, in as much as a strict line be- The use of the conditional tense and other Laurence Prempain 85 keywords express systematic suspicion. wrote to Laja and Ela’s five employees who And indeed, the French administration then addressed a letter to the prefect in sent them an expulsion order; they had which they asked to not be deprived of 15 days to leave France. Yet, they had no- their job as it would “help them to avoid where to go and they could not go back to the problems linked to unemployment, Poland, where they have never even lived. especially because finding another job They were therefore imprisoned for eight in Lyon in their area of expertise is im- days for “breaching an expulsion order”, possible”. This last strategy did not work in other words, because they had not left because they were eventually asked to France. At the same time the president of shut down their shop, yet the expulsion Lyon’s Chamber of Commerce answered: order was postponed periodically for three months. Complying with the administra- I am honoured to announce to you tion helped them legalising their presence that the Professional Union of Travel in France, yet they fell into a situation items and Leatherworks’ makers in similar to the one evoked by Remarque, Lyon [Syndicat des fabricants d’Ar- where one can “starve smoothly”, as Re- ticles de voyage et Maroquinerie marque sarcastically adds: “Keep your de Lyon], [...] indeed agrees that head up [...]! You are lucky to live in the a foreigner running a leatherwork 20th century, the century of civilization, factory in Lyon can only be detri- progress and humanitarian concerns.”43 mental to other businesses. Besides, the special travel objects supposedly Conclusion manufactured by M. MIELNIK can This paper opened with Erich Maria apparently be produced and exported Remarque’s quote from 1938 and con- by the same trade union.41 cludes likewise. The initial hosting attitude in 1933 did not last: “The Man, in its Hereafter, the couple initiated several extremes, is capable of grandeur, […], strategies. First, they demonstrated how but, what Humanity misses most, is a they could not move to another country by certain medium goodness.” After 1938, providing denial certificates of the coun- the process of non-welcome of the refugees tries that they had contacted. In a letter continued, in France and elsewhere. The written in French on the 21st September public opinion, more concerned by itself 1935, Laja asked for a reassessment of than by the others, has seen those refugees their situation as she argued: “My husband as warmongers in a context of increasing and I have invested our money in this tensions. Borders were all closed. Logically, factory and we do not know where to the measures taken by the Third Republic go.”42 Second, they engaged with social paved the way. Indeed, the Vichy regime, networks to overcome the isolation and to which put an end to the Republic after increase their chances of being successful; the 1940 defeat, was an authoritarian and these networks consist of the Committee collaborationist regime. It maintained of Assistance to refugees from Germany, and then intensified exclusion orders. the Polish consulate in Lyon and the Since its initiation, the Vichy government Israelite cultural association. The last one has arrested, interned, and from 1942 86 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 onwards deported first adults, and then 4. Remarque, Erich Maria, op.cit., p. 25. families, towards the Nazi extermination 5. Grynberg, Anne. L’accueil des réfugiés camps. However, to the inexorably dark d’Europe centrale en France (1933– and regular hammering of the steps of 1939). Les cahiers de la Shoah 1 (1994), pp. 131–148. the exclusion, to this macabre ballet for 6. Grynberg Anne, op. cit. life, respond a pas de deux, a pas de biche, 7. Schor, Ralph. L’opinion française et les entrechats and pas chassés before the grand étrangers. 1919–1939. Paris, Publications jeté: strategies exist, shaped by men and de la Sorbonne, 1985, p. 613. women whose resilience lies in their desire 8. L’œuvre. 3 avril 1933. to live. The exploration of these strategies 9. Journal officiel, Débats parlementaires, 5th of the everyday life is a promising field April 1933, p. 1893. of research. 10. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MAE). Z Finally, it is now the 21th century and 710. French Ambassador in Brussels to refugees’ luck has not evolved. They are Minister of Foreign Affairs, n° 252, 30 still pointed at as a compact mass without mars 1933, pp. 6–7. individualities or identities, a threatening 11. Refugees Jews in France. Manchester Guardian, 24th April 1933, p. 9. onslaught. The image of this little child 12. Martin, Ce qui se passe chez nous : les who seemed to be asleep on a beach has émigrés d’Allemagne en France et la launched compassion. Aylan Kurdi, a question juive, La Terre retrouvée, 25 5-year-old Syrian child, found lifeless mai 1936, p. 10. Cité par Caron, Vicky, on a Turkish beach in September 2015, op.cit., p. 143. moved the entire world. Nevertheless, his 13. Lochak, Danièle. Qu’est-ce qu’un ré- death and the ones of tens of thousands of fugié ? La construction politique d’une refugees remain the print of our century: catégorie juridique, Pouvoirs 2013/1, “The Neandertal Man was shot down with n°144, p. 33. a sledgehammer blow, the Roman with a 14. Arendt, Hannah. L’impérialisme, Rééd. sword, the plague was killing the Medieval Gallimard, Quarto, 2002, pp.595–596. Man; us, a scrap of paper is enough to Quoted by Lochak, Danièle. op. cit., 44 p. 34. annihilate us.” 15. Audeval, Aurélie. Les étrangères indésirables et l’administration française. 1938-1942. Notes Socio-histoire d’une catégorisation d’état. 1. Remarque, Erich Maria. Liebe deinen THESE: Histoire: EHESS, 2016, p. 93. Nächsten. Boston, Little, Brown and 16. Batault, George. Israël contre les nations. Company, 1939. French version: Les Paris, 1939, p. 96. Quoted by Schor, exilés. Le livre de poche, Paris, 1970, p. 22. Ralph, L’antisémitisme en France dans 2. Glasberg, Abbé. À la recherche d’une patrie. l’entre-deux-guerres: prélude à Vichy. Paris, La France devant l’immigration. Publi- Éditions complexe, 2005, p. 22. cations du Centre d’orientation sociale 17. Brasillach, Robert, Notre avant-guerre. des Étrangers, Paris, Éditions réalités, Paris, 1968, pp. 118 et 121 (réédition). 1946, p. 39. th Quoted by Schor, Ralph, L’opinion 3. OFPRA, Histoire de l’asile. [ref. of 17 française et les étrangers. 1919–1939. October 2017] [available on https:// Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1985, www.ofpra.gouv.fr/fr/histoire-archives/ p. 625. histoire-de-l-asile]. Laurence Prempain 87

18. Schor, Ralph. L’opinion française … op. 32. Caron, Vicky, op. cit., p. 288. Numbers cit., p. 620. are from Pastor Marc Boegner. 19. Schor, Ralph. L’antisémitisme en 33. Bonnet, Jean-Charles. Les pouvoirs publics France … op. cit., p. 15. français et l’immigration dans l’entre-deux- 20. Caron, Vicky. op. cit., pp. 108 et 120–127. guerres. Lyon, Centre d’histoire économ- 21. Caron, Vicky. ibid., p. 61. ique et sociale de la région lyonnaise, 22. MAE, Europe, Z 434, p. 56. The Minister 1976, p. 303. of Foreign affairs to the President of the 34. Le Temps, 21th November 1934. League Of Human Rights, 7th September 35. L’étudiant français, 10th February 1935, 1934. p. 3. 23. Caron, Vicky. op. cit., p.63. 36. Goubin, Louis. L’envahissement de la 24. Zalc, Claire. Des réfugiés aux indésira- profession médicale par les étrangers. bles : les pouvoirs publics français face aux Concours médical, 30th June 1935. émigrés du IIIe Reich entre 1933 et 1939. 37. Nahum, Henri. Défense corporatiste, Guichard, Éric, Noiriel, Gérard (dir.), xénophobie et antisémitisme dans le Construction des nationalités et immigration milieu médical Le “privilège roumain”, dans la France contemporaine. Paris, Presses 1930-1940. Histoire des sciences médicales, de l’École normale supérieure, 1997, 2008, n°1, p. 84. pp. 259–274. 38. Journal officiel, 20th July 1934, p. 7347. 25. Report from the Auditor General to the 39. Sémelin, Jacques. Persécutions et entraides General Security department. Quoted dans la France occupée. Paris: Les Arènes- by Zalc, Claire. op. cit., p. 263. Seuil, 2013, p. 193. 26. Centre of Contemporary Archives Con- 40. ADR. 829 W 60, n° 19 499 et 19 500. temporaines (CAC), Fontainebleau. Letter from the prefect to the Minister of 880502/34364. Letter from the General Interior, 19th February 1934. I underline. Security Department, 9th October 1933. 41. ADR, 829 W 60, n° 19 499 et 19 500. 27. Journal officiel, débats parlementaires, 29th Letter from president of the Lyon Cham- January 1935, p. 258. Quoted by Zalc ber of Commerce to the prefect, 26th Claire, op. cit., p. 264. April 1934. 28. Edouard Herriot asserts this. Le Progrès 42. ADR, 829 W 60, n° 19 499 et 19 500. de Lyon, 16th February 1938. Letter from Laja Niewiadowski to the 29. Departemental Archives of Rhône (ADR), prefect of Rhône, 21th September 1935. 4 M 422 43. Remarque, Erich Maria. Les exilés, Le 30. Police Prefecture Archives (APP), Paris, livre de poche, 1970, p. 22. BA 2428. Letters of prefect of police the 44. Remarque, Erich Maria. Ibid., p. 431. Ministry of Interior affairs, 17th August 1939 and 6th September 1939. 31. Vormeier, Barbara. La République française et les réfugiés et immigrés d’Eu- rope Centrale. Accueil, séjour, droit d’asile (1919–1939). Bartosek, Karel, Gallissot, René, Peschanski, Denis (dir.), De l’exil à la Résistance, réfugiés et immigrés d’Europe centrale en France 1933–1945. Paris/ Vin- cennes, Arcantère/Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, 1989, p. 20.

History of State Migration Research in Germany

Vinzenz Kratzer

“Does the government need a research Indeed, a certain governmental per- institution on migration at all?”1 This spective which influences policy discourse question, rather rhetorically put forward and public debate is clearly visible, so by one of my interlocutors, is one core that it seems plausible that governmental riddle of my dissertation project on knowl- knowledge production fulfills a certain edge production in the Federal Office for role, albeit not the one defined by law. Migration and Refugees (Bundesamt für Discursively, this knowledge is visible in Migration und Flüchtlinge, BAMF). It statistical concepts, such as Guest Worker seems that there is a basic contradiction at (Gastarbeiter), Refugee (Flüchtling), Asy- work: On the one hand, expert knowledge lum Seeker (Asylbewerber) or Migrant is supposed to provide the base for political Background (Migrationshintergrund). All decision-making to improve its output; these terms have both a root in social the BAMF has a legal commitment to science and in politics, since they describe produce exactly this kind of research. legal statuses and to a degree social groups. On the other hand, official researchers As this Ngram-Analysis from Google are confident to admit that this concept Books shows, these terms follow a distinct does not hold to reality: One government logic of seasonality, if analyzed against researcher called me “naïve” for believing the corpus of Google books with several that research had any measurable influence peaks (Graph 1). on policy making.2 Indeed, there is a The aim of this paper is to shed light steadily growing body of critical literature on the conditions of the creation of this on the repeated failure of the political discourse on migration. In interplay system to implement scientific findings. between legal categories, administrative In this paper, I develop an alternative practice, statistical registration and scien- interpretation to policy failure similar tific research, group designations or terms to Foucault’s critique of the prison by for social processes are created which in turning the question around: Instead of turn constitute the foundation for further what knowledge fails at achieving, I try social research. to analyze what governmental knowledge The sources of the paper are for the produces (Cp. Foucault 1995: 276). most part the official historiography of 90 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

Graph 1: Ngram-Analysis from Google Books the Federal Office, which has issued sev- by historian Klaus Bade (Bundesamt für eral publications on their own history Migration und Flüchtlinge 2005: 81). to commemorate anniversaries of the Migration research and policy after about institution (Kerpal 2003; Bundesamt für 2005 is officially named “Migration and Migration und Flüchtlinge 2013a; Kreien- Integration policy”. brink 2013). These sources are especially For several reasons, the Federal Office is helpful to illustrate the self-conception of a good object of scientific inquiry: Since the Federal Office but should be treated 2005, this government body is responsible with some critical distance because of the for implementing government migration tendency of teleological, conflict-hiding and especially integration policies includ- style of historiography that the BAMF ing the asylum process. Hierarchically, it shares with many other institutions. These is positioned between the ministry of the sources are completed with my own field interior and the communal foreigner’s work in the Federal Office and other state offices, so it negotiates between high pol- institutions, as well as primary sources itics and street level bureaucracy and is such as government reports, statistics and responsible for putting political concepts other official documents. into practice. Furthermore, the Federal By and large, four different phases of Office reflects in its history the develop- development can be discerned: Starting ment of German Migration politics in a with the expellee and refugee research and nutshell: When the BAMF was founded, politics in the aftermath of the Second it was a small and relatively unimportant World War, policy and research pick up institutional backwater with a narrowly momentum in the late 1960s, when Guest confined area of responsibility – the recog- Worker recruitment reached its peak. The nition of foreign national asylum seekers. years following the halt to recruitment in The steady increase in asylum applications 1973 and the restrictive turn in the begin- from the end of the 1970s, with a peak at ning of the 1980s are sometimes omitted the beginning of the 1990s, reflects the in official historiography; it is labelled long-standing dogma of “no country of here as “the lost decade”, a phrase coined immigration”, which was put into practice Vinzenz Kratzer 91 by declaring several ongoing migration reveals some basic mechanisms inherent to movements – Guest Workers, asylum state migration research and in general the applicants, or resettlers – as exceptions knowledge produced and used by official to the rule, for example as “temporary administrations. This knowledge is prag- guests” in case of the first two examples, matic in a sense that it is produced for the or countrymen returning home in case of needs of the day-to-day administration; the last. Meanwhile, following the belated a knowledge organized in files on single “paradigm change” with the political rec- individuals stored in large data systems ognition of immigration processes and the for specific purposes, like the Foreigner’s formulation of integration policies, the Central Register (Ausländerzentralregister), BAMF has gained new responsibilities. which contains data on all foreigners in This is especially true for the field of in- Germany and serves as the main statistical tegration policy, an “absolute novelty” as source for state research in Germany today. a BAMF official recalled in an interview, According to Christina Boswell, the so but also for migration research, because of called “instrumental understanding of a new research unit at the Federal Office.3 knowledge” is hegemonic both in scientific All in all, the BAMF can be considered as theory and in state institutions: Knowl- one of the key players in migration policy edge is produced and used for a certain and knowledge production in Germany. aim, namely to inform policy-making and ensure a high quality of the political Power and Knowledge process (Boswell 2009: 8). When doing field work in state institu- When looking at the relationship be- tions, it seems that officials share an almost tween knowledge and power, Max Weber’s ritualized refusal of (academic) theory. and Michel Foucault’s work offer widely In an almost emotional outburst, one discussed insights which I find useful for government official rejected my questions the construction of a makeshift framework about definitions of basic concepts like of analysis. Following Max Weber as a “migration” in government migration starting point, his accounts of bureau- research: cracies offer a utilitaristic perspective on knowledge, since only sound knowledge If we have a concrete question, we makes sure that a bureaucratic decision look which methods we can use to fulfills the standard of rationality and the answer the question posed to us. In rule of law. In this sense, administrative this we are not overly committed to decisions are determined by scientific a specific theoretical concept. We research. work flexibly with what serves best. Foucault deducts from his historical If we refer to definitions [e.g. in the analysis of different state institutions National Migration Report], [...] (prisons, hospitals) an intimate relation- these relate to statistical data, and ship between knowledge and power in the statistical data depends on legal general, since systems of order in the regulations.4 “micro physics of power” are always both knowledge and power systems (Foucault The quote is illustrative in a way, because it 2015: 190). In bio-politics, he broadly 92 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 classifies three different styles of govern- Several researchers have found that in day- mentality, depending on the grade of to-day practice, this ideal does not always state intervention and control: Juridical hold up to reality where organizations systems, which discern only between legal seldom behave according to a rational, and illegal, disciplinary regimes, which interest-driven ideal, formulating a neo­ introduce gradual increments between institutionalist approach to knowledge illegal and legal to influence and monitor utilization (Boswell 2009: 41). However, the behavior of individual subjects more in my field work experience, government closely; and security regimes, which steer officials frequently refer to the Weberian pre-defined population groups on the ideal of rationalist bureaucracies, especially basis of risk analyses (Foucault 2004: 24). in Germany, where legal competence is Especially the latter two types constitute considered the most important skill of the above-mentioned “micro-physics of higher ranking officials – as opposed to, for power”, which develops the more influ- example, managerial skills (Boswell 2009: ence on the behavior of subject, the less 161). This concept can thus be considered this influence is visibly in open violence. highly influential on a discursive level but Both Foucault and Weber share a gen- is not sufficient to describe the whole range eral optimism towards the functioning of interactions between administrative of bureaucracy. Weber is famous for his action and scientific knowledge. praise of rationalist bureaucracies, but Following Boswell (2008: 279) and also Foucault assumes that bureaucracies her theoretical framework developed in in general apply the knowledge that they the field work in immigration authorities create in a rationalistic, albeit rather ma- in Great Britain and Germany, I want to nipulative way. discern two different types of scientific knowledge that is used in migration Weber saw bureaucratic forms of or- politics. On the one hand, a pragmatic ganization as the very embodiment of knowledge used for administrative action, Reason in human affairs, so obviously especially for the forming of useful cat- superior to any alternative form of egories of population to create abstract organization that they threatened to rules of decision. This follows from the engulf everything, locking humanity Foucault/Weber line of argumentation in a joyless “iron cage”, bereft of spirit that good knowledge is paramount for and charisma. Foucault was more ruling, whether in a rather idealistic or a subversive, but he was subversive in a rather manipulative style of administration way that only endowed bureaucratic and is referred to (in my understanding) power with more effectiveness, not by the government official in the quote at less. […] Through concepts like the beginning of this section. The other governmentality and biopower, he type of knowledge frames and directs the argued that state bureaucracies end pragmatic knowledge and can be called up shaping the parameters of human symbolic. This knowledge delivers rather existence in ways far more intimate legitimacy than guidelines for administra- than anything Weber would have tive action and is located more diffusely imagined. (Graeber 2015: 58) in political arguments, organizational Vinzenz Kratzer 93 structures and so on and not in statistical tive system was to be installed first, and data on the population. However, sym- this required a comprehensive system bolic knowledge feeds back on pragmatic which sorted the millions of migrants knowledge in defining research interests, into distinct status groups, according to questions which are considered relevant statistical markers. One of the few admin- for policy making, and implicit normative istrative acts which was uniformly carried guidelines which are usually not openly out in all occupied zones of Germany was discussed. The central hypothesis of this the census in 1946. The most important study is that symbolic knowledge influ- and difficult distinction was to be made ences pragmatic knowledge in an extent between Germans and non-Germans, that the latter makes only sense within but this could not be done on the basis the confines of the first. of citizenship alone, since many of the resettlers were neither born in Germany Four Phases of Government Mi- nor lived within its borders in the past. gration Research On the other hand, many non-Germans In the official BAMF-historiography were still residing in Germany such as (Heckmann 2013), the beginnings of state displaced persons, former prisoners of migration research are connected to the war, or former inmates of concentration administration of German refugees and camps and had to be registered separately. expellees in the aftermath of the Second This distinction was paramount for the World War until the beginning of the administration since every group was to 1960s. After the war, millions of people be issued different resources. were migrating for one reason or the To solve the problem of nationality, other: Refugees from territories formerly the concept of “ethnic origin” was created belonging to Germany, ethnic German re- as an entry step to German citizenship, settlers from Eastern Europe, persons who if individuals could prove German as lost their homes due to war destruction, a mother tongue or “commitment to concentration camp inmates and forced the German people”. This concept en- laborers, or demobilized soldiers. tered official German legislation in 1953 Remarkably, the most urgent measures (Federal Ministry for Expellees, Refugees were administrative ones. For example, the and War Victims 1953) and stands for Bavarian Council for Refugees contacted an effect of problematic administrative the American Military Government in continuity. For example, membership in 1946 about the problematic deportation the SS was recognized as “commitment of hundreds of thousands of expellees to the German people” in the meaning of from the Czechoslovak Republic to war- the law by administrative courts. torn Munich. The complaints however One result of the reestablishment of encompassed not the deportation itself, the administration was the more and but the fact that the deportees were not more complex hierarchy of different status issued documents (Middelmann 1959: groups among the refugees. As mentioned 287). earlier, the distinction German/non-Ger- The social and economic hardship could man was the most important, and conse- only be overcome if a proper administra- quentially this distinction was inscribed 94 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 in the name of the preceding authority of tribution of the population in question the BAMF founded in 1953: the “Federal are playing the main role, together with Office for the Recognition of Foreign questions of the productive factors: Size Refugees” (Bundesamt für die Anerkennung and structure of financial assets, employ- ausländischer Flüchtlinge). Within the ment and income situation, as well as the German refugee population, various legal level and extent of education. The per- groups of refugees were created. Those who spective of these works is mainly abstract, received the most support were expellees research objects are usually formulated from territories that no longer belonged along the lines of state reason: Research to Germany (Heimatvertriebene), such on refugees means research about refugees as Eastern Prussia or Silesia, followed by in the meaning of the law; no factors of expellees who moved during the war to the influence originating from other sources territories lost to Poland and the USSR. are considered. The perspectives of the Refugees from the GDR constituted a state and of the social researcher meet in third, less privileged category. the expellee statistics, which condense At the same time, a very dense net of all of these factors into numbers; these scientific surveillance over the refugee numbers are based on legal definitions, population was installed. After the cen- and usually on official registration files. sus of 1946 another followed in 1950, The second line of research stems from and numerous demographic reports on a rather problematic tradition of German housing, schooling and the work situation ethnic research which was developed at of the population. Additionally, larger sta- about the end of the 19th century, when tistical data collection measurements were the question about “Germanness” and carried out: Counting of farms in 1949, German citizenship was discussed in the counting of production plants and work- context of different migration streams. shops in 1950, counting of apartments The arguments about German ethnicity in 1951, and so on. The corresponding and blood were later used politically to scientific literature which emerged during legitimize both German supremacy in the 1950s can be broadly separated into Central and Eastern Europe and the two main streams: a population science discrimination of people belonging to driven corpus, which deals mainly with a perceived lower class of humans. This the current situation of the refugees and of course culminated in its most radical expellees on the basis of this data, and a and violent outbursts in form of Nazi more historical-cultural body of literature extermination policies (Aumüller 2009: with politically problematic roots. 161). The logic of political legitimization The first group is in its outline and does not disappear after the War; it rather make up very similar to contemporary takes new forms and replaces problematic publications in population science and concepts like “race” and “blood” with less immigration research; even down to the contested terms like “culture”, which are design of the tables and the maps of Ger- understood in an equally essentialist way. many showing the distribution of various For example, scientists argue against the population groups across the country. cultural integration of expellees: Questions on the size, composition, dis- Vinzenz Kratzer 95

Not only the refugees from the GDR, needs and monitors the success or failure but also the expellees are full citizens of certain political measures. of the Federal Republic. They will The second strand of literature however not become assimilated Bavarians does not fit the tale of “ordering” research or Hessians but will stay Silesian or for policy design. In contrary, it seems Pomeranian. Because of this fact, the plausible to assume that ethnic research territories occupied by Poland and was successful in adapting to the new the USSR are to be considered as political climate and offered welcomed federal states of the German Federal arguments to bolster the political support Republic (Nahm 1959: 154). for German refugees especially in the light of the beginning of the East-West Conflict. In this context, the somewhat selective The expellee population was one of the representation of research in the official most important ideological foundations historiography is interesting: According of the upheld claim of formerly eastern to the official historiography, expellee territories against all empirical rationality research was designed as commissioned (Pinwinkler 2006: 44). Another example research to monitor the success of the for this influence can be found in the legal economic incorporation of the expellees act supporting expellees: Expellees were (Bundesamt für Migration und Flücht- especially encouraged to take up work in linge 2013a: 35). This may be true for the agriculture to facilitate the future reoccu- population science branch of the research, pation of the former eastern territories which served a crucial role in the develop- (Federal Ministry for Expellees, Refugees ment of expellee integration measures. In and War Victims 1953: 35). This exam- this context, it seems reasonable to assume ple shows that ethnic research has had a classic instrumental use of scientific measurable influence on policy-making knowledge in policy design. Also, there in this phase. are several shared interests between politics and science, like a sound statistical base Guest Worker Phase for both scientific research and proper After 1955, West Germany along with administrative action. other European states installed recruiting Following Foucault, the expellee schemes for unskilled laborers from several administration can be interpreted as a Mediterranean countries to counter short- security mechanism of classification, ages of industrial labor. The guest worker which transforms a single case into a system was designed as a counter-model member of a status group. These groups of classic immigration nations like Ca­ are classified hierarchically, according to nada and the United States. The central group-specific risks that discern these concept was pendular migration for indi- groups from a norm. Rights and obli- vidual workers without the intention to gations are distributed according to the transform into more permanent forms of principle of correcting unfavorite devel- migration. This was organized by several opments. Scien­tific research is an integral government authorities grouped around part of this policy style; it helps to design the ministry of labor and encompassing the status groups according to perceived every step from recruitment in the home 96 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 countries to transport, housing, and the elaborate system of statistics and report- public administration of the workers. ing, which has had a clear influence on In official government documents the formulation of scientific studies on and politicians’ speeches, an econom- Guest Workers. Essentially, the narrow ic-technocratic line of argumentation focus on questions of the labor market, is visible: The measures discussed are combined with a somewhat paternalistic in essence impersonal, the arguments concept of workers who passively react are constructed around abstract objects to economic or administrative pressures like “labor force”, “shortage of labor”, or are characteristic for research of that era similar concepts from macroeconomics; it (Cp. Bundesanstalt für Arbeit 1973: 10). seems that no longer ethnic belonging but Typical “Guest Worker” studies were rather economic principles legitimize the commissioned by municipalities or re- policy in the larger sense: Volkswirtschaft gional governments to collect data on instead of Volkszugehörigkeit. Especially social aspects like housing, education, after 1967, these arguments are visibly family structures, etc. By and large, the informed by the then dominant economic data resembles the one collected during the theory of Keynesianism with a focus on expellee phase and contains the standard demand-driven economic development catalogue of population science; albeit and the avoidance of mass unemploy- with a local focus and different methods ment, which could be “exported” through of data collection since no central register returning guest workers in the case of of foreigners in Germany was available at economic recession (Bundesanstalt für the time (Mehrländer 1987: 89). Arbeit 1968: 2). On the other hand, the One central concept of the political dis- ethnic principle and the many differences cussion is the “Second Generation”, which between Germans and non-Germans are was perceived as a “social time-bomb” frequent points of reference, like in the (Wilpert 1984: 306). This concept is illus- central political promise of the Guest trative in a way because it embodies some Worker Regime, that “not a single German features of the political discourse which are worker should suffer disadvantages from connecting the sphere of knowledge and guest worker migration” (Dohse 1981). the sphere of politics. First, it implies the The official historiography puts the professional care of children (this is what beginning of the new era of migration Second Generation refers to, of course). In research into the 1970s, a point of time the context of state authorities, this means when municipalities have already accepted above all schooling and social work, and the fact of a sedentary Guest Worker indeed many publications of the era deal population against the official political with the specific problems of schooling for line of temporality, and developed strat- foreign children, which established eventu- egies of integration to counter further ally the academic sub-branch of foreigner’s social disintegration. This is in a way pedagogics (Ausländerpädagogik). Second, correct since academic interest started the discourse reflects failures in state plan- to intensify around that time. However, ning, since the very concept of the Guest the recruitment and placement admin- Worker regime was designed to not have a istrations were accompanied by a rather second generation, and the political steps Vinzenz Kratzer 97 taken at municipal level were often in historian Klaus Bade and describes the opposition to the official state line which general unwillingness to recognize the continued to claim the non-permanent permanency of migration in Germany and nature of the presence of foreigners against the resulting lack of political reform from all empirical reality. the end of the 1970s onwards. The main The third aspect refers to the security reason for this backlog was the official and danger potential of the Second Gener- “no immigration” policy, summarized ation and can be placed in a larger security in the infamous dogma “Germany is no discourse on Guest Workers. According country of immigration”. It came into to Foucault, some typical features of a being by the end of the 1970s as a new security discourse are a diffuse and imma- general concept after the end of Guest nent concept of risk connected to specific Worker recruitment and gained influence “risk groups” of the population or “risk especially after the conservative turn in areas”, as well as the future-oriented and government in 1982. “Germany is no preventive nature of politics designed to country of immigration” is the political deal with this. One example for this policy line of immigration policy in this dec- is a steering mechanism of 1977 which ade and can thus be conceptualized as forbids further inmoves of foreigners into symbolic knowledge in the sense of the neighborhoods with a high share of foreign framework of analysis. This means that in population (Dohse 1981: 280). theory, this principle was to be applied to The central competence of the ministry all the policy related to immigration and of labor in this field was replaced by the foreigners and served as the ultimate jus- ministry of interior by the beginning of tification for often contradictory measures the 1980s. This illustrates the security which needed to reconcile the official line turn in migration policy when foreigners with pragmatic need for social policy on were more and more conceptualized as a local level. For example, “integration” a threat to public order (Eichenhofer was understood as a temporary measure 2013: 45). But it should be noted that to soften social burdens until foreigners the coordination role of the ministry of return to their home country (Lanz 2009: labor made increasingly less sense since 105). It also entailed a curious practice the active recruitment of foreign labor of “defensive knowledge refusal” by gov- was halted altogether in 1973. ernment officials, as historian Klaus Bade All in all, the late Guest Worker Phase recalls in his autobiography: demonstrates state failures and proves central arguments of institutionalist Even the word migration was offi- approaches which go beyond rational cially shunned. […] As a result, in knowledge utilization in administration consultation with desk officers, one and stress factors like institutional com- was informed, sometimes even with petition for influence, as well as policy a hint of regret, that “if you mention failure and unintended policy outcomes. migration here, I can’t continue to talk to you” or alternatively “I have A Lost Decade to call for the head of department.” The “lost decade” is a term coined by (Bade 2017: 19) 98 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

“No immigration” meant in practice now the asylum status is granted only if “no immigration, except […]” since the applicants prove their individual political volume of the migration streams did in persecution. In the asylum process, a fact not decline during the 1970s and dilemma is created between the protection 1980s, but rather organized in a differ- of politically persecuted individuals and ent way than before. The main channels decision-making on the basis of pre-de- of immigration and to some degree the fined categories and conditions, which main areas of knowledge production is inherent to bureaucratic work on a shifted from Guest Worker recruitment growing body of asylum processes. A too to asylum, ethnic resettlement and family schematic way of decision-making is prone reunification. to exploits and could often be successfully During this decade, ethnic resettlement challenged in court; a too individualistic from Eastern Europe reached a new peak, way would produce extremely long process especially around the end of the 1980s, durations. when hundreds of thousands of ethnic Numerous changes in asylum law were Germans resettled to West Germany in discussed and introduced but could not wake of the political revolutions in Central solve this basic dilemma until not the and Eastern Europe. Both institutionally right to asylum, but the access to the and politically, this was accompanied process itself were more restricted. In with the reestablishment of ethnic prin- 1980, visa for certain countries of origin ciple into the migration discourse, since (most importantly Turkey) were intro- resettlers received preferential status and duced as a requirement to claim asylum, treatment similar to the expellees in the and even more so after the introduction 1960s. At the same time, the ministry of of “safe third countries” in 1992 (Kerpal interior and the newly established office 2003: 46), which drastically lowered the of the government’s commissioner for numbers of asylum processes. In this con- resettlers (Beauftragter der Bundesregierung text, the category of asylum applicant was für Aussiedlerfragen) made some efforts to invented. Before the end of the 1970s, frame this population movement not as asylum was usually granted to refugees migration, but rather “tried to present from Eastern Europe who usually fulfilled them to us as fellow countrymen”,5 as the requirement of individual persecu- one government official in the Federal tion and were furthermore welcomed Statistical Office explained. as a proof of liberalism and openness of This rather generous treatment is con- Western societies in the context of the trasted with a more and more restrictive Cold War. With a growing influx from policy towards non-German migrants. underdeveloped countries, alleged misuse The example of asylum is illustrative for of asylum law, and increasing process the relationship between knowledge and times, “refugee” was increasingly restricted policy on a pragmatic level in this decade. to the bureaucratic understanding of the The Federal Office for the Recognition of word, namely persons recognized as such Foreign Refugees had to develop exper- by the Federal Office. The term “asylum tise on political struggles in a multitude seeker” signified both a transitory stage of different countries, because then and of governmental examination, but also Vinzenz Kratzer 99 increasingly a general mistrust towards age permanent settlement. One solution foreigners, in line with the general “no for this dilemma was a mock-Turkish immigration” dogma: education program in special classes car- ried out by German teachers. It marks a shift from a period when refugees were universally assumed to Migration and Integration Re- need protection and were therefore search called refugees from the moment During the 1990s, the “no country of im- they registered a claim, to the reverse migration” dogma and the corresponding situation in which their claims were administrative practices received more presumed to be unfounded by state and more pressure. Politically, a new authorities, unless proven otherwise. social-green government implemented The new term “asylum seeker” began reforms of the citizenship law and the to be used to describe an individual’s organization of immigration in 2000 and status during this period of doubt. 2005 based loosely on the recommenda- The doubt itself began to constitute tions of the “Independent Commission the status of asylum seeker to the Immigration” (Unabhängige Kommission extent that by the mid-1990s it was Zuwanderung) led by conservative MP firmly established, […] as a short- Rita Süssmuth. This commission called hand for undeserving and fraudulent for a “change of paradigm” (Unabhän- (Haas et al. 2010: 6). gige Kommission “Zuwanderung” 2001: 64), an expression I often encountered All in all, the 1980s are characterized by a in documents and during interviews policy of denial on a symbolic level, and a with government officials describing this continuation of tendencies of securization decade. Although what the commission towards the migrant population especially meant by this is the installation of regular after the ministry of interior established immigration channels after the Canadian its coordinating role in migration pol- point-system which was never imple- icy. In this phase the analysis scheme of mented, the principle acknowledgement pragmatic vs. symbolic knowledge seems of a sedentary migrant population as well to be especially productive since it makes as some legal and administrative changes effects of knowledge production visible (like the aforementioned upgrading of which go beyond the notion of policy the Federal Office) justify this notion, as failure. The lost decade is a time where one government official in the Federal the two spheres of knowledge production Statistical Office recalls: frequently contradict each other and pro- duce dilemmas for everyday-problems of als wir die, die ersten Mikrozen- the administration. One example for this is suszahlen in der Pressekonferenz […] the above-mentioned field of pedagogics: in Berlin präsentiert haben, wurde der Foreign pupils had to be alphabetized and Präsident im Anschlussinterview im schooled to avoid social conflict and meet Fernsehen gefragt: “Ist Deutschland legal requirements, but not integrated into ein Einwanderungsland?” Und […] the German schooling system to discour- er sagt: “Nein, Deutschland ist 100 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

ein Zuwanderungsland. Einwan- the population. Foreign-born persons derungsland würde ja – wie bei den and their descendants are included in this klassischen Einwanderungsländern – category excluding expellees but including voraussetzen, dass man einen Plan resettlers. hat.” Both the concept of migrant back- ground and the new competencies of When we presented the first data the BAMF are embodied in the newly from Micro census, the president established field of integration policy of the Federal Statistical Office, VK and the corresponding research unit, also was asked during the wrap-up inter- located at the Federal Office. Especially view on TV whether Germany was in the first years of the new millennium, a country of immigration. And he a strive towards a scientifically grounded said “no, but Germany is a country of integration policy can be discerned in in-migration. The term ‘immigration different authorities. The long tradition country’ implies that –­­­ like in the of integration policy on the level of mu- classic countries of immigration – nicipalities was continued in the creation there should be a plan.”6 of communal integration concepts, many of which included a monitoring system The paradigm change is visible in the based on statistical indicators (Friedrich organization of statistical data with the et al. 2012). In the first research report introduction of the new category of of the newly established research group “Migrant Background” in 2005. This of the Federal Office, a call for this policy new concept resulted from a crisis of style is formulated as a program: research. Increasingly, the distinction of social groups based on nationality was The establishment of an indicator becoming less relevant as a social marker system to estimate integration capac- due to a rise in naturalizations after the ities is of utmost importance. Such new citizenship law and the continued a system can only be implemented influx of ethnic Germans from Central on the basis of sound empirical evi­ and Eastern Europe who behaved socially dence. This requires detailed and like immigrants but were not recogniz- scientifically grounded reporting on able as such in the statistics. Like in the social issues in migration and inte- 1970s, pedagogics played a lead role. The gration. Also, precise policy targets widely discussed PISA study of 2001 have to be formulated and indicators revealed great differences in education which display these targets need to be achievements between foreign and home- identified (Bundesamt für Migration born students, based on a new statistical und Flüchtlinge 2005: 80). variable which did not only consider citizenship, but also place of birth of the In practice, most communal and federal student and the parents. In 2005, the integration concepts systematize their Federal Statistical Office presented the indicators on the basis of Esser’s assimila- data on “Migrant Background” which tionist theory which is most renowned for was attributed to almost 20 percent of the definition of integration dimensions. Vinzenz Kratzer 101

Not only in the Federal Office, where ance or failure at the final exam can have several students of Esser were involved consequences for the temporary residence in founding the Research Group,7 but status since 2011. Also, in contradiction to also for example in many of municipal basic conceptions of the term integration, integration concepts, this structure is the integration courses become more and visible so that Esser’s concept can be more separated, following the recommen- regarded as the most influential theory dation of the BAMF research group that in state integration measures (Aumüller course contents should be tailored more 2009: 106). Curiously, it seems that over specifically to target groups like women time, the direct reference to Esser or to with children, or illiterates (Bundesamt the theoretical structure as a whole seems für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2013b). to disappear; When Esser was quoted as a Jutta Aumüller explains this develop- source for the four dimensions in earlier ment with some disappointment regarding publications, these serve now as headlines indicator-based integration policy, which for chapters or as a common-sense refer- promised initially the unlocking of dec- ence to integration (Eichenhofer 2013: ades of policy backlog by scientifically 195). grounded steering mechanisms, very much Recently, the initial impetus for re- like the bio-politics towards resettlers in search-driven policy seems to have van- the years after the war. These scientific ished in favor of a pragmatic compromise findings were to overcome the political which puts measures like language courses division between multiculturalism and into the center of integration policy assimilationism which was connected to and resigns from further development this backlog and recommend useful and on a theoretical or practical level. The practical solutions regardless of ideological language courses are illustrative for this views. One main problem of this concept development. When introduced in 2005, is however that indicator-based research they were praised as a central integration cannot function properly without the policy for new immigrants; two different selection of desired values: studies were commissioned to evaluate the organization and course content as One current research approach is well as the success of the students in a to measure political participation longitudinal study (Bundesministerium and to conclude that an immigrant des Innern 2006; Bundesamt für Migra- group is integrated to the degree tion und Flüchtlinge 2008). The contents that, in aggregate, its participation of the courses itself were not changed. resembles that of the native majority. The concept of 2005 and the renewal of On that view, immigrants will be 2015 are almost identical (Bundesamt integrated when their participation für Migration und Flüchtlinge 2015). in alcoholism, drug abuse, pedophilia Instead, gradually, disciplinary measures and pornography is similar to that of are introduced. For example, more and the majority. If that is not the kind of more status groups are obliged to attend integration that is sought, how is it the courses (Bundesregierung 2016; to be defined? (Aumüller 2009: 128) Eichenhofer 2013: 60); also, non-attend- 102 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

All in all, there seems to be little consensus This example shows clearly the confines of about the values behind integration policy, pragmatic knowledge which is grounded with the exception of language classes. not only in a more universal system of All in all, the reference to integration as values and bureaucratic principles of con- a “two-sided process” (Brandt et al. 2012) tinuity, but also in a very time-specific becomes rather rhetorical and both public political discourse of legitimacy. discussion and political changes center on bureaucratic changes in the structure Bibliography of integration courses with sometimes Aumüller, J. (2009). Assimilation: Kontro- problematic results. versen um ein migrationspolitisches Konzept. Bielefeld: Transcript. Summary Bade, K. (2017). Migration – Flucht – Inte- This brief overview over post-war Ger- gration: Kritische Politikbegleitung von der ‘Gastarbeiterfrage’ bis zur ‘Flüchtlingskrise’. man migration policy and research reveals Erinnerungen und Beiträge. Karlsruhe: some important mechanics of govern- Loeper. mental knowledge production. Generally Boswell, C. (2009). The Political Uses of Ex- speaking, the framework of analysis seems pert Knowledge: Immigration Policy and productive, since both pragmatic and Social Research. Cambridge: Cambridge symbolic levels of knowledge production University Press. are clearly discernible in every phase. In Brandt, L., Fincke, G. (2012). Germany: this context it is interesting that the official Monitoring integration in a federal state. BAMF historiography praises the virtues Measuring and monitoring immigrant in- of the former type of knowledge as being tegration in Europe (eds. Bil, R., Verweij, applicable to politics, while analysis shows A.). Den Haag. that the latter – as for example in the case Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge Der Einfluss von Zu- of resettler’s farms – has sometimes a much (Hrsg.) (2005). wanderung auf die deutsche Gesellschaft. more distinct influence on legislation. Nürnberg. The relationship between symbolic Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge and pragmatic knowledge is subject to (2008). Das Integrationspanel: Ergebnisse dynamic development. In some cases, it zur Integration von Teilnehmern zu Beginn is sometimes symbiotic, like during the ihres Integrationskurses. BAMF Working expellee phase when symbolic knowledge paper 19. on ethnic bonding is reinforced by policy Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge measures supporting the immigrating (Hrsg.) (2013). 60 Jahre Bundesamt für group. The argument of shared ethnicity Migration und Flüchtlinge: Festschrift is again used to explain the unproblematic Forschung. Nürnberg. economic integration of this population Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge group (Wollenschläger 2003: 41). Some- (2013). Das Integrationspanel: Langfris- tige Integrationsverläufe von ehemaligen times, pragmatic knowledge contradicts Teilnehmenden an Integrationskursen. symbolic knowledge, like during the lost BAMF Working paper 52. decade, and produces quite irrational Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge policy outcomes, like the ones discussed (2015). Konzept für einen bundesweiten in connection with Foreigner’s pedagogics. Integrationskurs. Vinzenz Kratzer 103

Bundesanstalt für Arbeit (1968). Anwerbung No integration?! (eds. Hess, S., Binder, J.; und Vermittlung Ausländischer Arbeitneh- Moser, J.). Bielefeld: Transcript. mer: Erfahrungsbericht 1967. Nürnberg. Mehrländer, U. (1987). Ausländerforschung Bundesanstalt für Arbeit (1973). Repräsent- 1965 bis 1980: Fragestellungen, theoretische ativuntersuchung ’72. Nürnberg. Ansätze, empirische Ergebnisse. Bonn: Neue Bundesministerium des Innern (2006). Gesellschaft. Evaluation der Integrationskurse nach dem Unabhängige Kommission “Zuwanderung” Zuwanderungsgesetz. Berlin. (2001). Zuwanderung gestalten – Integration Bundesregierung (2016). Eckpunkte Integra- fördern. Berlin. tionsgesetz: Koalitionsausschuss am 13. April Wilpert, C. (1984). International Migration 2016. Berlin. and Ethnic Minorities: New fields for Post- Dohse, K. (1981). Ausländische Arbeiter und War Sociology in the Federal Republic of bürgerlicher Staat: Genese und Funktion von Germany. Current Sociology 33/3, 305–52. staatlicher Ausländerpolitik und Ausländer- Wollenschläger, M. (2003). Deutsche Aus- recht. Königstein/Taunus: Anton Hain. länder- und Asylpolitik in Bewegung. 50 Eichenhofer, J. (2013). Begriff und Konzept Jahre – Behörde im Wandel: 1953 – 2003 der Integration im Aufenthaltsgesetz. Baden- (ed. Kerpal, M.). Nürnberg: Bundesamt Baden: Nomos. für die Anerkennung Ausländischer Flücht- Foucault, M. (1995). Discipline and Punish: linge, 40–56. The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random House. Foucault, M. (2004). Geschichte der Gou- Notes vernementalität I: Sicherheit, Territorium, 1. Interview BAMF 4, 28.7.2016. Bevölkerung. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp. 2. Reseach Notes, 15.7.2015. Friedrich, L., Waibel, S. (2012). Local Inte- 3. Interview BAMF 3, 17.9.2015. gration Concepts in Germany – Diffusion 4. Interview 1 BAMF, 15.9.2016. of an Integration Model. IMIS Beiträge 5. Interview 1 Federal Statistical Office, 2 41, 53–72. February 2016. Graeber, D. (2015). The Utopia of Rules: 6. Interview 1 Federal Statistical Office, 2 On Technology, Stupidity, and the Secret Joys February 2016. of Bureaucracy. London: Melville House. 7. Interview 1 BAMF, 15.9.2016. Haas, H. de, Collyer, M. (2010). Develop- ing Dynamic Categorisations of Transit Migration. Population, Space and Place. Kerpal, M. (Hrsg.) (2003). 50 Jahre – Behörde im Wandel: 1953 - 2003. Nürnberg: Bun- desamt für die Anerkennung Ausländischer Flüchtlinge. Kreienbrink, A. (2013). 60 Jahre Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge im Kontext der deutschen Migrationspolitik. Zeitschrift für Ausländerrecht und Ausländepolitik 33, 397–448. Lanz, S. (2009). In unternehmerische Sub- jekte investieren. Integrationskonzepte im Workfare-Staat: Das Beispiel Berlin.

Social Impact of Migration Studies: The Case of Slovenian Migration Institute

Špela Kastelic

Introduction international applied projects conducted This contribution will in part present by the Slovenian Migration Institute are the work of the Slovenian Migration aimed at bringing forth a dialogue between Institute of the Research Centre of the researchers, target audiences, stakeholders Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the authorities. I intend to outline the (ZRC SAZU) through time, and give main positive as well as negative aspects a brief overview of the Institute’s latest of the work the Institute’s researchers activities – particularly those that could il- perform on a daily basis when interacting lustrate the general discourse on migration with project users, at public events or to and from Slovenia, and the dialogue lectures, during their seminars or in other between the Institute and Slovenian poli­ similar situations. tics, civil services and the general public. The paper will be based mainly on the Slovenian Migration Institute and Institute’s projects documentation and its Beginnings my recent interviews with its researchers. As Marjan Drnovšek (2007: 7) points The majority of the goals the Institute out, “the tradition of migration research researchers try to achieve by these projects in Slovenia is not as old as in some other concern more efficient integration policies, European countries.” There are of course including better organized dissemination many experts, institutions and organisa- of information for easier integration of tions in Slovenia engaged in migration migrants living in Slovenia and elsewhere, studies nowadays. The Slovenian Migra- and the necessity to educate and train tion Institute (hereafter: SMI) remains, experts and broader publics in matters of however, the only research institution in migration and multicultural values. The that country that is entirely specialised in focus of this paper will thus be on the and dedicated to the research of migration. Institute’s applied projects rather than its A scientific approach to the investigation academic research programme and basic into such an important thematic field as research projects. Many national and migration is therefore its institutional 106 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 duty. (Kalc 2017: 7) Many factors contributed to the suc- The beginnings of the Slovenian Migra- cessful development of the newly estab- tion Institute date back to the year 1963, lished Institute. One and perhaps the with the establishment of the Study Centre most important one was the efforts of for the History of Slovenian Emigration the Institute researchers to emphasize the at the Slovenian Academy of Sciences importance of international migration and and Arts. With no office rooms or reg- especially Slovenian emigration when dis- ularly employed staff, the Study Centre cussing Slovenian historical developments. engaged in its programme a number of An important effect of these efforts was researchers from other institutions to increased general interest in migration form an interdisciplinary research group studies as well as an increase of migration covering geography, history, sociology and related topics in various disciplines: ge- other disciplines contributing to its main ography, ethnology, literary history and project, The History of Slovenian Emigra- sociology, and later on – in the 1980s – tion, funded by the Boris Kidrič Fund. also in history. On the whole, migration The main objective of the Centre and studies have become a significant part its project was a “historical outline” that of the humanities and social sciences in would “encompass all Slovene emigration Slovenia, and the bibliography on the /.../ in the period from the second half topic has shown notable progress in terms of the Nineteenth Century to World War of its quality and quantity. International II.” (Čebulj Sajko 1990: 22) Despite its migration is today viewed as a constitutive best efforts, the work of the Centre slowly social phenomenon that has co-created the faded out toward the end of the 1960s. economic, social and cultural landscapes New initiatives to continue the research on a local and global scale. (Kalc 2017: into Slovenian emigration, stressing the 9–10) need for a “separate academic institute”, As the turn of decades from the 1980s emerged in 1981 at the international to the 1990s saw a growing scientific, symposium on the 30th anniversary of the research and social interest in Slove- death of Louis Adamic, the most successful nian emigration (Kalc 2017: 10), the Slovenian emigrant writer. The idea was Institute started issuing an international that this institute should expand and and interdisciplinary academic journal, upgrade the efforts of its predecessor – the Two Homelands: Migration Studies in Study Centre, encompassing a carefully 1990. One of its main objectives was prepared interdisciplinary programme. to devote attention “to questions of Slo- (Žitnik Serafin 2017: 23) The initiative vene emigration treated in the widest was fruitful and the Institute for Em- interdisciplinary way.” (Vovko 1990: 10) igration at the Slovenian Academy of The journal enabled “both domestic and Sciences and Arts was founded in 1982. foreign researchers of Slovene emigration In 1986, the Institute’s name was changed to publish the results of their work in a to the Institute for Slovenian Emigration unique professional publication.” (Čebulj Research, and it joined the also newly Sajko 1990: 29) Even today, the journal, founded Academy’s Research Centre. which is now issued twice a year, is still (Čebulj Sajko 1990: 23–28) the central academic journal in Slovenia Špela Kastelic 107 dedicated to migration studies. archives, museums, cultural media and of In 2001, the Institute also started course the broader publics in the Institute’s publishing a monograph series titled attempts to help find solutions for the Migration. The series now includes 27 challenges of Slovenian emigrants and scholarly monographs and collections of their descendants. (Žitnik 2002: 231) As papers by Slovenian and foreign authors it will be explained below, similar practices discussing Slovenian emigration, refugees, are today still in use when addressing the seasonal and return migration as well as challenges of immigrants to Slovenia and immigration to Slovenia. (Žitnik Serafin their descendants today. 2017: 24–25) The rising number of new The SMI researchers are included in researchers from various disciplines that various additional activities: they are lec- joined the research team in the following turers in the framework of national under- years brought new research areas to the graduate study programmes and national Institute’s attention. Due to this broaden- and international graduate university ing of the range of the Institute’s research programmes; they participate in various topics – these were now becoming more migration-related cultural activities; they and more connected with immigration to help popularise scientific research results Slovenia – the Institute has finally changed for the wider public; they educate teachers its name to Slovenian Migration Institute and children about migrations, and so (instead of Emigration) in 2009. on. (Drnovšek 2007: 7) The importance Its numerous applied projects now of transferring knowledge into practice include various educational, expert and remains one of the main SMI principles even operational activities that allow direct to this day. transfer of its research findings to practice. The broader spectrum of the SMI pro- The broadening of the research subject jects follows the same common thread: the and the ramification of the Institute’s inclusion, the integration, and the accept- other activities have also been encouraged ance of migrants. Certain documents and by projects and programs financed from resolutions issued by the Government of the EU funds. (Žitnik Serafin 2017: 27) Slovenia identify multiculturalism as the first principle of integration, and at the Migration Studies and Social same time often mention active prevention Impact of Project Work of marginalization of immigrants and Since migrations tend to have evident xenophobia. (Žitnik Serafin 2008: 164) impact on more or less all aspects of life The concept of multiculturalism can relate in the countries of arrival as well as the to theory (as a category denoting specific countries of origin (Gold and Nawyn relations between ethnic communities 2013: 2), it is not surprising that the living in the same country), it can denote purpose of the Institute’s elaborate work a political programme or movement for scope could never have been imagined as the change of established relations, or a only academic. For example, in the past, principle of official politics’ stance toward some of the primary objectives of the indigenous and immigrant ethnic minor- research team were to include various gov- ities. There are but a few countries in the ernment bodies, education institutions, world today that are not characterised 108 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 by multicultural heterogeneity. (Lukšič relevant SMI’s applied projects. Hacin 1999: 83–84) Considering the fact that there has been Implementation of Migration an increase in discourse on intercultural Studies Research Results through dialogue since 2008, when members of SMI Projects the EU participated in the European year Some of the most visible projects con- of intercultural dialogue, one would pre- ducted by the Institute concern areas sume that the multicultural capacities and where migrants are most vulnerable and principles such as “We elsewhere, others underprivileged. These areas are education with us” (Vižintin 2017: 153) would be and employment. The knowledge and ex- more firmly embodied in everyday lives perience the SMI researchers have gathered of individuals. However, target audiences in the past years have proved invaluable of many of the SMI projects perceive because they can be used, multiplied and such topics only on the abstract level. The disseminated through present SMI activi- collective mindset would, in Žižek’s words, ties, and even upgraded for those to come much sooner turn toward tolerance, leav- in the future. In some of the projects, ing “the Other” aside, where his or her members of the team use this knowledge presence is not intrusive – rather than directly, for example when carrying out being open to this kind of “otherness”. trainings for target audiences, while in (Žižek 2007) others they can use them as an excellent In her Preface to the publication titled reference when addressing public officials Door ajar (Priprta vrata), Tina Cigler or, for example, when applying for new wrote: “The majority of us are not even projects. In many cases, good practices of aware of how many worries Slovenia can previous projects with similar objectives produce in the first period, when migrants are still used to this day. are arranging residence and work permits, let alone later, when Slovenians are some- Education and Inclusion how incapable of including them. Even One such project was a cross-border edu­ though we know that monocultures do cational project titled EDUKA, which not exist anymore, we are yet incapable included five organisations from Slovenia to live in a multicultural society. Cultural and five from Italy. The objective was to diversity is understood as a necessary create among pupils in both countries the evil rather than something that increases awareness of various topics of intercultural development capabilities of our country.” education, as well as to create knowledge (Cigler 2012: 7) and tools in order to advocate diversity and Nevertheless, many positive practices in develop intercultural dialogue in schools this area have been identified in Slovenia, and universities. (EDUKA 2014) The pro- not only those introduced by various ject gave an opportunity for Slovenian and organisations but also by certain indi- Italian minorities to present themselves viduals that help break new ground and in a public space, and offered immigrants bring forth changes in new generations. in both countries an opportunity to enter I will try to highlight some of them in this space, for example in schools, where the following presentation of the most they presented their countries of origin, Špela Kastelic 109 their lives, reasons for their leaving home, educational workers living in neighbour- and so on. ing countries. Immigrant children and first One of the researchers working in this generations of immigrants are, as a rule, project described its unexpectedly positive included in the Slovenian educational impact, especially among children. If process after they move to Slovenia, yet many schoolbooks that European children that their first language is not Slovenian. use today express a certain degree of (either Teachers therefore often tackle various subliminal or upfront) ethno-centrism challenges when educating these children. or euro-centrism, negative images of (Vižintin 2014: 72) In collaboration with migrants and sometimes even racist dis- the Institute for Education and external course (Šabec 2015: 128), the aftermath experts, SMI researchers conduct trainings of this project showed mostly messages on topics such as multiculturalism, inter- of welcome, collaboration and bridging cultural education, reduction of prejudices the differences. Furthermore, a significant and stereotypes, integration of migrant result of this project is its production of and refugee children, to empower teachers educational and didactic materials on at their work. They aim at promoting intercultural education, which are still mutual understanding, the culture of available free of charge to any teacher or open dialogue and respect for various educator that might need them. Project cultural backgrounds that the children coordinators note that many schools in in kindergartens and schools are coming Italy and Slovenia still regularly use them. from. The visible impact of this project However, this is not an easy process. has inspired other national and inter- Many times the SMI lecturers tackle de- national projects in which migration manding issues, such as increasing xeno­ studies research results can be applied phobia and hate speech, racist elements to education. Some of the ongoing in opinions expressed by educational education-oriented projects, such as workers, and so on. In my interviews, Out-Side-In and PREDIS, are based on respondents reported of negative feedbacks international collaboration with European from within educational collectives of educational institutions and organisations. individual schools. Teachers for exam- Out-Side-In aims at improving social ple sometimes believe that intercultural and economic participation of migrant education is not their business, or that and Roma youth, especially in reducing they “do not have enough time to bother dropout rates in formal education, while with that” on top of the already overbur- PREDIS encourages the inclusion of ref- dened curricula. In some cases they do ugees in Slovenia, Germany, Greece, Italy, not agree with certain seminar topics or Turkey and Sweden in adult education. they feel personally threatened by them. “Only (with) others are we”, on the Fortunately, there have not been many other hand, is a national project that such cases. conducts comprehensive training for An important turning point in Slove- expert workers in education, teachers, nian public discourse concerning migra- social workers and other public workers tion was the year 2015, with the arrival throughout Slovenia as well as Slovenian of increased numbers of immigrants and 110 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 refugees. A great majority of them only ers with such experiences generally have passed through Slovenia but still “caused” more knowledge on the matter and are a lot of anxiety and agitation. Since the more emphatic. The positive response is aforementioned project started in 2016, usually then further redoubled when they the SMI researchers who participate in it as invite some successful former immigrants lecturers often unwillingly find themselves to share their stories with the audience. in heated debates or are targets of spiteful One of the most important aspects of comments. These are, to their understand- such approaches is to remind workers in ing, often based on poorly understood education that – like so many Slovenians concepts of migration, asylum system, abroad – immigrant children in Slovenian displacement, refugee issues, integration, schools also have to learn a new language and similar. One researcher spoke to me and new, unwritten social rules. This is about a general problem. His view of the definitely a long and complex process that matter was that in most cases there is a needs a lot of cooperation and help not complete lack of knowledge of some basic only from teachers but also from school- migration-related terms. Therefore he mates, parents, and local environment. starts his lectures and workshops by trying to introduce those terms to a highest Inclusion through Employment possible number of workers in education. The question of general understanding of When talking about migration topics the meaning of migration as well as the in Slovenia, it has become necessary to public belief that this kind of debate on highlight the migration paths that many migration is unnecessary was brought to Slovenians have walked throughout their my attention while interviewing two other history. As one of the researchers who researchers. Although both had previously also had worked on EDUKA pointed worked on applied and basic research out, “Many times Slovenians notice only projects concerning different aspects of immigration to their country, and forget migration, they have been, for a while emigration of Slovenians …” Generally, now, engaged in promoting national and accentuating these comparisons tends to international discourse on the importance be well accepted, especially among those of posted work, health and safety issues who have their own migrant experiences, of migrant labourers, and general em- or in cases where there have been such powerment of the economic integration experiences in their families. Many lec- of migrants. Their latest project with this turers at the SMI seminars have reported objective is called POOSH. about the change of feelings, new ways of When asked about their views on the perceiving refugees, and even emotional public opinion about migration, both con- responses, for instance when they talked firmed that the whole rhetoric on the sub- about their own migrant experience or the ject is now essentially different from what experiences of their relatives, parents or it was before 2015. One of them recalled grandparents. The reaction is most often that before the refugee corridor through a feeling of surprise and a reminder that Slovenia in 2015, migrations were only this is something they knew, yet forgot all one of the many topics, floating under the about it. My colleagues believe that teach- surface. After the refugee corridor, people Špela Kastelic 111 have shown more interest in migrations, interregional project led by the Institute, yet the double-standard perceptions of “Urban Diversity”, intends to connect “our emigrants and refugees” on the one migrant entrepreneurs and their families hand, and the incoming immigrants and in Ljubljana, Slovenia and Graz, Austria refugees to the EU nowadays on the other, to enhance and promote diversity through still remain as persistent as ever. The other creativity. The goal of the project is the researcher, however, feels that migrations development of the potential and crea- are a domain that carries a lot of baggage. tivity of migrant entrepreneurs and their She said she could not think of any other families through connection and collabo- research area that would stir such strong ration of both cities, as research show that emotions on so many different levels. In “many show enormous success and high her opinion, when talking about migra- awareness of community involvement and tions, people would much sooner think contribution to local economic growth.” of cultural, every day, social, economic (Bužinkić 2017: 7–8) and also political burdens than of the As the experience with all these projects advantages of diversity, opportunities or shows, one of the most crucial factors multicultural values. Another view that in successful migration-related applied I found interesting was her observation projects is active inclusion of the target on the period during the refugee corridor audience during the writing of the project through Slovenia. She observed that there proposal, especially when formulating the was much disdain for migrants in general objectives of the projects. Only in this way and that during that time even research- can the objectives be set in accordance ers in the field of migrations, with no with the target audience’s needs. activist aspirations or affiliations, would be considered as activists. When carrying Conclusion out fieldwork and collecting data on the The social impact the Slovenian Migra- subject of refugees, they were labelled as tion Institute is shown in its continuing political actors. In her opinion this can transfer of research results to practice, be damaging as research in that field can mainly through various educational thus lose its neutrality and autonomy. It processes, be it for a particular group would be very wrong, according to her, to of people, such as educators and civil connect researchers in migration studies servants, authorities, stakeholders or fellow with any specific political orientation. researchers, or for the broadest Slovenian A large ongoing international project audiences. Researchers I work with have of which Slovenian Migration Institute shown, on a day-to-day basis, impressive is the leading partner is called DRIM, perseverance in some at least seemingly short for “Danube Region Information discouraging situations. Either due to Platform for Economic Integration of their keen sensitivity to the subject of Migrants”. DRIM’s objective is to enhance migration or a lifelong commitment to the capacity of public institutions for pro- the area, the successes their work brings moting migrants’ economic integration, are numerous and encouraging. understood as fair access to employment, A well-deserved reward for the effort work and skills enhancement. Another can be a project publication that is still 112 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 in use years after the project had been gration (ed. Marjan Drnovšek). Ljubljana: completed, or a positive response at the Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU, 7. end of a conference when the target audi­ EDUKA (2014). Vzgajati k različnosti: In- ence becomes engaged in such manner terdisciplinarna primerjalna raziskava med Italijo in Slovenijo (eds. Norina Bogatec and that some of the participants ask for more Nives Zudič Antonič). Koper: Univerza information, stay in touch with the SMI na Primorskem, Znanstveno-raziskovalno researchers, or recommend one of the središče, Univerzitetna založba Annales. SMI seminars or reading materials to Gold, Steven J., Nawyn, Stephanie J. (2013). other people. Introduction. The Routledge International Whatever project the Institute applies Handbook of Migration Studies (eds. Steven for or carries out, it always includes, in J. Gold and Stephanie J. Nawyn). Abing- some way or other, the collaboration of don: Routledge, 1–8. people whose challenges its field of exper- Kalc, Aleksej (2017). Od preučevanja sloven- tise addresses. An efficient outcome can skega izseljenstva k migracijskim študijam. be observed when experts in migration Raziskovanje slovenskega izseljenstva: vidiki, studies can help connect multiple, albeit pristopi, vsebine (eds. Janja Žitnik Serafin and Aleksej Kalc). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, at times disagreeing sides; when in the 7–20. long run results of educational training are Lukšič Hacin, Marina (1999). Multikultu­ visible among pupils and their teachers; ralizem in migracije. Ljubljana: Založba and when project efforts actually mobilise ZRC, ZRC SAZU. civil servants and officials to directly and Šabec, Ksenija (2015). Representations of actively connect with their users. All of Non-European World in Educational Sys- these impacts that can be clearly observed tem: Textbooks as an Actor of Ethnocentric in practical work with the users make and Racist Socialization. Dve Domovini the present and future Institute’s work / Two Homelands: Migration Studies 42, meaningful and worthwhile. 127–140. Vižintin, Marijanca Ajša (2014). The Inter- References cultural Education Model: For More Suc- Bužinkić, Emina (2017). On MIGRENT. cessful Inclusion of Immigrant Children. MIGRENT: Migrant (social) entrepreneur- Dve Domovini / Two Homelands: Migration ship as a tool of socio-economic emancipation Studies 40, 71–89. of migrants (ed. Emina Bužinkić). Zagreb: Vižintin, Marijanca Ajša (2017). Medkul- Centre for Peace Studies, Taste of Home, turna vzgoja in izobraževanje: Vključevanje 7–9. otrok priseljencev. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC Cigler, Tina (2012). Spremna beseda. Priprta SAZU. vrata: Zgodbe migrantov. Novo mesto: Vovko, Andrej (1990). Foreword. Dve Do- Društvo za razvijanje prostovoljnega dela movini / Two Homelands: Migration Studies Novo mesto, 7. 1, 9–10. Čebulj Sajko, Breda (1990). The past and the Žitnik, Janja (2002). Dvajset let Inštituta za present activity of the Institute for Slovene slovensko izseljenstvo. Dve Domovini / Two Emigration Research. Dve Domovini / Two Homelands: Migration Studies 16, 227–233. Homelands: Migration Studies 1, 11–32. Žitnik Serafin, Janja (2008).Večkulturna Drnovšek, Marjan (2007). Preface. Historical Slovenija. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC and Cultural Perspectives on Slovenian Mi- SAZU. Špela Kastelic 113

Žitnik Serafin, Janja (2017). Razvoj Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije ZRC SAZU in njegov prispevek k izseljenskim študijam. Raziskovanje slovenskega izse­ ljenstva: vidiki, pristopi, vsebine (ed. Janja Žitnik Serafin and Aleksej Kalc). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 21–34. Žižek, Slavoj (2007). Nasilje. Ljubljana: Društvo za teoretsko psihoanalizo.

Boise: A Model of a Welcoming City

Imanol Galdos Irazabal

Introduction: A humble tribute to essential to understand the present, and my parents to structure the story of the future. The reason I am here today talking about The real and anonymous heroes are the the model of Boise as a welcoming city is, people who created the conditions for quite simply, because my parents (Miguel Boise to become an authentic reference and Tere) gave a great welcome to the for those of us who believe in spaces where group from Boise that came to Oñati people from different social, language, back in 1974. This is the image that best political, ethnical and religious back- represents my life cycle. It is the plaque grounds can construct authentic models placed in Boise’s Memorial Park two years of harmonious coexistence; forward-look- ago to coincide with the Jaialdi of 2015, ing visionary individuals who take risks, in gratitude for the great work my parents and – above all – very generous people. did by welcoming people from Boise Those who courageously opted for this in difficult times. For many years my way forward in the past and now deserve home in Oñati was like a small hotel that a lot of respect. was the scene of the story I am going to Although everything seems to be called tell you now. Obviously, this story does into question nowadays, the future will not explain the whole model I want to surely involve models along the lines of show you today. However, it is clearly Boise. There is no other way. They are a central part of a wonderful story that the cities we all aspire to, hence their is being written now, in a very difficult enormous potential and attractiveness. context. A finer point and a rectifica- Homogeneous cities that turn their backs tion: Cities, towns, villages and countries on new energies are doomed. are not welcoming in themselves. Their people are, although not everyone. They The beginning: 1974 are usually courageous people who, in Pat Bieter, the father of the current Mayor difficult circumstances, and often on their of Boise, was a man ahead of his time. own against the opinion of the majority, Born in Minnesota, he was posted to Boise decide to take very tricky paths. We tend for military service, and that is where he to jump on the bandwagon of success too discovered the large Basque community easily, while in many cases we have been in Idaho. A university professor of Irish part of the problem. Historic memory is descent who was familiar with the reality 116 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 of the Irish diaspora to the United States, was hostile. Many people in Oñati (in he understood how important it was for line with the majority opinion in Basque the new generations of Basque Americans society) thought that they were a cover to learn about the contemporary reality of for the CIA – that is, allies of Franco. Euskadi, now very different to the country Great courage was shown by my parents that their ancestors had left behind years and others (people involved in political before. This led to the academic program opposition to Franco and very committed aimed at North American university stud- to the defense of Basque language and ies that set out (beyond the learning and culture), and very few decided to welcome improvement of language skills in the the Americans who arrived in Oñati with Basque and Spanish languages as well as open arms. Thanks to their courage, I other teachings on different aspects of life am standing here today explaining the in Euskadi) to provide better knowledge of welcoming nature of Boise. Likewise, the the reality of the Basques at a time when strong commitment and courage of Pat Franco was still in power. Bieter should be highlighted. He was a Oñati, the town where I was born and man who knew how to anticipate events grew up, was chosen by the Universities in a conservative environment. Those of Boise and Reno to begin the program young people who stayed in Oñati are that has changed the way relations between now community leaders in Boise: the Euskadi and the Basque diaspora that Mayor, judges, doctors, university pro- are understood, basically in the United fessors. Therefore, we should highlight States. A new paradigm of relations was the great impact the project had on the born. Everything that has happened since development of the city of Boise. cannot be understood without considering Everyone emerged as a winner from the importance of this program. It was that program. Oñati, a historically out- organized in Oñati for around seven years, ward-looking town (it is home to the making it possible for hundreds of North oldest university in the Basque Country, American students to get to know the real- where Law, Medicine and Philosophy ity of the Basques and, above all, enabling were taught in the 16th century), is now hundreds of relationships between people an even more open place, and the role from both sides of the Atlantic (marriages, played by the Boise program has been a divorces, families, some living here and key factor. Boise and Oñati are, as we shall others there). In 1982, the program was see in more detail later, isolated places, transferred to Donostia under the um- although in both cases far from being a brella of the University Studies Abroad drawback this has been a key factor in Consortium (USAC). their success. There was no resting on Franco was in power and Euskadi was one’s laurels; isolation has been a stimulus. a volcano waiting to explode, at a time Oñati has one of the lowest unem- of great political upheaval. In this con- ployment rates in the Spanish State, with text, that first group of students headed companies like ULMA operating world- by Pat Bieter certainly did not receive a wide, the International Institute for the warm welcome. They arrived protected Sociology of Law that welcomes Doctorate by the Guardia Civil and the reception and Master’s students from all over the Imanol Galdos Irazabal 117 world, and the Monastery of Arantzazu. it Right”. As they explain in their feature From that dark year 1974 to now, Oñati called Red-Hot Town, and Boise have grown and helped each other, thanks to those courageous people #1 Boise, Idaho: Once the gateway to who took great risks and decided that the remote mining camps, Idaho’s capital future of their hometown and their people has become a technic boomtown meant being open towards other cultures with a thriving cultural scene. An and other ways of thinking. The commit- economy boosted by mega-grocer ment to diversity is the only driving force Albertsons, the multinational Micron that makes societies growing, and Boise Technology and the potato giant is a clear example. J.R. Simplot has helped jump-start a fast-growing real estate market. Boise: In the middle of nowhere My first visit to Boise was in 1988. We From all perspectives and angles, Boise’s had to take quite a few flights to get there. ability to attract is undisputed. The city As happens with a lot of other places in has become the incarnation of the Ameri- the world (Donostia and Husum come can Dream of the 21st century on its own to mind), being located outside the main merits. With a population of 676,929 routes with not particularly good com- (2015 Estimate), there are more than munications theoretically means greater 101,800 people employed in professional difficulties. My first impression was that is services occupations. One of the fastest a small city. Very different from the large growing regions in the country, the Boise city concept that seems to be imposing MSA ranked #3 (excluding Florida) for the itself nowadays. In the case of Boise, highest net domestic in-migration rate in however, what some consider a major 2014 behind Austin, TX and Charleston, drawback, with the often-repeated com- SC.1 As well as technology companies plaint about it being far away from where and North American citizens in search of things happen – “Boise is in the middle of new experiences or simply tired of living nowhere” – its unfavorable location, its dry in large cities (20% of new residents in climate, roasting sunshine in summer, and Boise have come from California), Boise’s quite a cold winter – what some consider rather isolated location has not stopped defects turn into undoubted advantages. thousands of refugees from starting a new In the middle of the desert, with vast life there. On paper, other destinations spaces around and infinite potential for might seem more attractive to those who growth, Boise has become home to state- have chosen Boise, or who arrived in a of-the-art technology companies, people little-known place as a result of established looking for new life experiences, refugees quotas. They all praise the city that is now and emigrants in search of freedom. Mi- their home. cron, Hewlett-Packard and White-Cloud Analytics have converted Boise into a Boise, Idaho, offers a calmer perspec- ‘Techy Boomtown’, as TIME magazine tive. Here at the base of the Rocky described it. In March 2014, TIME Maga­ Mountains, in one of the whitest zine featured Boise as #1 region “Getting of American places in one of the 118 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

reddest American states, 13,000 River running through downtown. The refugees from at least 53 countries climate is mild year-round, but still varied are rebuilding their lives.2 throughout the year. “Unless you don’t like Many different factors, causes and seasons,” Mayor Bieter says, “we’re a very reasons, and the need to overcome good place to live.” The isolation can be major obstacles (location, stereo- a downside, too. Getting people to Boise types3), led the city authorities can be a challenge. The city must be an to adopt a rather unconventional intentional destination. It is not really on project by discarding traditional the way to or from anywhere. But once approaches. Nowadays, however, people see it, they tend to fall in love and the project has all the elements to want to stay, Mayor Bieter says.4 become a model that transcends the frontiers of the USA. In an age of Why is Boise attractive? uncertainty, upheaval, doubts, ques- It is paradoxical that, at a time when there tions and generalized fatigue, Boise is a tendency towards retreat and the chal- proposes something very suggestive, lenging of open, integrating approaches unusual and attractive, despite its depending on the flow of events, the location in the middle of the desert. great driver behind Boise is its diversity. Proximity is important for many Without a doubt, this is what makes it so small to mid-sized cities. Not all attractive. There are also other elements amenities generally exist within the to explain the meteoric rise and growth city limits, which is fair. Not every of Boise. It is a city whose population city can be New York City. It’s rare has increased from 74,990 in 1970 to to hear a mayor say that one aspect 102,249 in 1980 and to 216,282 in 2014. that makes his city so great is how Its present population is 223,154, just a far removed it is from other cities. little bigger than Donostia. The reasons that could explain this spectacular growth Yet, that’s exactly what Boise’s mayor lead us to analyze them one by one. It David Bieter suggested. “I think our is a long list, for sure. According to a isolation has been good for us,” he says. study made by Boise Metro: “Reasons “Salt Lake City, Portland and Seattle are for Growth? 1) Quality of Life – Live six to eight hours away. You can’t drive the American Dream, Own a Home; an hour and go the symphony or theater 2) Affordability w/ Premium Schools, in another town. You have to build it Recreation, Safety; 3) Quality of People; here”. Boise, therefore, needs to provide 4) Vibrant Downtown.”5 Quality edu- for itself. It has the Boise Philharmonic. cation is another key factor in the major It has a theater. It has a state capital and immigrant flow into Boise that is taking a military base. Its university has added place. Mayor Bieter says: “football powerhouse” to its already-im- pressive resume. The natural amenities are Many of the schools in town are perhaps even more impressive than the highly rated, which helped Boise cultural ones. Boise sits at the intersection rank on our Top 10 Best Cities for of desert and mountains with the Boise Kids list. In our discussion with Imanol Galdos Irazabal 119

business that is looking to relocate, travaganza to the San Inazio Festival they always ask about the educational or Deli Days, to ongoing activities system. Our advantage is that our and programs at the Black History public-school system is the default Museum and the Hispanic Cultural school. We have private schools that Center, the Boise Valley celebrates are quite good, but you choose them our residents’ diversity year-round. if you want to, not because you have In any event, the favorable position to. The classrooms are diverse, due to held by Boise in most rankings is a a large population of refugees from clear sign of: all over the world.6 1. A Getaway: Boise was ranked as one of the top five “Best Travel-Wor- Seen from the outside, and in the light of thy State Capitals” by USA Today stereotypes, nobody who is not from the for 2016. Boise Valley could imagine diversity as its 2. A Recreation Paradise: Boise was main feature when it comes to describing named one of the 10 “Best Big Cit- the place:7 ies for Active Families” by Outside Magazine. More than 90 different languages are 3. A Cultural Hub: Boise recently spoken in the Boise School District. nabbed the #2 spot as one of the The Boise Valley is home to one of “Most Artistic Mid-Sized Cities in the oldest synagogues in the west- America”. ern United States. 800 new citizens 4. An Economic Powerhouse: Boise seeking refuge from circumstances in was named on the top ten lists of their homeland are welcomed to the cities with job growth potential. Boise Valley each year from over 20 5. A Downtown Trendsetter: Liv- foreign countries. Idaho is home to ability ranked BoDo as #6 in their the second largest Basque population list of “Top 10 Downtown Scenes”. in North America. Over 70% of the 6. A Growing Market: Boise has population has some college training been repeatedly named as one of the or above (12.7% above the national “Hottest Housing Markets” for 2016. average). 7. A Caring Community: Not only The Boise Valley is home to the was Boise recently chosen as the fastest-growing community college “Most Caring City in America”, it in the country, College of Western also ranks 2nd in the nation for vol- Idaho, which is currently servicing unteerism and community outreach. over 20,000 students. The Boise 8. A Green Oasis: An analysis of Valley maintains a wealth of cul- thirteen different eco-conscious tural, spiritual and ethnic diversity metrics ranked Boise in the “Top throughout the area, and is proud to 20 Greenest American Cities”. actively promote and foster a spirit of 9. An Educational Leader: Boise has inclusion that embraces the diversity been repeatedly ranked as a top ten found in the valley. From cultural college town, among other accolades. events such as the Soul Food Ex- 10. 2017’s Best -Worst-Run Cities 120 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

in America.8 Seattle, Portland, and Salt Lake City. 11. Best cities for raising a family9, But Idaho’s capital is making a name with Boise in second place. for itself for much more than its 12. Boise also ranks #2 as an “Up beauty and convenience. and Coming City for New Grads”, With the goal of becoming the most and as one of TIME Magazine’s “Best livable city in the country, Boise is a Towns for College Football”. bustling metropolis that has changed dramatically in the past decade or Regardless of any classification, Boise rep- so, rising from a “bait and bullet” resents the future. It is a new city without town, as it was called by the New prejudices or baggage, a unique energy York Times, to a thriving center for and a natural setting that is an essential art, green initiatives, and community element in a very attractive project. Its development. But it is in its uniquely inhabitants show much greater pride in isolated setting that Boise has truly the city than those from other places.10 found its niche as a hip, urban hub What used to be an insignificant city is that is being praised by nearly every now seen as one of the great benchmarks nationally published top ten list. for the future. It has found its place despite Idaho is a one-of-a-kind haven all on all the difficulties that it has experienced its own, but Boise as a blossoming (and still does). In this process, a clear, metropolis offers everything you generous and unequivocal commitment could ask for in a modern commu- to the enthusiastic welcoming of diversity nity – superb dining, quality educa- has been, without doubt, what has placed tion, entrepreneurial initiative, and it in such a favorable situation. Its suc- so much more. cess is based on a set of intangible values But Boise does so without the high that comprise a unique model: pride, cost of living, over-development, an outward-looking approach, diversity, or pollution that one finds in its happiness. That is where we need to look more populated urban counterparts. to carry out any analysis: Whether it is the City of Trees’ unique festivals, incredible art scene, or vibrant nightlife, Boise is a fan- The Best City in America is Actually tastic place to visit or call home.11 Right Here in Idaho The old adage of “location, location, location” is just one reason why Idaho A long history of welcoming: Ref- as a whole has been recently making ugees transform the City of Trees headlines as a blossoming national It would be wrong to say that the path icon. The Gem State’s idyllic inter- has been strewn with flowers. Resistance section of desert, mountains and has existed, and still does in places. The river oases creates an environment polarization that western societies suf- that offers something for everybody, fer nowadays does not help to create a while also quietly resting in close calm debate. The natural, necessary and proximity to the urban centers of desirable diversity of opinions is often Imanol Galdos Irazabal 121 replaced by exaggeration, manipulation have pursued similar paths through and over-generalization.12 There is an- hard, unpopular work on the road other important nuance: the deliberate to better lives in the Boise Valley. confusion of the terms ‘refugee’ and Like Basque immigrants to Idaho, ‘immigrant’13 does not help to mark out Latinos have not always faced an and clarify the debate. easy road. As late as the 1950s, signs History repeats itself, as Dave Bieter posted outside some doors in the area reminded us in an article published in warned “Mexicans, Negroes, Jews, December 201614, in which he strongly Indians and dogs” to stay out. Again, defended his position. From a historical fortunately, most Idahoans ignored perspective, he highlighted the benefits that. The Latino contribution to our that the presence of immigrants and ref- lives is unmistakable. Without them, ugees has represented in Boise’s growth. many of Idaho’s most important Mayor Bieter, who considers himself an industries would have collapsed long outsider, a Catholic in a Protestant city ago. and a Democrat in a Republican state, is And so it is today with refugees. a good example of a typical life journey Boise is home to Bosnians, Somalis, in Boise today: Iraqis and Syrians. Our city govern- ment reaches out through nearly I’m the mayor of Boise, where im- all departments ‒ police to ensure migrants have played a significant refugees know they are safe; parks role since before statehood. and recreation programs help refugee My own life is an example of how children enjoy our outdoors, like all the immigration experience in the our children do; library programs United States has worked. My grand- help with access to computers and father immigrated to Boise from the other learning tools; our arts and Basque region of Spain in 1912, history programs help with cultural along with thousands of others. activities. We offer these same pro- He herded sheep ‒ tough, solitary grams to all Boiseans. We do not work that few native-born Americans debate about who is more worthy wanted. He met my grandmother, or where they’re from. We are a wel- another Basque immigrant, here in coming city. We all have work to do. Boise and they built a life for my Refugees enrich our city. They are mother and her two sisters. some of the hardest working Boi- Their story was similar to those of seans. They give vibrancy to our thousands of Basques who succeeded schools. Some have even opened new in Idaho. Today, it is easy to forget businesses in older parts of Boise. that in 1909 a local newspaper de- Our city gets back many times over scribed Basque immigrants as “filthy, what it gives. treacherous, and meddlesome, clan- Boise does not welcome our new- nish and undesirable”. Fortunately, comers just out of goodwill and the most Idahoans ignored that. bottom line. We also do so because Thousands of Latino immigrants we understand that the constant 122 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

addition of new and energized people the hooded marchers expose their faces in from many places around the world honest daylight. In 1948, when an Idaho is this country’s oxygen. That does senator shunned “whites only” and was not mean things are easy. arrested in Alabama, Boiseans applauded But the United States has never taken the rebuke of Jim Crow. Today, like a the easy route, through wars and hundred years ago, different visions and depressions and the shifting world – approaches exist on the issue, as Professor and that’s why we are the United Todd Shallat points out: States. From our city’s beginnings in the 1860s, Boise has benefited Idaho’s governor had previously from the energy and hard work of its joined two dozen others in de- newcomers from all over the globe. It manding a halt to “rubber-stamped” would be a mistake to shut that off.15 immigration/refugee programs. No matter the confusion between refu- The journey has been a long one and not gees (who are forced to migrate) and without its difficulties, similar to those that in-migrants (who are not). No matter still prevail, far from unanimity, and that that refugee issues were far removed gives the present scenario even more value. from the governor’s jurisdiction. Opposing stances that have propitiated a “Frustration runs high in Idaho”, process that has always been alive: said Otter. The narrative seemed to confirm that strangers were evil and Both an in-migrant city and an that refugee resettlement was a top anti-in-migrant city, Boise, histor- spun out of control. ically, had shunned prejudice but Two blocks from Otter’s State- also endorsed it depending on what house – shouting distance but po- was at stake. In 1893, the Japanese litical light-years from the governor`s laborers who laid rails to the 10th office – Mayor David H. Bieter Street depot were confined to shiver ignited his own fiery headline by in box cars when threatened by mobs drafting a defiant response. “When it downtown. In 1901, a Bavarian comes to immigration and refugees,” in-migrant mayor named Moses wrote Bieter to his fellow mayors, Alexander allied with a British sher- “Presidents and Congress get to say, iff to roughly remove the Chinese. but mayors have to do”. That same immigrant built an ornate Boise´s mayor rejected the notion synagogue and became the nation´s that people from distant places posed first elected Jewish governor. Boise a threat to public safety. Boise was beckoned, but Boiseans sometimes live-and-let live, said Bieter. It was the repelled.16 kind of place where artists painted the utility-boxes, where an overpass Pitchfork nativism, even so, never played sheltered a skate park, where motor- well in Boise. In 1924, when the Knights ists allowed people to merge so long of the Ku Klux Klan rallied on Boise´s as they waved back to acknowledge Main Street, the city council insisted that the kindness. “We are nationally Imanol Galdos Irazabal 123

known as a welcoming city”, Bieter recent years. Very few of them could tell continued, “We can all be proud”.17 you where Idaho was on the map. Around 3,500–4,000 people21 (mostly Bosnians, The debate is ongoing, but the commit- with small communities of Serbians and ment has been made in Idaho for a long Croatians) make up a highly vibrant and time. There is a deeply-rooted culture enterprising community, particularly in that is interiorized and assumed by its the construction sector and as university institutions, civil society, and citizens: professors. The story of Refik Sadikovic shows the importance of an experience In Idaho meanwhile, an informal that has allowed him to work a personal refugee program began at Boise State miracle that has enriched Boise. Mutual University in 1975, and Governor enrichment and benefit: “Chosen to Sur- John Evans formally established a vive. A Bosnian, cut down by shrapnel, state-level refugee center in 1979. sees his life as a miracle”.22 The program later passed to Idaho´s In Donostia, the city where I live, the Department of Health and Welfare in number of Bosnians arriving in the city 1997, to a private nonprofit, Jannus can be counted on one hand; not even a Inc., named in tribute to the Roman dozen. They have integrated wonderfully, god of new beginning. It houses and I often wonder why our ability to the resettlement agency. The Idaho attract people like that is so low. With just Office for Refugees (within Jannus) a quarter of those who arrived in Boise, receives federal grant money and Donostia would undoubtedly have been a administers statewide programs.18 much more enriched city. Boise’s example should make us sit up and think. At the end of each war, given its status Regardless of the particular circum- as a sanctuary19, Idaho is one of over 200 stances and the (worthy) opinions that resettlement communities across the U.S. exist on the subject, Boise continues on providing safe haven to refugees from war- its way. There will be turbulences, quota torn countries across the world; Boise has reductions, some hiatus, but it will be welcomed citizens from all over the world, difficult to stop something that belongs most of whom did not know it existed. to the DNA of the city and its citizens.23 People from Indochina, Vietnam, Korea, Somalia, the Congo, Syria or Iraq20 are In 2014, Full Circle Exchange among those who have rebuilt their lives launched a new “Job Readiness” in Boise and Idaho. Let’s mention only a program in Boise. It assists local few countries of origin and numbers for refugees and women in transition Idaho refugees from 2016: Democratic by providing immediate income and Republic of Congo (602), Syria (148), developing daily hands-on skills such and Iraq (122). as team-building, problem-solving, The war in the Balkans led to the arrival language acquisition, and vital en- of another large wave of refugees from richment opportunities needed to Bosnia, possibly one of the communities overcome barriers to employment; with the greatest impact on the area in creating a new future – for them- 124 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

selves, their families, our community welcoming and integrating immi- and our economy. [...] Nearly 6,000 grants. New American Economy people from 35 countries call Boise also provides tailored research on their home.24 the contributions of immigrants and matching grants to select communi- ties as part of the Challenge. A shared public-private initiative This year’s Gateways for Growth The community of Boise, Idaho has made awardees demonstrated a strong a commitment to welcoming refugees commitment from local government, through its impressive Refugee Resource business, and civil society partners Strategic Community Plan. EMM’s af- to recognize and highlight the con- filiate partners at the Agency for New tributions immigrants are making – Americans have partnered with city agen- by bolstering population growth, cies, transportation officials, health care increasing the tax base, starting new providers and many other stakeholders businesses and creating jobs, and to adopt a model of communication and adding vibrancy and culture to our creative problem-solving that is benefiting social fabric ‒ and to develop con- the entire community. A program that crete strategies and recommendations teaches refugees how to drive is just one to maximize these contributions. of many positive offshoots to emerge from “While Congress debates the value this collaboration. What has given Boise of immigration, in city after city, the its undisputed status as a benchmark? evidence is already in ‒ immigrants revive neighborhoods and drive 25 Communities Selected for Gateways economic growth,” said John Fein- for Growth Challenge Round II blatt, President of New American Building on the increasing demand Economy. “The Gateways for Growth from local government, business, Challenge offers local leaders blue- and civic leaders who aim to de- prints for attracting immigrant talent velop concrete strategies to integrate and jump-starting their economies.” immigrants and foster economic “These communities are leaders in growth, New American Economy the broader and growing trend to be (NAE) and Welcoming America are more inclusive, offering an alterna- pleased to announce the 25 commu- tive to the divisive rhetoric around nities who will receive Gateways for immigration and showing how in- Growth award in the second year of clusion is good for our economy, the initiative. neighborhoods, and future,” said Launched in December 2015, the David Lubell, Executive Director Gateways for Growth Challenge are of Welcoming America. “Inclusive a competitive opportunity for local economic growth strategies that communities to receive direct tech- take into account both U.S. and nical assistance from New American foreign-born communities make Economy and Welcoming America cities more vibrant, attractive places to develop multi-sector plans for for all residents. Imanol Galdos Irazabal 125

Following a rigorous application pro- and economic characteristics that Boise cess, 25 communities were selected: and Idaho show have enabled a highly Alexandria, VA, Austin, MN, and noteworthy model: Boise/Ada County, ID [...]. This year, the Gateways for Growth Challenge Jan Reeves, 71, the longtime director will again offer resources to commu- of the state´s refugee office, leans nities that demonstrate a public-pri- back from piles of printouts in the vate commitment to the development Jannus building behind a North End of a community-wide strategic plan. strip mall. “We have a receptive com- Those resources include: – Custom- munity”, says Reeves in response to ized quantitative research reports the question as to why refugees come from NAE on the demographic and to Boise. “We have resources. There economic contributions immigrants are opportunities here. There are their communities; – on-the-ground many community partners that are technical assistance from NAE and engaged in the resettlement process. Welcoming America to help com- Refugees have an opportunity here munities draft, execute, and com- to start their lives on a solid footing municate a multi-sector immigrant with a positive future ahead of them. integration strategy; – planning And that’s what we want.” 26 grants from NAE that local partners have committed to match. NAE and Welcoming America also Transcending to the political maintain an interactive map out­ sphere lining initiatives across the United To try and explain this phenomenon States that support immigrant and according to the logical of political party U.S.-born entrepreneurs promote lines is a waste of time. Undoubtedly, citizen­ ­ship and financial empow- the two dominant ideological currents erment, improve public safety and in Boise or Idaho generally mark out the access to services, and advance two main approaches to the subject. In education and workforce goals to between, however, there are many nuances help regions compete in the global to take into account that escape this rigid economy. The map provides detailed political framework. information about and examples Donostia City Council is made up from the communities that have of 27 councilors belonging to political embraced this work, as well as guid- parties, and all of them work full-time. ance for those seeking to replicate Boise is headed by a Democrat mayor successful programs and policies.25 in a Republican area, as we mentioned earlier. He is assisted by a team of five The reasons behind this approach and councilors, none of whom work full-time positive action vis-à-vis the arrival of for the city council. Four of them can be refugees (the case of immigrants has to considered close to the Democratic Party, do with other reasons) are different in while the fifth, Scot Ludwig, is close to the nature. The particular geographical, social Republican Party and recently presented a 126 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 resolution to condemn the acts of violence and social life.” in Charlottesville.27 “We urge all residents of Boise to do their part in reaching out and “Racism is an affront to the ideals welcoming all those who live in of our nation and the conscience of and visit our great City,” states the our residents,” the resolution reads. resolution.28 “The Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, white supremacists and other hate groups There is, therefore, a clear will to point do not represent the opinions and out a route map unequivocally supporting values of the people of Boise.” Lud- the arrival of immigrants and refugees, wig, the rare Republican at City Hall, particularly to Boise. Boise is an island said he wanted to bring the resolu- inside a deeply Republican state, but a tion forward earlier, but planned to city where the Mayor received the support wait until after Mayor Dave Bieter’s of Pat Cenarrusa, the former Secretary State of the City address, which was of State and a Republican.29 Pat Cenar- scheduled for late August. rusa enthusiastically supported Obama. Then Bieter’s address was delayed These are signs of a political pluralism that until November because of the death many Basques find difficult to understand, of former Idaho Gov. Cecil Andrus. for example, the fact that most of the The resolution echoes a proclama- Basque community in Idaho are Repub- tion the City Council unanimously lican sympathizers. It is a state where approved in January declaring that Democrat-oriented Sun Valley coexists Boise welcomes refugees and other alongside a North that has changed from immigrants. Councilwoman Lauren being a traditional Democrat area to a McLean was that proclamation’s pri- mainly conservative one with the arrival mary author. of many Californians (many of them from The City Council unanimously ap- the Orange County Police Department). proved Ludwig’s resolution Tuesday Then there is the strongly Republican Twin night. Falls, but where clear initiatives emerge Indeed, in January 2017, the proc- in favor of tolerance and diversity from lamation of Boise as a city that wel- religious organizations such as the First comes refugees and immigrants was Presbyterian Church.30 It is worthwhile, unanimously approved. therefore, getting out of one’s comfort On Tuesday, though, Mayor David zone and trying to find references that Bieter allowed a crowd of a few dozen help to complete any analysis. The role to rise to their feet and clap after the played by civil society in general is also a council unanimously passed a resolu- key factor here: tion proclaiming that Boise is “com- mitted to being a Welcoming City Boiseans extend hands and open and creating a community where all their hearts through soccer leagues, of our residents feel welcomed, safe, churches, and charitable founda- and able to fully participate in, and tions. A clearinghouse called united contribute to, our city’s economic links 16 government offices and 30 Imanol Galdos Irazabal 127

nonprofits. The Agency for New zation is imposing itself more and more: Americans provides case workers fluent in 12 languages. The Interna- Marla Olsen of Boise credits this tional Rescue Committee has worked church at Maple Grove and Ustick tirelessly to help refugees become as the model for programs she co- self-sustaining. The Boise School ordinates for eight congregations of District coordinates translation ser- Latter-Day-Saints. “When it comes vices in 84 languages. Global Talent, to service,” says Olsen, “we are not a Jannus affiliate, smooths the path to Mormon or Catholic or Jewish. We employment for skilled professionals. are all just trying in the gaps”. Global Gardens help Somali Bantu Recently she encountered a Rabbi farmers’ plant community roots.31 while tutoring a refugee in a class- room provided by Boise`s Temple There is no doubt that a range of stake- Beth Israel. “Here,” said the rabbi, holders and institutions of different color smiling, “we have a Mormon in a guarantees the solidity and across-the- Jewish synagogue teaching English board nature that makes Boise a model to a Muslim.” very distant from the usual stereotypes: The teaching goes two ways, says Donald Batubenga, the Congolese Welcome the Stranger pastor of New Christian Church. Boise’s embrace is proof that right “They (the refugees) have shifted and left, secular and religious, can the social life of this community”. share common goals for different Batubenga alternates sermons in political reasons. Secular pluralism English and Swahili, his parishioners can fuse with the evangelist sense of are Zambian, Sudanese, Ethiopian, service when people of every stripe Nigerian, Rwandan, Caribbean and yearn to connect with the world. Idahoan. Church music plays in Lin- Cole, a humanitarian pioneer, rises gala, Bemba, Zulu, Creole, English above denomination with a family and French... mentoring service. Mentors meet “Red or blue, victory or not, we need families once a week to teach the each other,” says Rev. Sara LaWall, a Boise basics: how to list in Muslim Boise Unitarian. Her voice was strong shops, pay bills, barbecue, and bike in December 2015 at a rain-soaked to the zoo. Annually the church vigil on the stairs of the Idaho State- sponsors hold an ecumenical “peace house. Singing “This Land is your feast”. Half the guests are Muslims. land” and waving bike lights and Lamb killed by hand is blessed and glow sticks, there was no mistaking prepared according to Islamic halal the political message. “Faith calls us practices. 32 to value love over fear,” said La Wall. “All of our faith teachings have a The diversity of voices does not prevent strong presence of refugees.”33 unusual joint action in other places and areas of societies, where extreme polari- Exclusivity in the characterization of a 128 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 strongly interiorized policy in Boise is goes beyond its status as the center of one certainly not its main feature. In each of the great Basque communities abroad. analysis we find data, that express desire And there is no doubt that, in the story that is taken on by different leaders in of Boise as a welcoming city, the Basque different fields. Patrick Hunter, PR & community has also played a key role. The Strategic Engagement Manager in Hewl- things that Boise continually teaches us ett-Packard, says: need to be taken very much into account. I live in a region and a city with one of the Our commitment to diversity lowest birthrates in Europe. Europe, and through hiring is seen through key western societies in general, are facing one partnerships with the Society of of the greatest challenges to their survival. Women Engineers (SWE), National Russia and Italy, to mention two examples Society of Black Engineers (NSBE), that the media have highlighted, are facing Society of Hispanic Professional En- up to historic challenges in this respect, gineers (SHPE), and Universities and Euskadi is not unaffected by this very around the country. These partner- worrying scenario. From this perspective, ships provide opportunities to attract it would even be good if Euskadi could top talent from around the world elaborate some kind of strategy. Beyond representing diversity of geography, the restrictive quotas imposed by Europe, gender, age, sexual orientation and Euskadi is at a historic crossroads. Our ethnicity to Boise. Combined with survival as a people is on the line. Either employee resource groups such as our we improve the birthrate or we start to vibrant Young Employee Network, welcome new energy from outside. Some we are able to retain the talent that people in our country see risks to our we attract.34 identity in the arrival of other identities, cultures and languages. New sensibilities, new perspectives, new energies. Boise Conclusion: Boise is not paradise shows us that these fears are unfounded. In a turbulent world that lacks references, Boise is showing us that a commitment there are no paradises. Boise does not to welcome this great diversity is the best aim to be one, but a magnificent experi- option that any city can make nowadays. ence is emerging that offers highly useful Beyond the statistics and responding to teachings. From the Basque perspective, structural deficits, Boise has gone for Boise is one of the great references in creating a happier, more attractive and the universe of Diasporas. It occupies a more diverse society. That is the great unique position there. Work well done has attraction of cities like Boise or Toronto. meant that it has become a benchmark In Donostia, the city I live in, apart for many Basques, a kind of Mecca, the from this serious demographic problem place that all Basques would like to visit that we need to face up to, we may even once in their lives. However, we should be facing a bigger one. Living in a city not forget about our other diasporas, all that is close to perfection, with an almost of them are worthy of our respect. unbeatable quality of life, with top-level However, I feel that the interest in Boise cultural, sports, health and educational Imanol Galdos Irazabal 129 facilities, with people who believe they live explain the great teachings that Boise in the best city in the world; this can be offers us as a model for society. Like all a serious obstacle. The lack of incentives societies, Boise is faced with the same to get out of one’s comfort zone could problems and similar challenges in the be the beginning of the end. Boise, with context of uncertainty that affects us all. everything still to be done and isolated It is, however, marking out an interesting from the world, understood the need to way forward for other societies. That said, call on many people who wanted to start it has been able to – and still does – turn out on a new life; preferably people who difficulties into opportunities. Boise has were a depository of cultures, languages, made a strong commitment, fearlessly and religions and different races. That is the without complexes. It can still improve grandeur of Boise, and its great attrac- enormously and continues to do so. tiveness. I come from a city that borders on In my city there are sectors of the pop- perfection, one in which many of its in- ulation that feel fear of the arrival of new habitants are terrified by any change. The energies, whether they would be tourists or risk this mentality holds is very great, and visitors. The anti-tourist campaign we have above all it jeopardizes the future of our seen this summer is the best example of children. The egoism of a generation could that sector of the population that defends ruin our children’s future. Boise gives us closing borders. Some communiqués, or a fine lesson in solidarity, generosity and opinions expressed by ‘spokespersons’ of broad vision. On a daily basis, Boise offers some of the city’s neighborhoods are poles us a great lesson in hope and enthusiasm. apart from the Boise model. What is so Above all, it is a breath of fresh air. Open contradictory is that people belonging societies survive and prosper. Boise has to those who consider Boise as the great assured its future. We have a mirror to hope of the Basque people are acting look at ourselves in. precisely oppositely to the criteria that have taken Boise to the levels of excellent it Notes has reached. The admiration Boise arouses 1. http://bvep.org/. among us is a complete package, you 2. Shallat, T. (2017), “Half the world. cannot just cherry pick. That is cheating. Refugees Transform the city of Trees”. Fortunately, there are many among Investigate Boise Community Research us who welcome the arrival of different Series, BSU. Boise State University School people and cultures. When we visit the of Public Affair. 3. In ibidem, p. 10. Historic Quarter of Donostia and hear 4. Carmichael, Matt, “Why Boise, Idaho different languages and people that give is a top 100 best place to live”, www. us hope for the future. Euskadi will have liability.com. a future if it follows the path taken by 5. http://bvep.org/sectors/. Boise. Boise is not only one of our refer- 6. Carmichael, Matt, “Why Boise, Idaho ences in the Basque diaspora. Two years is a top 100 best place to live”, www. ago, I gave a talk in a congress in Boise liability.com. titled “Boise: the future of the Euskadi 7. http://bvep.org/living-here/diversity.aspx. of the 21st century”, in which I tried to 8. wallethub.com/edu/best-run-cities. 130 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

9. www.forbes.com. 10. NRC, “Boise 2016 citizen survey. Report of results. March 2016”. 11. http://www.onlyinyourstate.com/idaho/ best-city-in-id/. 12. Dickerson, Caitlin, “How fake news turned a small town upside down”. NY- Times.com. 13. Shallat, Todd, ibidem, p. 13. 14. http://www.idahostatesman.com/ opinion/readers-opinion/article. 15. Idem. 16. Shallat, T., ibidem, p. 14. 17. Shallat, T., ibidem, p. 13. 18. Idem. P.16 19. http://bvep.org/living-here/diversity.aspx. 20. Shallat, T., ibidem, p. 20. 21. Idem, p.82. 22. Idem, p.48. 23. www.fullcircleexchange.org. 24. http://bvep.org/living-here/diversity.aspx. 25. http://www.newamericaneconomy.org/ press-release/25-communities-selected- for-gateways-for-growth-challenge- round-ii/. 26. Shallat, T., ibidem, p. 16. 27. http://www.idahostatesman.com/ news/local/community/boise/ article172930211.html. 28. http://www.idahostatesman.com/ news/local/community/boise/ article129963079.html. 29. Stapilus, Randy “Paradox Politics. People and power in Idaho”. 30. https://us.eventbu.com/twin-falls/ upstanding-in-twin-falls-words- matter/5828251. 31. Shallat, T., ibidem, p. 17. 32. Idem. 33. Idem. 34. http://bvep.org/living-here/diversity.aspx. Cautionary Lessons from the Americanization Movement of the Early 20th Century

Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson

Of all the movements of the Progressive homogeneous society that was also more Era of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, tolerant of ethnic and cultural diversity. In Americanization was perhaps the most the early 2000s, several American states, ambitious. Not content with structural many of which had had Americanization political reform or economic regulation, programs in the early 20th century, began Americanization sought the transfor- developing new social welfare policies to mation of the individual – culturally, integrate immigrants. Yet policy makers emotionally, spiritually – from alien to in these states are working in a vacuum of American. I make a distinction here be- historical knowledge of both policy and tween “Americanization” and assimilation. context. Their failure to know history Americanization was a social movement to weakens their policy making. improve the status of immigrants in Amer- Before 1917, only New York and ican society between 1900 and 1920s. I California had social welfare programs define assimilation as being processes by specifically designed to encourage im- which a society becomes more homoge- migrant assimilation. In the summer of neous and individuals in a society come 1917, Massachusetts started its program, to see themselves as sharing a common and between 1917 and 1920, 35 states identity. I use the term “assimilation” when initiated some kind of Americanization discussing early 20th century programs, policy. These Americanization programs because that is the term policy makers fell into two general categories, what I used, and I use “integration” in relation call “environmental” and “educational.” to modern “Americanization” programs. Environmental Americanization pol- The Americanization movement of the icies sought to reform the social envi- early 20th century connected citizenship ronment in which immigrants lived and and national identity to a social reform worked, with the hope that the improved program that promoted adult educa- environment would then change the im- tion and improved labor and housing migrant and encourage him or her to conditions as a way of creating a more assimilate into mainstream American 132 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 society. The idea behind environmen- The goals of states’ Americanization tal Americanization programs was that policies were greater social stability, immigrants could not be expected to cultural homogeneity, educational op- embrace an American lifestyle, or would portunity, and economic efficiency, as even know what true American values well as a stronger social welfare state that and behaviors were, until those values could successfully mitigate the destructive and behaviors had been demonstrated consequences of laissez-faire industrial to them by native-born Americans. En- capitalism. State-based Americanization vironmental Americanization programs activists focused on the passage and en- included monitoring piers and train forcement of stronger protective legislation stations to prevent crime and fraud; in- in order to create a more just and humane specting labor camps for health, safety, social environment into which immigrants and sanitation; inspecting and regulating would want to assimilate. State-based housing conditions, and mediating and immigrant welfare policies were based resolving disputes between immigrants upon the assumption that the foreign-born and their American employers, landlords, faced unique challenges in adjusting to life and neighbors. These programs focused on in the U.S. and so deserved special protec- changing the behavior of the native-born tion and assistance that only government more than that of the foreign-born, and could provide. State Americanization were often part of a larger progressive activists insisted that immigrants’ poor effort to develop a modern welfare state. living and working conditions were the Educational Americanization programs result of prejudice and discrimination by alternately sought to change some aspect the native-born, not the cultural or racial of the immigrant’s culture through classes deficiencies of the immigrants themselves. that taught English, American history, These officials and activists argued that,- ac civics, and home economics. Many tually, it was the native-born who needed educational Americanization programs to be “Americanized” to be more tolerant targeted women, although there were of the foreign-born. And if Americans also factory classes for both men and were unwilling to reform themselves, then women that combined safety training Americanization agencies would compel with English literacy. There was a fair them to treat immigrants more justly. amount of variation across the states, 1919 was the high point of the Ameri­ but in general, Americanization activists canization movement, after which the equated Americanization with immigrant movement began to collapse as a result of social welfare, usually couched in terms the loss of federal support and attacks by of education, job services, legal aid, and conservatives, who argued that the solu- the regulation of working and housing tion to America’s immigration issues was conditions. Pre-war Americanization pro- restriction, not government-subsidized grams tended to focus more on regulating assimilation. Some state Americaniza- working and living conditions, while tion programs, including in New York, wartime- and- immediate post-war pro- California and Massachusetts, however, grams emphasized education, particularly continued into the 1930s and even 1940s. English language instruction. Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson 133

New Americans Initiatives rently to be implemented in Illinois, Between 2005 and 2008, after more than California, Washington, and Massachu- 30 years of increased immigration, several setts, and other states with pro-immigrant American states began again to promote leadership have passed laws designed to social welfare policies for immigrants. encourage the integration of immigrants, These Americanization programs were especially undocumented ones. often called “New Americans” Initiatives. The states that were most active were Americanization Programs vs. Illinois, California, Washington, and “New Americans” Initiatives Massachusetts. The governors of these states created advisory and policy councils Similarities that were charged with working with Both were initiated by states in response immigrant advocacy groups, foundations, to perceived inadequate federal attention research think tanks, and other not-for- to the status of immigrants already in profits to provide a variety of services the country. Both were concerned with to immigrants, particularly non-English assimilation or, as it is now called, inte- speakers. There was also a strong focus on gration of immigrants in various ways: the creation of standards and “best prac- socially, economically, and politically (i.e., tices” against which government agencies through naturalization and citizenship would be measured in their delivery of education). Both claimed that their goal services to immigrants. The main goals was “two-way” or mutual assimilation but of these New Americans Initiatives were both focused primarily or exclusively on to improve immigrants’ access to state immigrants. Due to funding limitations, and local government services; improve both focused on providing social welfare the delivery of government services to to working class or poor people, with the immigrants; provide English language hope and assumption that they would classes, and help immigrants with citi- reach many immigrants who fall into zenship applications. those categories. Both relied extensively on Examples of “New Americans” Initia- assistance from private organizations. Both tive programs range from offering educa- were heavily dependent on political tional and legal assistance in applying for leader­ship and support, particularly from naturalization; allowing undocumented governors. When the political leadership immigrants to receive driver’s licenses of a state changed, both policies were and other forms of state identification; vulnerable to budget cutbacks and either allowing undocumented immigrant stu- political pressure or neglect. dents to attend state-funded universities at state resident tuition rates, and in some Differences cases, allowing undocumented immigrant The goals of “New Americans” Initiatives students to receive academic scholarships. are more limited, focusing primarily on Other “New Americans” Initiative pro- naturalization. The primary definition grams offer free or discounted health care of assimilation (or “integration’) is the services in immigrant neighborhoods. acquisition of political citizenship, not “New Americans” Initiatives are cur- social or residential integration, em- 134 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 ployment in the mainstream economy, component that focuses on improving English fluency, or inter-marriage with the delivery of government services to U.S. citizens. The distinction between non-English speakers; the social science legal and illegal immigration, and the evaluation of program effectiveness did not many consequences of these different legal exist in the Americanization movement. statuses, did not exist in the early 20th “New Americans” Initiatives are century. So, “New Americans” programs much less developed ideologically than must tailor their services according to the Americanization programs were. There is legal statuses of their targeted audiences, little deep consideration of the meanings because undocumented immigrants are of American citizenship or theories or not eligible for citizenship. methods of assimilation. As noted before, The larger goal and methodology of the target audience of “New Americans” the “New Americans” Initiatives – the Initiatives could often be easily shifted to improvement of the delivery of govern- another perceived disadvantaged group in ment services through the establishment American society. “New Americans” Ini­ of standards and best practices – is not tiatives and other current immigrant social clearly related to immigrant integration, welfare policies are being implemented in and could be applied to any other group ignorance of the earlier Americanization in society – women, children, other ethnic movement, or of how scholars measure the or racial minorities, the disabled, etc. assimilation of earlier immigrant groups or “New American” programs claim that they the persistence of pluralism in American promote “two-way” integration. Yet since society. few if any “New Americans” programs impact the native-born, it is unclear how What policy makers can learn this is “two-way.” “New Americans” Ini- about immigration, and policy tiatives include immigrant organizations making, from studying history? much more than past Americanization The most important use of historical agencies did. Americanization in the 1910s knowledge in policy making is not re- and 1920s was much more “top down” inventing old policies or programs to directed and run by native-born elites fit new situations, but using history as a and university-educated first-generation guide to recognizing crucial differences Americans. in context. The context of American The “New Americans” projects were immigration today is different from that often initiated by pro-immigrant advocacy in the 19th and early 20th centuries, both organizations and the programs frequently in terms of policy and in the nature of included on-going public-private part- society and the economy. What is not nerships. Once a project was started, the different are people’s motives for migra- initiating organization did not disappear, tion: economic opportunity and mobility, but continued to work with the state in political stability, personal freedom, family implementing the policy. This was less unification, escaping war, violence, and common with Americanization programs, other turmoil. Immigrants’ challenges in although not unheard of. “New Ameri- adjusting to life in a new country are also cans” programs often have an evaluation surprisingly similar, although clearly not Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson 135 identical, across time periods. immigrant social welfare programs at “New” policies are rarely new. In fact, the state level are being implemented they often contain remnants of older without much coordination or guidance policies. When designing new policies or from the federal government, and what writing new legislation, policy makers and knowledge-sharing that occurs among policy scholars should consider whether state bureaucrats, activists, and scholars policy measures designed for an older time is the result of their own initiatives and and/or with different motives are worth outreach to one another. Knowledge of keeping. They should ask: has a policy or the successes, failures, and context of elements of a policy outlived its usefulness? the earlier Americanization movement How is today’s society, economy, and would improve the policies of the New immigration policy different from those Americans Initiatives and other immigrant of the past? integration programs of the early 21st One cannot answer this question with- century. out first knowing what the origins of the policy are, and most of the time, policy Bibliography makers are not even aware that a policy Curry, Sarah (2008). New American Initiatives: has a history, much less know what that A Look at the (Untested) Promise of Statewide history is. Studying the history can teach Immigrant Integration Strategies. Wash- the policy maker the true distinctions ington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute. between historical contexts, and expose Ziegler-McPherson, Christina A. (2009). Americanization in the States: Immigrant So- false differences as well. So, I would, for cial Welfare Policy, Citizenship, and National instance, argue that there are not signifi­ ­ Identity in the United States, 1908–1929. cant differences between immigration Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. from Europe in the 19th century and immigration from Asia in the 20th and 21st centuries in terms of ethnicity/race or class. But what is different is the legal regime that controls that migration and the changes in the American economy that provide opportunities for migrants. And finally, the study of immigration history and policy liberates the scholar and policy maker of contemporary immigra- tion by revealing past options, solutions, and failures that are not considered today primarily because they challenge con- ventional wisdom. Simply knowing that things have been different in the past can enable one to see contemporary policy in new ways. As with the Americaniza- tion movement in the early 1920s, the “New Americans Initiatives” and other

Care for Diasporic Communities: The Case of a Bilateral Agreement between Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina

Janja Žitnik Serafin

Introduction and Herzegovina and the languages of Cultural production of immigrants or Bosnia and Herzegovina in Slovenia were members of ethnic, national or language “brotherly” languages. They obtained the minorities is one of the basic elements in status of foreign languages only after the the formation and maintenance of their disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, cultural identity. At the same time, their when their speakers found themselves in cultural production is a bridge between an entirely new position. cultures, a path to intercultural exchange In my paper I wish to explore organi- and a means of cultural affirmation of a zational patterns used by the Bosniaks in minority community in its mother coun- Slovenia compared to those used by the try as well as in the country of its residence. Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina, The impact of cultural production of the the cultural production of the former Slovenian community in Bosnia and Her- and the latter in the framework of their zegovina and of the Bosniak community ethnic cultural societies and associations, in Slovenia on the cultural identity of their and their access to various financial re- members, the cooperation between these sources including those necessary for communities, and the ways in which they (co-)organising lessons or courses of their promote their cultural achievements in mother tongues. I am also interested in both countries, had not been subjects of how the minority status of the Slovenians systematic research until recently.1 in Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected in In Slovenia and in Bosnia and Herze- their cultural life and, on the other hand, govina, only some broader research pro- how the absence of the minority status jects in the field of ethnic and migration shows in the cultural life of the Bosniaks studies have touched upon these topics. in Slovenia. Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina The paper is based on extensive field- coexisted in a federative state that prac- work carried out under my supervision ticed the policy of systematic intercultural between 2012 and 2017: a survey carried exchange. Slovenian language in Bosnia out among the Slovenian cultural societies 138 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 in Bosnia and Herzegovina (SMI Survey venians in Croatia and in Serbia3 – the 2012); interviews with teachers of the Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina Slovenian language and culture in Bosnia have obtained the status of a national and Herzegovina; and interviews with minority whereas members of the nations representatives of both minorities (i.e. from these countries in Slovenia are still representatives of their cultural societies striving for the acknowledgement of such and associations) in Slovenia and in Bosnia status. Nevertheless, a mutual promise to and Herzegovina respectively.2 This empir- support the preservation of the languages ical research was a longitudinal upgrade and cultures of the national minorities of a previous fieldwork under the same is a part of all the bilateral agreements supervision which started in 2005 with a between Slovenia and other successor survey on the position of immigrants and states of the former Yugoslavia relating members of the so-called “new minorities” to science, culture and education (Komac in Slovenia, their offspring, and their 2014: 120). cultural production. Two of my interviews On February 1, 2011, the National were especially significant for this paper: Assembly of the Republic of Slovenia with the Secretary and Projects Leader passed the Declaration of the Republic of of the Bosniak Association of Slovenia, Slovenia on the Positon of the National Admir Baltić (Žitnik Serafin 2014b), and Communities of Members of the Nations with the Chair of the Association of Slove- of the Former Socialist Federal Republic nian Societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of Yugoslavia in the Republic of Slovenia Darko Mijatović (Žitnik Serafin 2014c). (Pravno-informacijski sistem 2011). Three For the purpose of this publication, the months later, a government committee paper has been additionally upgraded, on the questions of the national commu- using the results of a most recent target nities from the former Socialist Federal research project titled “Sodobne strategije Republic of Yugoslavia was established slovenskih izseljencev za ohranjanje et- on the basis of the Declaration. Only a nične identitete” (Contemporary strategies year later, the new government led by of Slovenian emigrants for the preservation the Prime Minister Janez Janša abolished of ethnic identity, 2016–2018), published this committee along with a number of in its Final Report (Žitnik Serafin, Kalc, others. The Bosniaks and members of Mlekuž, Vižintin 2018). other Yugoslav nations in Slovenia – joined In the so-called “Dayton Constitution”, within the Association of the Associations Bosnia and Herzegovina established the of Cultural Societies of the Nations of the “domination of three constitutive nations” Former Yugoslavia in Slovenia4 – have (Kržišnik-Bukić 2014: 135), and placed been pleading their right to attain the the Slovenians in the ethnic category status of national minorities since 2003, of “others”. Later on, in the Law on the when the Association was established. Protection of the Rights of the Minorities in The president of the Association, Ilija the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Dimitrievski argues that these commu- (Zakon … 2003), the Slovenians were nities cannot consent to their status of explicitly named as a national minority. ‘newcomers’ as they are in fact a product This means that – similarly as the Slo- of the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The Janja Žitnik Serafin 139 constitutional acknowledgement of the ertheless, some highly esteemed experts national minority status, Dimitrievski in minority issues speak in favour of it, continues, would be prerequisite for the among them the European Commis- preparation of further legislation on the sioner for Human Rights, Nils Muižnieks assertion of their special collective rights in (quoted in Kržišnik-Bukić 2014: 10–11), terms of the preservation of their languages and the Head of the Institute for the and cultures, the access to public media, Constitutional Law in Ljubljana, Ciril political participation, and the dignity Ribičič (2014: 199). of these groups of Slovenian citizens. Today, he says, there are almost a hundred A Statistical Comparison between cultural societies in Slovenia contributing the Two Minorities to the preservation of the cultural heritage of the nations of the former Yugoslavia The Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dimitrievski 2014: 17–19). The number of the Slovenians in Bosnia Members of Slovenian academic circles and Herzegovina has been constantly have different views on the possible change decreasing since 1961 (Statistički godišnjak/ of the Slovenian Constitution aimed at ljetopis Federacije BiH=Statistical Yearbook the recognition of the national minority 2013: 69). A comparison between the status for these communities.5 Some number of the ethnically declared Slove- authors support such recognition; others nians in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the are more or less sceptical about it or even number of the members of the Slovenian ex­plicit­ly oppose the idea. The change of societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows the Constitution seems unnecessary even that there are actually more Slovenians to some members of these minorities or in Bosnia and Herzegovina than those their descendants, for example the na- specified as such in the census. On the tionally awarded writer and film director, other hand, a three times larger number Goran Vojnović (his view is quoted in of the members of the Slovenian societies Milharčič Hladnik 2014: 90–91). Nev- in Bosnia and Herzegovina indicates that

Table 1: Ethnically declared Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the membership of the Slovenian societies

Number of the ethnically Number of the members of the declared Slovenians in Bosnia Slovenian societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2011–2013* and Herzegovina, 2012** BOSNIA AND 1,100 3,083 HERZEGOVINA The Federation 500 1,376 of B&H The Republic 600 1,707 of Srpska * Source: Josipovič 2014: 217; ** Source: SMI Survey 2012. 140 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 Table 2: Slovenians in other successor states of the former Yugoslavia and the membership of Slovenian ethnic societies in these countries

Number of the Slovenians, Number of the members of the State the latest census, 2011–2013* Slovenian cultural societies, 2012** Croatia 10,517 6,047 Serbia 4,033 4,302 Kosovo 500 / Montenegro 354 66 Macedonia 300 301 * Source: Josipovič 2014: 217; ** Source: SMI Survey 2012. these societies also accept members of 2). This unique case of the large number other nations (table 1), which was con- of the members of the Slovenian cultural firmed by the 2012 SMI Survey results. societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be If we compare the data from table 1 explained by the fact that in this country with the data from table 2, it becomes the interest in the study or employment clear that such a distinct disproportion in Slovenia is still relatively larger than in between the census numbers relating to other countries of the region, and that a the members of the Slovenian minority certificate confirming one’s active mem- and the number of the members of the bership in a Slovenian cultural society Slovenian ethnic societies (in favour of the is taken into account in the Slovenian latter) is – if we consider only the so-called naturalisation process. Yugoslav region – characteristic only of Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bosniaks in Slovenia The number of the members of the Slo- The number of the persons whose first venian societies in other countries of this residence was in other republics/states region exceeds the census number of the of the Yugoslav region that had moved Slovenians living there only in Serbia and to Slovenia by 2001 shows that most of Macedonia (besides Bosnia and Herzego- them came from Bosnia and Herzegovina vina), and in both the difference between (67,670 out of 150,763 persons, table 3). those numbers is almost negligible (table I am using the data from the last classical

Table 3: Residents of Slovenia from Bosnia and Herzegovina (by the year of immigration)*

Before 1991– Altogether 1941–52 1953–60 1961–70 1971–80 1981–90 1940 2001 by 2001 138 1,058 2,227 7,842 26,227 17,517 12,661 67,670 * Calculated on the basis of the data from: “Popis 2002” (Population Census 2002), Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, accessed March 10, 2018, www.stat.si/popis2002. Janja Žitnik Serafin 141

Slovenian population census in 2002, the problem of three different names for in which ethnicity, mother tongue and Slovenian Bosniaks can be explained with religion were systematically registered for the frequent change of the name used for the last time in that country. this ethnic group in Slovenian population Among those who migrated to Slovenia censuses: from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the largest groups consisted of the Bosniaks (13,876 The 2002 Slovenian population cen- persons), the Muslims (as an ethnic op- sus noted 21,542 Bosniaks, 10,467 tion: 6,332 persons), the Bosnians (5,869 Muslims [as an ethnic option], and persons), the Croats (7,120 persons), the 8,062 Bosnians. A closer look at Serbs (15,612 persons), and the unknown some additional characteristics of nationality or those who did not wish to these three groups shows that we answer (14,639 persons) (Popis 2002 / are dealing with very similar groups Population Census 2002). If we add to of population who share, to a great those who declared themselves as Bosniaks extent, their Bosnian-Herzegovinian in the 2002 census (21,542 members of origin, the Bosnian language as their the first and the second generation) at least mother tongue, and the Islam as their some of those who ethnically declared prevailing religion. On the basis of themselves as Muslims or Bosnians – these common characteristics it can something that Admir Baltić argues as be concluded that in the case of these justified, we get a group of almost 40,000 three supposedly different ethnic persons (immigrants and their descend- groups we are actually dealing with ants) with many common characteristics one nation; the nation that since (tables 4–5). 1993 has been officially called the Admir Baltić, the Secretary of the Bos- Bosniaks, before that it was called the niak Association of Slovenia, believes that Muslims, and on the informal every-

Table 4: Ethnically declared Muslims in Slovenia, population censuses 1953–2002*

1953 Census 1961 Census 1971 Census 1981 Census 1991 Census 2002 Census 1,617 465 3,197 13,339 26,577 10,467 * There were no options called Bosniaks or Bosnians before the 2002 census. Source: “Popis 2002” (Population Census 2002).

Table 5: Bosniaks, Muslims and Bosnians in Slovenia, population census, 2002

Muslims Bosnians Bosniaks Altogether (ethnic option) (regional option) 21,542 10,467 8,062 40,071 142 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

day level – especially in Slovenia – it Table 6: Slovenian population census, 2002: was called the Bosnians. This triple religion and mother tongue naming used in different censuses Islamic 47,488 confirms that the Bosniak national religion consciousness is still developing and no answer 307,973 that it has not yet been stabilised in Bosnian 31,499 mother tongue its full potential. [...] Danilo Dolenc, unknown 52,316 a Slovenian demographer working on statistical data based on population censuses, observes that no other na- tion has been faced with so many Slovenia is needed. According to Baltić (in changes of its name as the Bosniaks a letter to the author, December 2, 2014), (Baltić 2009: 25–26). the number of the members who regularly pay their membership fee, together with The assumption on the triple naming their family members, is between 3,000 of members of the same group sharing and 4,000. the Bosnian-Herzegovinian origin, the Bosnian mother tongue, and most of A quantitative comparison them also the Islamic religion, is partly There are 1,100 declared Slovenians in confirmed by the Slovenian census data on Bosnia and Herzegovina, and there are ap- the persons who immigrated to Slovenia proximately 3,000 members of Slovenian from Bosnia and Herzegovina (table 3) ethnic cultural societies in that country and the last classical Slovenian population (table 1). On the other hand, there are census data (2002) on religion and mother 21,542 Bosniaks in Slovenia according tongue (table 6). There are, of course, to the last classical population census, i. members of other nations among the e. approximately twenty times more than Islamic believers in Slovenia. But – as Špela the former, while only between 3,000 Kalčić (2006) observes – 99 percent of and 4,000 of them are members of the the members of the Islamic Community Bosniak cultural societies in Slovenia – the of Slovenia originate from the former same number as in the case of the much Yugoslavia, and 90 percent of these from smaller Slovenian minority in Bosnia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even the refugee Herzegovina. Most Slovenian Bosniaks are “corridor” through Slovenia in 2015 did members of the Islamic Community of not essentially change this proportion. Slovenia rather than the Bosniak cultural Nevertheless, the large number of those societies or the Bosniak Association of who in the 2002 Slovenian census refused Slovenia. When Ahmed Pašić, head of the to state their religion is also quite telling Islamic community of the city of Jesenice (307,973 persons, table 6). was asked about how many Muslims there If we want to compare the shares of the were in Slovenia, he replied: “Officially, members of both minorities that are also according to the census: 47,500; unoffi- members of their ethnic cultural societies, cially: around 60,000.” (Pašić in Nežmah an approximate estimation of the number 2004) Baltić explains the reasons for such of the members of the Bosniak societies in an obvious disproportion between the Janja Žitnik Serafin 143 membership of the Islamic Community and 1994, the rest around 2003; only of Slovenia and the membership of the Triglav, the largest Slovenian society in Bosniak cultural societies in Slovenia: the Republic of Srpska was registered between both waves, in 1998. Two almost The Islamic Community comprises identical waves are also characteristic of the the largest number of the Bosniaks, establishment of the Bosniak societies in which can be explained by the fact Slovenia: the first ones were formed at the that the Islamic religion was a key time of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina factor of distinction from the neigh- (1992–1995), the rest of them in the new bours belonging to the Orthodox or millennium. The role and the purpose of Catholic religion also in Bosnia and the former and the latter were practically Herzegovina. [...] Thus, the Bosniaks the same: the early societies were formed formed their national consciousness to organize aid in war conditions, to help based on the Islamic tradition with with the evacuation of a number of fam- a certain delay; yet, the religious be- ilies from Bosnia and Herzegovina, and longing to the Islam is not a require- to take care of the refugees in Slovenia. ment for being declared as a Bosniak After the war, the mission soon changed as there are numerous agnostics and from humanitarian engagement to the atheists who also consider themselves preservation of language and ethnic cul- Bosniaks (Baltić in Žitnik Serafin tural traditions. 2014b: 1). By March 2003, there were 16 regis- tered societies established by the Muslims In spite of these noticeable quantitative in Slovenia (Klopčič, Komac and Kržišnik- differences between the two minorities, Bukić 2003: 207–208); in the meantime, many similarities can be observed in their some of them have changed their names organizational patterns and cultural activ- adding the attribute Bosniak – e.g. the ities. In the following sections I will try cultural society in Jesenice called Biser. to look into the cultural situation of both Three from five founding societies of minorities in the light of their organization the Bosniak Association of Slovenia no and cultural production. longer exist but many new ones have been formed since. Between 2005 and 2013, Comparison between the Organ- new Bosniak cultural societies appeared izational Patterns and Cultural-­ in the cities of Velenje, Ljubljana, Koper Artistic Activities of the Two and Maribor (Baltić in Žitnik Serafin Minorities 2014b: 5). There is though one significant difference between the Slovenian and Parallels Bosniak ethnic societies: as opposed to The first and the most obvious similarity is the Bosniak cultural societies in Slovenia, in the time of the formation of the present some of the present Slovenian societies in cultural societies. The existing Slovenian Bosnia and Herzegovina, e.g. the Sarajevo societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina were Cankar and the Banja Luka Triglav, have established in two waves: the first six a really long tradition of predecessors.6 of them were founded between 1992 An important parallel can also be found 144 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 in the beginnings of the associating of society exists in the country outside the the societies. The Bosniak Association of association. Both associations have very Slovenia was registered in 1997, but its similar roles and more or less the same prehistory reaches back to the times of co- number of annual projects. operation and association of early Bosniak Both ethnic societies, Slovenian and societies in the Gorenjska region and in Bosniak, are organized according to the central Slovenia. Only one year after the national legislation: (almost) all have their Bosniak societies in Slovenia joined into president, secretary, treasurer, steering/ the Bosniak Association, Slovenian societies executive committee, board of trustees, in Bosnia and Herzegovina joined into the assembly and court of honour. Their fur- Coordinating Committee of the Slovenian ther division into very similar sections in organizations (1998), a forerunner of the both countries also constitutes parallel present Association of Slovenian Societies organizational patterns. The forms and in Bosnia and Herzegovina “Evropa zdaj” ways in which they maintain their cultural founded in 2010. Both associations, the traditions and mother tongue are virtually Bosniak and the Slovenian one, include identical: participation in the organization the same number of member societies: of language classes, society libraries, cele- nine each. In both cases only one other bration of national holidays, celebration

Picture 1: The Bulletin of the ‘Triglav’ Slovenian Society, Banja Luka, B&H, and Zora Cankarjeva, annual publication of the ‘Cankar’ Slovenian Society, Sarajevo, B&H Janja Žitnik Serafin 145 of some religious holidays, ethno and folk music, traditional dances cultivated by folklore groups, national costumes, national dishes and traditional handcraft. Other activities are also similar in both minorities: both associations of societies have their own website which is occasionally inactive because they lack a qualified webmaster. Due to the same reason, there are only a few individual societies that have got their own home page with a link to their online periodical. As opposed to most Slovenian societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the majority Picture 2: The young folklore group of the of the Bosniak societies in Slovenia have ‘Biser’ Bosniak Cultural Society in Jesenice, their own Facebook profiles because they Slovenia find it easier this way to keep in touch with their members. Only the largest societies on both sides publish their own point of the Slovenian societies in Bosnia newsletter, almanac or similar. These are and Herzegovina is their choruses, and usually the same societies that have got the strong point of the Bosniak societies some experience with other publishing as in Slovenia is their folklore groups. The well. All the societies have regular society latter also have more drama groups than meetings and picnics. Larger societies the former. Visual arts are more or less also organize various trips, outings or regularly performed in three Bosniak visits of their mother country while the societies and in one Slovenian society smaller societies are invited to join them. (in Tuzla), which has its own group of The same applies to the celebration of painters and which now organizes regular national holidays. About one third of artists’ colonies. the societies in both cases are also active Both, the Bosniak and the Slovenian in organizing sports activities and other ethnic societies usually invite other Bos- competitions. Three societies on each niak/Slovenian societies to their events. part have choruses, and the share of the This means that their cooperation does societies that organize various exhibitions not necessarily take place through the and lectures is also similar on both sides. Association but also directly, between Both minorities have produced some individual societies. Both minorities pay regular radio programmes of their own more and more attention to the inclusion in the past (e.g. Slovenians in Prijedor, of children and youth – in some Bosniak Banja Luka …, Bosniaks in Ljubljana, societies, e.g. in the Jesenice Biser, the Maribor, etc.) or they still produce them. share of the members aged between 5 and On the other hand, there is an impor- 25 was no less than 85 percent (Balagić tant difference between cultural produc- 2009: 101–109). tions of these two minorities: the strong From the perspective of intercultural 146 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 cooperation and exchange, both com- larly, there is a lot of cultural cooperation munities act – on the local and national between the Slovenian Bosniaks and other levels – in a cohesive way. In spite of the ethnic communities as well as with the relatively small number of its members, Slovenian majority. As a best practice the Slovenian community in Bosnia and of such co­operation, Baltić mentions a Herzegovina is among the most active member society of the Bosniak Association minorities there. As the Chair of the As- of Slovenia, namely the Sevdah Society sociation of Slovenian Societies in Bosnia from Ljubljana, which regularly organizes and Herzegovina, Darko Mijatović says events in which they even manage to com- half in jest, the Slovenian Triglav Society bine artists from individual Serbian and in Banja Luka, which shares its office Kosovo-Albanian ethnic societies – which, room with 15 other minorities of the to his knowledge, is a rare phenomenon Republic of Srpska, is lucky because other (Baltić in Žitnik Serafin 2014b: 8). minorities are less active, which leaves the Slovenian community more space in the Differences office room (Mijatović in Žitnik Serafin The first difference between these two- mi 2014c: 5). The truth is they cooperate norities can be noticed in their self-defini- with the local artists of other national tion. Baltić says: “My definition: a Bosniak provenance who are members of either the is anyone who declares himself as Bosniak national majority or of other minorities, and who sees Bosnia and Herzegovina which makes their events much more or Sandžak as his mother country or the interesting for the media (ibid.: 8). Simi- mother country of his ancestors.” (Ibid.:

Picture 3: The ‘Camerata Slovenica’ chorus of the ‘Cankar’ Slovenian Society, Sarajevo, B&H Janja Žitnik Serafin 147

1) Mijatović, on the other hand, says, Herzegovina or the Republic of Srpska “We abide by the Slovenian legislation. where a Slovenian cultural society exists. It matters when our members apply for In Slovenia, on the other hand, classes Slovenian citizenship. Until last year they of Bosnian language are organized in were able to apply as Slovenians if they the framework of various projects only could prove Slovenian roots up to four in Ljubljana, Jesenice and Velenje. They generations back. This has changed, now have been financed from the Swiss Contri- only those can apply as Slovenians whose bution, Norway Grants and EEA Grants. Slovenian roots go two generations back.” As opposed to Slovenian language classes (Mijatović in Žitnik Serafin 2014c: 1) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the question This would mean that for the Bosniaks of systematic organization and long-term in Slovenia (and this is also common funding of Bosnian language classes in practice in most population censuses), Slovenia remains unanswered although ethnic affiliation is a matter of personal the promises contained in the Agreement choice whereas Slovenian ethnic affiliation between the Government of the Republic in Bosnia and Herzegovina should be of Slovenia and the Council of Ministers of proved through one’s genealogy. Due to Bosnia and Herzegovina on the cooperation­ this change in Slovenian naturalisation in culture, education and science (Spo- legislation, the Slovenian Triglav Society in razum 2000) follow the principles of Banja Luka reduced the number of their reciprocity: “Contractual partners will members from 1,300 to slightly over 700 offer organizational and financial support (ibid.). There has been much discussion for supplementary lessons of the mother on the problematic politicizing of ethnic tongue and culture for the children and affiliation and membership in Slovenian youth of Slovenian nationality in Bosnia societies abroad, politicizing caused by and Herzegovina and for the children and the fact that – as already mentioned – a youth from Bosnia and Herzegovina in certificate on one’s active membership in Slovenia.” Emil Vega (2013: 11) writes, a Slovenian cultural society is taken into “Our country, which provides classes account in the process of obtaining Slo- of Slovenian language for Slovenians venian citizenship. But the discussion on abroad, expects reciprocity – the classes this issue between researchers and policy of Bosnian language should be financed makers has not been very fruitful so far. by Bosnia and Herzegovina. But Bosnia A second difference is in the organiza- and Herzegovina, which after the war lost tion and funding of minority language one third of its population as they left the classes. Slovenian ministry responsible for country, and facing its own economic education co-finances Slovenian language and political challenges, is unable to cope classes for young members of Slovenian with this task.” communities abroad, including Slovenians A third difference is in the funding in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Most of the of the two minorities’ cultural activities. teachers are sent from Slovenia. Owing As this question is closely related to my to this fact, regular Slovenian language suggestions contained in the conclusion, classes are organized in almost every city I will discuss it later. There are of course of either the Federation of Bosnia and many other parallels and differences be- 148 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018 tween these two minorities in the area of in the area of cultural activities of the their organizational schemes and cultural minorities living within their state bor- production, but I was able to present in ders. Cultural projects of ethnic societies this paper only the most significant ones. and associations are co-financed from various sources. The Slovenian cultural Conclusion societies in the Federation of Bosnia and Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina Herzegovina have partly been co-financed share a long history of belonging to the by municipalities and by some cantons, same state: first to the Austrian-Hungarian for example by the Ministry of Culture empire, then to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia of the Canton of Sarajevo, occasionally and finally to the Socialist Federative also by the Zenica-Doboj Canton. In the Republic of Yugoslavia. Thus it is not Republic of Srpska they have also been surprising that there are more similarities co-financed by the municipalities and by than differences between their minorities the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of living in the other country. This is also the Srpska (SMI Survey 2012). The Bosniak reason why a Slovenian feels more or less cultural societies in Slovenia have been at home in Bosnia and Hercegovina, just co-financed by their local municipalities as does a Bosniak in Slovenia – despite as well as by the Slovenian ministry in the fact that in both cases we are talking charge of culture and/or by the Public about national, religious and language Fund for Cultural Activities of the Re- minorities, which means that they both public of Slovenia. The Slovenian and the differ from the majority society at least Bosniak ethnic societies are both more in terms of three different parameters. or less unsatisfied with the state funding Parallels between the two minorities whereas they feel more comfortable with are evident not only in all areas of their their cooperation at the local level, i. cultural interests but also in the range of e. with the participation of their mu­ possibilities for the fulfilment of those nici­palities, which – besides their public interests. Further parallels can be observed calls for cultural-artistic and publishing in their organizational patterns (ethnic projects, conferences, infrastructure, etc. – cultural societies and their internal organi- often provide free or subsidised use of the zation, associations of these societies, their societies’ office rooms or other premises. history …), the diversification of their On the other hand, the care for one’s own cultural production and its pronounced minority in the other country has been significance for cultural identity of the much more substantial in the case of members of these minorities (Baltić in Slovenia’s care for the Slovenian minority Žitnik Serafin 2014b: 7; Mijatović in in Bosnia and Herzegovina compared Žitnik Serafin 2014c: 7). Both minorities to the care of the latter for the Bosniak nourish their mother tongues through a minority in Slovenia. The activities of the wide range of their societies’ activities as Slovenian societies in Bosnia and Herze- well as their cooperation in the organi- govina have been considerably co-financed zation of language classes and courses. by the Slovenian Government Office for Both countries have a similar stand Slovenians Abroad while the Slovenian on the recognition of collective rights ministry in charge of education has been Janja Žitnik Serafin 149 co-financing Slovenian language classes in effect of these changes upon the Bosniaks Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the other in Slovenia would be favourable, and the hand, Bosnia and Herzegovina has been burden and the benefits of the support unable to offer this kind of support to the intended for one’s own minority in the Bosniak minority in Slovenia. other country would be a bit more equally Darko Mijatović stresses that the mi- distributed between both countries. It nority status of the Slovenians in Bosnia will probably take a considerable period and Herzegovina ensures them better of time before these goals can be reached. access to Bosnian-Herzegovinian local and But as first steps in this direction were state funds. If the Slovenian community made many years ago, it is doubtlessly had not been officially recognised as a time for some further steps now. minority by Bosnia and Herzegovina, he says, it would be much more difficult References for Slovenian societies and their um- Balagić, Nihad (2009). Kulturno in športno brella organization, the Association to društvo Bošnjakov ‘Biser’ – Jesenice – na apply for public funds in the country of kratko o sedemnajstih letih delovanja. residence (Mijatović in Žitnik Serafin Bošnjaška kultura od prostovoljstva k profe- 2014c: 9). Admir Baltić, on the other sionalizaciji (ed. Admir Baltić). Ljubljana: hand, is more sceptical in the case of the Bošnjaška kulturna zveza Slovenije, 101–109. Bosniak community in Slovenia: “If the Baltić, Admir (2009). Organiziranost boš­ (official minority) status should regulate njaške oziroma bosansko-hercegovske skup- this issue, then yes. The status in itself does nosti na kulturnem področju – primerjava not necessarily generate more favourable Slovenije, Nizozemske in Švedske. Bošnjaška chances for the financing of the societies’ kultura od prostovoljstva k profesionalizaciji activities; but from our perspective, this is (ed. Admir Baltić). Ljubljana: Bošnjaška precisely the main purpose of the status.” kulturna zveza Slovenije, 7–86. (Baltić in Žitnik Serafin 2014b: 9) Dimitrievski, Ilija (2014). Ob desetletnici I believe Slovenia should acknowledge delovanja EXYUMAKA in Makedonci the minority status of members of the v Sloveniji. Kdo so narodne manjšine v nations of the former Yugoslavia in Slo- Sloveniji? (ed. Vera Kržišnik-Bukić). venia, including the Bosniaks, and treat Ljubljana: Zveza zvez kulturnih društev narodov in narodnosti nekdanje SFRJ v the public funding of their ethnic societies Sloveniji, 15–24. the same way it treats the funding of Josipovič, Damir (2014). Sedanje razmerje cultural programmes and infrastructure med popisnimi statistikami in društvenim of the so-called autochthonous minorities organiziranjem Slovencev. Priseljevanje in Slovenia, recognized by the Slovenian in društveno delovanje Slovencev v drugih Constitution. Furthermore, I also believe delih jugoslovanskega prostora: Zgodovinski that Bosnia and Herzegovina should – at oris in sedanjost (ed. Janja Žitnik Serafin). least in a very modest degree – comply Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 215–225. with the existing bilateral agreement with Kalčić, Špela (2006). Oblačilne prakse in Slovenia on the reciprocal funding of each procesi redefinicije identitete v slovenskih minority’s mother tongue classes in the muslimanskih skupnostih po razpadu Jugo- other country. The financial and moral slavije. PhD diss., University of Ljubljana. 150 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

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Žitnik Serafin, Janja (2014c). Intervju z 3. The Slovenians in Serbia and in Croatia Darkom Mijatovićem, Laktaši, Bosnia are even granted the possibility of being and Herzegovina, October 13, 2014. SMI specifically represented in the parliament. Archive at ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana, Slovenia. 4. Slovenian: Zveza zvez kulturnih društev Box Bilateralni projekt z BiH 2014–2015 – narodov in narodnosti nekdanje SFRJ Gradivo, folder Intervjuji. v Sloveniji. Žitnik Serafin, Janja (2015). Recipročnost ali 5. Compare different views of the authors simetrija? Primerjava kulturnih interesov in Kržišnik-Bukić (2014a) and Kržišnik- in možnosti dveh manjšin. Dve domovini Bukić and Josipovič (2014). / Two Homelands 42, 113–126. 6. The history of the Slovenian cultural so- Žitnik Serafin, Janja, Kalc, Aleksej, Mlekuž, cieties in the Yugoslav region is presented Jernej, Vižintin, Marijanca Ajša (2018). in Žitnik Serafin 2014a: 137–179. Sodobne strategije slovenskih izseljencev za ohranjanje etnične identitete: Zaključno poročilo (Contemporary strategies of Slovenian emigrants for the preservation of ethnic identity: Final Report), https://isim. zrc-sazu.si/sites/default/files/zakljucno_ porocilo_3.pdf (10 March 2018).

Notes 1. The paper was presented at the Turin AEMI conference in 2015. Parts of a previous Slovenian article by the author (Žitnik Serafin 2015) are also focused on the subject of this paper. 2. These interviews were conducted in the framework of the following research projects: “Poklicne migracije Slovencev v prostor nekdanje Jugoslavije: od nase­ ljencev do transmigrantov” (Slovenian labour migration to the countries of the former Yugoslavia: From settlers to transmigrants, 2011–2015), “Ohranjanje slovenstva med mladimi člani slovenske skupnosti v jugoslovanskem prostoru” (Preservation of Slovenian identity among young members of Slovenian communi- ties in the area of the former Yugoslavia, 2013), and “Pomen kulturne produkcije Slovencev v BiH in pripadnikov narodov BiH v Sloveniji” (The significance of the cultural production of Slovenians in Bosnia and Herzegovina and of members of the nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Slovenia, 2014–2015).

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AEMI Journal welcomes the submission of papers from AEMI conferences. The journal has been published since 2003. One volume is published per year in print and electronic form (https://aemi.eu/category/publications/). Articles should be prepared according to the instructions stated below and sent in electronic form to the editors at the following address: [email protected]. Authors are responsible for language and style proficiency. In case of poor English, the author will be asked to improve the language of the article before it can be published. Articles will be reviewed. Please follow the instructions stated below while writing the article as it will largely shorten the time spent on post hoc editing. You are welcome to download a Word sample with all the needed formatting to make the process as easy as possible. Manuscripts that are accepted for publishing should not be sent for consideration and publishing to any other journal. Authors agree that articles published in AEMI Journal may also be published in electronic form on the internet. We greatly appreciate every contribution to the journal. Key elements Submissions should contain the following elements in the order provided: -- title of the article (font 18), lower-case with initial capital; alignment: centered; -- name(s) and surname(s) of the author(s) (font 14, italic); alignment: centered; after the surname an endnote should be inserted stating the author’s education and title (e.g. PhD, MA in History, Research Fellow etc.); full postal address (e.g. Slovenian Migration Institute, Novi Trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia); and e-mail address; -- abstract (up to 700 characters with spaces); -- article -- list of references -- explanatory endnotes when necessary (please NO footnotes) Article formatting Please follow the guidelines regarding article formatting: 1. The article should not exceed 45,000 characters with spaces. 2. Please use either U.S. English or U.K. English. 3. The style of the entire text should be “Normal”: font Times New Roman 12, justified, line spacing 1,5, and 2,5 cm margins. 4. “Heading 1”: font 12, bold (used for sections of the article); please leave an empty line above the heading, not after. 5. “Heading 2”: font 12, italic (used for subsections of the article); please leave an empty line above the heading, not after. 154 AEMI JOURNAL 2017–2018

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Figure 1: Lisa Cook in New York in 1905 (photo: Janez Novak, source: Archives of Slovenia, 1415, 313/14)

Graph 1: Natural and migration changes of the population of Slovenia (source: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, Stat’O’Book: Statistical Overview of Slovenia 2017, p. 8)

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ISBN 978-961-05-0110-7

Printum: 100 AEMI JOURNAL • VOLUME 15–16 • 2017–2018

New Migrations from from Migrations New : Saavedra Century th 1938)

Peña – Cautionary the Lessons from Historical Background of the Basque Diaspora in Diaspora of the Basque Background Historical Contents : Boise: A Model of a Welcoming City Welcoming of a Boise: A Model A Home or a Country? What did Basque Emigrants Emigrants did Basque What or a Country? A Home Galician Music, Emigration and Otherness: The Emigration Music, Galician AEMI Conference in Husum, North Frisia, Germany Frisia, North in Husum, AEMI Conference AEMI Conference in Santiago de Compostela, Galicia, Galicia, de Compostela, in Santiago AEMI Conference Care for Diasporic Communities: The Case of a Bilateral Bilateral of a Case The Communities: Diasporic for Care How the Welcoming of Jewish Refugees Fleeing Germany Germany Fleeing Refugees of Jewish Welcoming the How : th th www.aemi.eu History of State Migration Research in Germany Research Migration History of State : Uwe Haupenthal, Paul-Heinz Pauseback, Daniel Daniel Pauseback, Paul-Heinz Haupenthal, : Uwe Social Impact of Migration Studies: The Case of Slovenian Slovenian of Case The Studies: of Migration Social Impact Italian Newcomers to Germany and Cultural Identity and Cultural to Germany Newcomers Italian : Kastelic:

Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson: Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson: Janja Žitnik Serafin: Serafin: Žitnik Janja and Bosnia and Herzegovina Slovenia between Agreement for Authors Instructions Špela Institute Migration Irazabal: Galdos Imanol 20 of the Early Movement Americanization Leave Behind? Leave Prempain: Laurence (1933 Time through Evolved for France Kratzer: Vinzenz Sara Ingrosso Sara of the 27 Programme Speeches Welcome Schmitz Uwe Harrsen, Dieter Güther, Iñurrieta: Oregi Benan María González Blanco and Vincente Vincente and Blanco González María Networks and Social Profiles Educational to Germany: Galicia Garcia Raphael Tsavkko Tensions and Integration Latin America: Programme of the 26 Programme Spain Moreno Fouz María of the Composers Argentinian of Production in the Musical of Galicia Presence Century Mid-Twentieth From the Editors the From

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