DOCSLIB.ORG

The Kurds in Turkey: Context and Current Status

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Kurds in Turkey: Context and Current Status Migracijske i etnicke teme 17 (2001), 1- 2:87-102 UDK: 323.1 (=915.7)(560) Pregledni rad Primljeno: 15 . 03.2001. Simon Haddad Faculty ofPolitical Science, Public Administration and Diplomacy Notre Dame University, Lebanon [email protected] THE KURDS IN TURKEY: CONTEXT AND CURRENT STATUS SUMMARY The paper proposes to examine two variables in connection with the Kurdish presence in Tur­ key: 1) the intensity of expression of Kurdish nationalism, and 2) repercussions of the Kurdish ques­ tion on Turkey. Three components pertaining to the Kurdish case in Turkey were constmcted from the literature: distinct cultural identity, political demands and socio-economic development. The pa­ per concludes that despite radical shifts on both sides, it is still questionable whether a solution to the enduring conflict could be reached in the near future. KEY WORDS: Kurds, nationalism, Turkey, political demands, socio-economic development, cultural rights, repression 1. Introduction Estimated at a population of 25 million, the Kurds are the largest nation in the world without its own state. They are an ancient and etlmically distinct people who have developed a common identity over the past 2,000 years. Bulloch and Morris (1992) consider that the ethnic composition ofthe Kurds is the result of mi­ xing with both Indo-European and pre-Iranian tribes. The Muslim conquest ofKur­ distan in the 7111 century introduced Islam among the Kurds and emphasized their political role. They have lived for thousands of years in an area, referred to on maps for centuries as Kurdistan, and which straddles the borders of Turkey,' 'Iran, Iraq, Syria and the former Soviet Union. Though none of the above-mentioned states has welcomed the prospect of an independent state for the Kurds, none has tried harder than Turkey to eliminate Kurdish identity. The history of the sizable Kurdish com­ munity in Turkey, where they comprise over 20 percent of the Turkish population (Dunn, 1995: 74), is an ancient chronicle oftragedies, massacres and atrocities. The founder of modem Turkey, Kemal Atatiirk, after exploiting the Kurds for years to fight and defend the Republic against external enemies, enacted a con­ stitution 70 years ago, which denied the existence of distinct cultural sub-groups in Turkey. All religious or ethnic identities other than the Turkish were seen as a chal- 87 Simon Haddad: The Kurds in Turkey ... , Migracijske i etnicke teme 17 (2001), 1-2: 87-102 lenge to the state. As a result, the Kurds were referred to as "Mountain Turks" and the area known Kurdistan became known as southern Anatolia. The Treaty of Sevres (1920), which had anticipated a Kurdish independent state, was never ratified. Un­ til the Gulf War in 1991, the situation of the Kurds remained unchanged. Twelve million Kurds live in Turkey today, but Kurdish cultural and political expression is officially banned. As an unwanted minority, the Kurds have been ignored, discri­ minated against, deported and persecuted by Turkish authorities. The history of the Kurds in Turkey is a history of war, repression, a history of small victories and great losses. The world paid little attention to the Kurdish catastrophe in Turkey, to the hopelessness and to the spectacular struggle of a people for basic rights and autonomy. This paper intends to investigate two primary variables, which are believed to influence the situation of the Kurds in Turkey. These concern: 1) the intensity of expression of Kurdish nationalism, 2) repercussions of the Kurdish question on Turkey. I intend to trace the evolution ofKurdish nationalism and to examine whe­ ther it was capable of making cultural, political and socio-economic demands. Cor­ respondingly, has the strong Turkish nationalism prevented Kurds from attaining their demands? Furthurmore, have recent political developments in Turkey impro­ ved the status of the Kurds in Turkey? True, international pressure to promote Kurdish rights and Turkey's desire to join the European Community have played a part in softening Turkish repression of the Kurds. Yet, as this paper concludes, the likelihood of a solution to the crisis is still remote, as the demands of both sides seem mutually exclusive. istanbul 0 RUSSIA Kurdish Ethnic Areas Ankar'l:,' : in the Near East TURKMENISTAN Konya 0 TURKEY 0 Mashhad LEBANON\ SYRIA / 0 ·...;t Dam ascus .>-- IZRAEL ' IRAN i i ·' ·, ., IRAQ : _/ JORDAN ' ., \} .... - EGYPT• / -- SAUDI ARABIA ............ --........ i " '··...... -~-·· -·· , KUWAIT 88 Simon Haddad: The Kurds in Turkey ... , Migracijske i etnicke teme 17 (200 I), 1-2: 87- 102 2. The emergence of Kurdish nationalism The first expression of Kurdish nationalism occurred during the 19th century when the Ottoman Empire was undergoing a process of centralization. Until then, the Kurdish Emirates had enjoyed virtual autonomy. The Kurds fell under Ottoman rule as early as the 16th century, but due to a special arrangement they were orga­ nized into Emirates (principalities) enjoying a remarkable degree of autonomy, al­ though subordinated to Istanbul (Yegen, 1996: 217). Attempts by the Ottomans to tighten their grip on the Kurdish Emirates provoked intennittent Kurdish uprisings (1808- 1839), all of which were unsuccessful: they lacked the support of the majority of the population (i.e. unlike European nationalism) and especially the participation of a strong administrative and political bourgeois class. In addition, Kurdish leaders were drawn into internal power struggles instead of being committed to the esta­ blishment of an independent Kurdish state. By the end of the 19th century, the primary result of Ottoman modernization was the erosion of decentralised aspects of Ottoman politics and hence the abolish­ ment of the Emirates, which had constituted a communal and organizational bond uni­ ting Kurdish tribes. This development resulted in tribal confrontations that the cen­ tral authorities failed to regulate (Yegen, 1996: 219). The situation provided for the appearance of new actors in Kurdish politics: the sheikhs. These tribal leaders played a central role in Kurdish rebellions, namely sheikh Ubeidullab's revolt in the 1870's, which aimed at establishing an independent Kurdish entity, is referred to as the first national uprising of the Kurds (Hazen, 1997: 56). The rebellion was ultimate­ ly crushed with the aid of regional and international powers (Randal, 1997: 156). In the second half of the 19th century the Kurds, just as other nationalities in the Ottoman Empire, were affected by nationalist sentiment. Kurdish intellectuals began to form secret societies aiming either at some form of decentralized admini­ stration of the Kurdish provinces, or full independence from the Ottoman Empire (Sluglett and Farouk-Sluglett, 1991: 55). However, in a basically tribal and rural society such activities were bound to fail without the backing of powerful tribes and strong leaders who could organize sufficient manpower in order to generate political change. The Young Turks' revolt in 1908 had first pledged to preserve equal rights for all ethnic groups residing within the Empire, but ended by banning all non-Turkish forms of cultural and political expression (Jamil, 1993):· The Ottoman Empire's engagement in World War I had adverse repef~us­ sions on the Kurds. Officially the war was waged against external enemies, but in practical tenns it was also directed against local enemies; i.e.'the non-Turkish spea­ king peoples in the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans exploited the Kurds' religious feeling by describing the war as a holy war. They encouraged them to contribute and defend the empire against non-believers, hence provoking some Kurdish tribes to participate in the massacre of more than one million Armenians in the period 1915- 1916. Kurdish losses were also not negligible - 7000 were killed in that war (Michalowski, 1991 ). 89 Si m on Haddad: The Kurds in Turkey ... , Migracijske i etnicke teme 17 (200 l ), l-2: 87-l 02 After WWI, the Kurds were presented with an opportunity to form their own nation-state. Yet their efforts were fruitless. Neither the Treaty of Sevres (1920) nor the Lausanne Conference (1923) succeeded in securing an independent Kurdish state. After the establishment of the New Republic in 1923, the Kurds were conti­ nuously subjected to oppression by Atatlirk and his successors. 3. The Kurds in Turkey: a problematic existence The history of Kurdish nationalism in Turkey is really the history of the war between two nationalisms: Kurdish and Kemalist. Ever since the founding of modem Turkey in 1923, Kurds in Turkish Kurdistan were systematically repressed, perse­ cuted and fought against. The aggressive Turkish nationalism launched by Atatlirk, the "father of the Turks", and maintained by successive rulers, was until today the basis of Ankara's policy towards the Kurds. Atati.irk adopted a policy of assimilation or turkification, with the principal aim to abolish the Kurdish language and replace it by the Turkish. This objective is still today imaged as a "cultural mission", since Turkey considers Kurdish nationalism a challenge to the Kemalist vision. 3.1 The Atati.irk regime With the birth of the modem Republic of Turkey, the Caliphate was abolished; religious orders were abolished, history was written to suit the needs of the new state, the "Arabic alphabet" was discarded in favour of a Western one and a new dress code was adopted. After jettisoning the multi-ethnic character of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish government embarked on a radical nationalist programme that intended to redefine the Turk, the new citizen of the nation, and to help in the turkicization of non-Turkish minorities. The new nationalist ideology was unlike i.he Ottoman Em­ pire's, that had relied upon a more encompassing Islamic theme. According to Caglar Keyder (1997: 42), it was "defensive in nature where the nation was supposed to express homogeneity deriving from ethnic unity, and this unity would be expressed in a single voice". The Turkish Republic of Atatiirk was not only a secular state, it also.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 5. Kurdish Tribes
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Blood feuds Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
    THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting.
    [Show full text]
  • Darwīsh Maḥmūd: an Unknown Sixteenth Century Kurdish Notable*
    DARWĪSH MAḤMŪD: AN UNKNOWN SIXTEENTH CENTURY KURDISH NOTABLE* MUSTAFA DEHQAN & VURAl GENÇ Abstract The sixteenth century Kurds normally had no access to traditional accomplishments such as prose, poetry, historiography, calligraphy, and professional education. These accomplishments were the instruments of access to the rulers and the cause for higher appointments by the Ottoman and Safavid emperors. The first and most famous member of the Kurdish community to receive an influential bureaucratic position in Ottoman Empire was Idrīs of Bidlīs. In the days of Selim I (r. 1512-1520), Idrīs’s fortune rose to such a degree that many Kurdish potentates could only with his assistance and political support. The main point of the present paper is to demonstrate that Idrīs was not the only educated Kurd who, in the sixteenth century, rendered services to the Ottoman emperor, thus coming into his favor and grace. Specifically, it is examines the case of Darwīsh Maḥmūd, a disciple of Idrīs of Bidlīs, who like his master, rose to prominence in service to the Ottomans. INTRODUcTORY NOTE LIFE AND CAREER Unlike Idrīs of Bidlīs, Darwīsh Maḥmūd’s bureaucratic, Details of the life of Darwīsh Maḥmūd are very administrative, and political activities are relatively poorly scanty. He was of Kalachīrī clan which was a sub- documented. For instance, we lack the kind of detailed division of Bilbāsī tribe of the Ŗōzhikī confederation, the information from chronicles and archival sources that have dominant group in Bidlīs2. The exact dates of his life enabled us to reconstruct life and career of Idrīs, in particu- are not known, but scholars may estimate that he lived lar with regard to diplomatic missions to Kurdistan1.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
    KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • To Appear in Kurdish Studies Language
    To appear in Kurdish Studies Language attitudes and religion: Kurdish Alevis in the UK Birgul Yilmaz1 2 Abstract In this article I report on results of a Matched Guise Tests (MGT) study investigating attitudes towards Bohtan (BHKr) and Maraş Kurmanji (MRKr) spoken among the UK diaspora. I focus on BHKr, which I use to refer to the Kurmanji that is identified as “good Kurmanji”, also referred to as “academic”/ “proper”, and MRKr to refer to the Kurmanji that is referred to as “bad Kurmanji” by Kurmanji speakers in the UK (Yilmaz, 2018). The MGT, and questions pertaining to perceptual dialectology such as respondents’ perceptions of region, religion, gender and class in this study, show that attitudes towards what is perceived as BHKr and MRKr differ significantly. By concentrating on language attitudes towards Kurmanji which have never been studied in the UK context before, this paper investigates negative and positive evaluations of both BHKr and MRKr in relation to religious affiliation. Keywords Language attitudes, religion, matched guise tests, Kurdish-Kurmanji, Alevis 1 Birgul Yilmaz is a British Academy Postdoctoral Researcher at UCL Institute of Education in London Centre for Applied Linguistics | 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL Email: [email protected] 2 I wish to thank Michael Chyet, Ruth Kircher, Jeff Izzard and the reviewers of this special issue for their feedback on earlier versions and thoughtful suggestions. 1 Introduction Sociolinguistic studies have dealt with social factors such as social status, gender and age (Labov, 1966), and the ways in which these are intertwined with change and variation (Eckert 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • Ottoman Reforms and Kurdish Reactions in The19th Century Di Sedsala Xixem De Reformên Osmanî Û Reaksiyonên Kurdan
    Ottoman Reforms and Kurdish Reactions in the19th Century Di Sedsala XIXem de Reformên Osmanî û Reaksiyonên Kurdan Rahman DAG* PUXTE: Dewleta Osmanî ji ber ku di seranserî sedsala 19an de hin reformên leşkeri, aborî, îdarî û civakî xistiye meriyetê, mirov dikare vê sedsalê wek sedsala reforman bi nav bike. Ji sala 1514an heta sedsala 19an hevsengiyek di navbera têkiliyên dewleta Osmanî û eşîrên kurdan de hebû. Eşîrên kurdan û dewleta Osmanî li ser rêveberiyeke otonom li hev kiribûn û ev rewş ji her du hêlan ve jî hatibû parastin. Lêbelê ji bo dabînkirina lêçûnên leşkerî, bicihkirina modernizasyona burokrasiyê, piştî rakirina Ocaxa Yeniçeriyan sazkirina arteşeke nû û pêdiviyên mirovî mesrefeke mezin derket holê. Ji ber van sedeman têkilî û hevsengiya navborî xera bû û di navbera eşîrên kurdan û navendê de têkoşînek dest pê kir. Ev rewş heta hilweşandina imparatoriyê berdewam kir. Li ser vê rewşa bicihbûyî ya navbera her du aliyan, eşirên kurdan ji bo parastina pozisyona xwe, ketin nav liv û lebatekê, ev jî nîşan dide ku reformên vê serdemê * Dr. Science-Literature Faculty, Adıyaman, Turkey. yên herî gîrîng reformên îdarî, ango navendîbûniyê Dr. Zanîngeha Adiyamanê, bûn. Bi vê agahiyê ez dixwazim vê diyar bikim ku Fakulteya Fen-Edebiyatê, armanca serhildanên eşîrên kurdan ên di sedsala Adiyaman, Turkiye. 19an de qewimîne, ne avakirina Kurdistaneke e-mail: serbixwe bû ku xwe dispart netewperweriya kurdî, [email protected] berovajî vê yekê, divê ev serhildan wek karvedaneke li hember reforman bêne nirxandin. Di nav vê Jimar 2 Sal 1 2014 47 Rahman DAG konteksê de serhildana Ebdurrahman Paşa ya sala 1806an, serhildana Mîr Mihemmed Paşayê Rewandizî ya sala 1834an, serhildana Bedirxan Beg a sala 1840an, serhildana Şêx Ûbeydulahê Nehrî ya sala 1880an de pêk hatine, dê ji bo piştrastkirina vê angaştê bên nirxandin.
    [Show full text]
  • Migration, Memory and Mythification: Relocation of Suleymani Tribes on the Northern Ottoman–Iranian Frontier
    Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 Migration, memory and mythification: relocation of Suleymani tribes on the northern Ottoman–Iranian frontier Erdal Çiftçi To cite this article: Erdal Çiftçi (2018) Migration, memory and mythification: relocation of Suleymani tribes on the northern Ottoman–Iranian frontier, Middle Eastern Studies, 54:2, 270-288, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2017.1393623 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2017.1393623 Published online: 06 Nov 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 361 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, 2018 VOL. 54, NO. 2, 270–288 https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2017.1393623 Migration, memory and mythification: relocation of Suleymani tribes on the northern Ottoman–Iranian frontier Erdal Cift¸ ci¸ a,b aHistory Department, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey; bHistory Department, Mardin Artuklu University, Mardin, Turkey Although some researchers have studied the relationship between hereditary Kurdish emirs and the Ottoman central government, there has been little discussion of the role played by Kurdish tribes, and Kurdish tribes in general have been omitted from scholars’ narratives. Researchers have mostly discussed how Idris-i Bidlisi became an intermediary between the Ottoman central government and the disinherited Kurdish emirs, some of whom had been removed from power by the Safavids. In this article, we will not focus on the condominium between the Ottoman central government and the Kurdish emirs, but rather, we will draw attention to the roles played by the Kurdish tribes – specifically, the role played by the Suleymani tribes during the period dominated by local political upheaval in the sixteenth century.
    [Show full text]
  • La Cuestión De La Minoría Kurda En El Contexto De Integración De Turquía En La Unión Europea the Kurdish Minority I
    La cuestión de la minoría kurda en el contexto de integración de Turquía en la Unión Europea The Kurdish minority issue in the context of integration Turkey with the European Union Justyna MISIAGIEWICZ Profesora Adjunta. Dept. of International Relations Marie Curie -Sklodowska University Lublin (Poland) [email protected] Recepción: Agosto 2009 Aceptación: Noviembre 2009 ABSTRACT The Kurdish minority issue has been most politically troublesome and challenging. It has influenced domestic and foreign policies of Turkey in a very effective way in the 1990s. Kurdish nationalism in Turkey is not a simple expression of discontent, but a movement that demands changing the boundaries of the Turkish entity to make room for an independent Kurdish state. Former president, Süleyman Demirel said: “Opening of the Kurdish issue will lead up to disintegration of the state, so it is strongly connected with the state security”. Keywords: Kurdish minority, foreign policies of Turkey, European Union. JEL Classification: D00, N15. Revista Universitaria Europea Nº 12. Enero-Junio 2010: 23-42 ISSN: 1139 - 5796 Misiagiewicz, J. RESUMEN La cuestión de minoría kurda ha sido políticamente muy problemático y desafiante. Habiendo influido, en las políticas nacionales y extranjeras de Turquía, de una forma muy efectiva en la década de 1990. El nacionalismo kurdo en Turquía no es una simple expresión de descontento, sino que es un movimiento que exige el cambio de los límites de la entidad turca para hacer espacio para un Estado kurdo independiente. Como el ex presidente Süleyman Demirel dijo: “La apertura de la cuestión kurda va a conducir a la desintegración del Estado, por lo que está firmemente conectado con la seguridad del Estado”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kurdish Nationalist Movement and External Influences
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1980-12 The Kurdish nationalist movement and external influences Disney, Donald Bruce, Jr. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/17624 '";. Vi , *V ^y NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS THE KURDISH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AND EXTERNAL INFLUENCES by Donald Bruce Disney, Jr. December 1980 The sis Advisor: J. W. Amos, II Approved for Public Release; Distribution Unlimited T19 «—,rob J Unclassified "wi.fy * N°* StCUHlTY CLASSIFICATION r>* THIS »>GI '•*>•« D«t Knlmrmd) READ INSTRUCTIONS REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE BEFORE COMPLETING FORM •f*OAT NUMlf* 2. OOVT ACCCUION MO. J MKCl»lCNT'S CATALOG NUMBER. 4 TiTlE ,«.*Ju »mH) s. TY*e of neponT * rewoo covcncd The Kurdish Nationalist Movement Master's Thesis; and External Influences December 1980 * »I»ro»l»INQ owe. «I»OKT NUMIIR 7. AuTmO*><*> • contract o« chant HumUtnf) Donald Bruce Disney, Jr., LCDR, USN * RfBFORMINO OWOANI2ATION NAME AND >QD*tii tO. *«OG*AM CLEMENT. RBOjECT. T as* AREA * «OMK UNIT NUDUM Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, California 93940 M CONTROLLING OFFICE NAME ANO ADDRESS 12. MFOUT DATE Naval Postgraduate School December, 1980 Monterey, California 93940 II. MUMBER O' WAGES 238 TT MONITORING AGENCY NAME A AOORESSfll if>'M*ml Ifmm Controlling Ottlc*) It- SICURITY CLASS. <al Iftlm report) Naval Postgraduate School Unclassified Monterey, California 93940 Im DECLASSIFICATION/ DOWNGRADING SCHEDULE l«. DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT (of Ihlt *•»•»!) Approved for public release; distribution unlimited 17 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT at (»• •*•„•«( rnrnfm** In #I»c* 20, // dittfmt rrmm Mf rt) IE. SUFFLCMCNTARY NOTES '» KEY *O*0l (Continue em remem »!<*• It r\eceeeiy em* itemttty m, ilect IHMHMMP Kurds, Kurdish Nationalism, Kurdish Revolts, Kurdish Political Parties, Mullah Mustafa Barzani, Sheikh Ezzedin, Abdul Rahman Qassemlu, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, UK, U.S., U.S.S.R., Israel, PLO, Armenians 20.
    [Show full text]
  • Nation, Bordering and Identity on the Border Between Turkey and Iraq
    University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Thesis: Author (Year of Submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University Faculty or School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Data: Author (Year) Title. URI [dataset] UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF SOCIAL, HUMAN AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES Geography and Environment NATION, BORDERING AND IDENTITY ON THE BORDER BETWEEN TURKEY AND IRAQ by Bilal GORENTAS Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy SEPTEMBER 2016 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF SOCIAL, HUMAN AND MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES Geography and Environment Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy NATION, BORDERING AND IDENTITY ON THE BORDER BETWEEN TURKEY AND IRAQ BILAL GORENTAS This thesis explores the impact of the border between Turkey and Iraq on Kurdish identity. Since the demarcation of the border in 1926, both Turkey and Iraq have struggled to accommodate their Kurdish citizens into their common national communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Westminsterresearch Language Ideologies and Identities in Kurdish
    WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Language ideologies and identities in Kurdish heritage language classrooms in London Yilmaz, B. This is an author's accepted manuscript of an article published in the International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 253 (86), pp. 173-200, 2018. The final definitive version is available online at: https://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2018-0030 The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Language ideologies and identities in Kurdish heritage language classrooms in London Abstract This article investigates the way that Kurdish language learners construct discourses around identity in two language schools in London. It focuses on the values that heritage language learners of Kurdish-Kurmanji attribute to the Kurmanji spoken in the Bohtan and Maraş regions of Turkey. Kurmanji is one of the varieties of Kurdish that is spoken mainly in Turkey and Syria. The article explores the way that learners perceive the language from the Bohtan region to be ‘good Kurmanji’, in contrast to the ‘bad Kurmanji’ from the Maraş region. Drawing on ethnographic data collected from community-based Kurdish-Kurmanji heritage language classes for adults in South and East London, I illustrate how distinctive lexical and phonological features such as the sounds [a:] ~ [ɑ:] and [ɑ]/ [æ] ~ [a:] are associated with regional (and religious) identities of the learners.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Integration of the Kurds in Turkey
    Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1979 The political integration of the Kurds in Turkey Kathleen Palmer Ertur Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Ertur, Kathleen Palmer, "The political integration of the Kurds in Turkey" (1979). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 2890. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.2885 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. l . 1 · AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF ·Kathleen Palmer Ertur for the Master of Arts in Political Science presented February 20, 1979· I I I Title: The Political Integration of the Kurds in Turkey. 1 · I APPROVED EY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE: ~ Frederick Robert Hunter I. The purpose of this thesis is to illustrate the situation of the Kurdish minority in Turkey within the theoretical parameters of political integration. The.problem: are the Kurds in Turkey politically integrated? Within the definition of political develop- ment generally, and of political integration specifically, are found problem areas inherent to a modernizing polity. These problem areas of identity, legitimacy, penetration, participatio~ and distribution are the basis of analysis in determining the extent of political integration ·for the Kurds in Turkey. When .thes_e five problem areas are adequate~y dealt with in order to achieve the goals of equality, capacity and differentiation, political integration is achieved.
    [Show full text]