Kurdistan, the Invisible State, and Its Participatory Processes
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The Future of Mosul Before, During, and After the Liberation
1 The Future of Mosul Before, During, and After the Liberation Dylan O’Driscoll Research Fellow Middle East Research Institute September 2016 About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2016 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. About the Author Dylan O’Driscoll is a Research Fellow in International Politics and National Security Programme at the Middle East Research Institute (MERI). He holds a PhD and MA from the University of Exeter, UK. Acknowledgments I would like to thank all the interviewees and people I had discussions with on the topic for giving me their time, local knowledge and personal insights. A very special thanks goes to Shivan Fazil for his help in organising the interviews and kick off workshop, his input towards the project and for his much-needed interpreting skills. -
Introduction
The Hague International Model United Nations 2020 | 26th January 2020 – 31st January 2020 Forum: Advisory Panel Issue: Stabilising the Kurdish Region to Prevent Further Conflicts Introduction Starting with the French Revolution in 1789, the notion of nationalism drastically rose and set the course of territorial formation that will take place in the upcoming centuries. While many states were empires prior to the revolution, accommodating people diverse ethnicities, nationalism changed the perception of a national formation and divided populations based on one’s ethnicity instead of other identification parameters. With such a drastic change, numerous nations were formed, including 54 states in Africa, Israel in Middle East, and many others in South Eastern Asia. With an ethnic root correlating to a nationality, numerous minority movements commenced and many resulted with successful state secessions or formations. However, one that failed and became a geo-political significance is the Kurdish state, which theoretically never gained full independence. Kurdish people, being the largest ethnic group without a fully independent state, have been spanning a vast territory encapsulating regions in Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Armenia. The territorial span can be viewed in the image to the right. The Kurdish presence in the region stretches to a distant past as people of Kurdish ethnicity were considered to be the indigenous people of the Mesopotamian plains- region located between Tigris and Euphrates. Furthermore, Vilayet-i Kurdistan (Kurdish State within the Ottoman Empire) was quite similar to an autonomous state during the Ottoman Empire’s jurisdiction over the region. However, then with the establishment of modern states, specifically Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, Kurdish independence became a struggle with global involvement. -
The Kurds; History and Culture
Western Kurdistan Association publications Jemal Nebez The Kurds; History and Culture Jemal Nebez THE KURDS History and Kulture Presentation held in German on the 19th September 1997 in the Kurdish Community- House in Berlin, Germany First published in German in 1997 by: The Kurdish Community House in Berlin, Germany First publication in English, including a Bio-Bibliography of Jemal Nebez, by: WKA Publications - London 2004 Translated into English by: Hanne Kuchler Preface by: Dr. Hasan Mohamed Ali Director of the Board of the Kurdish Community House in Berlin, Germany 1 Jemal Nebez The Kurds; History and Culture 2 Jemal Nebez The Kurds; History and Culture PREFACE On the occasion of the inauguration of the Kurdish community-house in Berlin, Germany in September 1997, the well-known Kurdologist Dr. Jemal Nebez held a warmly received speech under the title: The Kurds – their history and culture. This speech was not only of great importance because of its contents and coverage, but also because it was based on precise data and historic scientific evidence. In his speech Dr. Nebez covered various subjects, e.g. pre- Christian ancient history and the mythology of the Kurds, the cultural height and depth of the Kurdish people in the shadow of the numerous expeditions by alien peoples through Kurdistan, the astounding variety of religions in Kurdistan, with special stress on syncretism as the most striking feature of the Kurdish religious culture, delineating syncretism as inherently different from mixed religions. As an analytically thinking scientist (physicist) the speaker did not get stuck in the past, nor was his speech 3 Jemal Nebez The Kurds; History and Culture an archaeological presentation, but an Archigenesis, which in fluent transition reaches from past epochs to the present situation of the Kurdish people. -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 414 September 2019
INSTITUT KURDDE PARIS E Information and liaison bulletin N° 414 SEPTEMBER 2019 The publication of this Bulletin enjoys a subsidy from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Ministry of Culture This bulletin is issued in French and English Price per issue : France: 6 € — Abroad : 7,5 € Annual subscribtion (12 issues) France : 60 € — Elsewhere : 75 € Monthly review Directeur de la publication : Mohamad HASSAN ISBN 0761 1285 INSTITUT KURDE, 106, rue La Fayette - 75010 PARIS Tel. : 01-48 24 64 64 - Fax : 01-48 24 64 66 www.fikp.org E-mail: bulletin@fikp.org Information and liaison bulletin Kurdish Institute of Paris Bulletin N° 414 September 2019 • TURKEY: DESPITE SOME ACQUITTALS, STILL MASS CONVICTIONS.... • TURKEY: MANY DEMONSTRATIONS AFTER FURTHER DISMISSALS OF HDP MAYORS • ROJAVA: TURKEY CONTINUES ITS THREATS • IRAQ: A CONSTITUTION FOR THE KURDISTAN REGION? • IRAN: HIGHLY CONTESTED, THE REGIME IS AGAIN STEPPING UP ITS REPRESSION TURKEY: DESPITE SOME ACQUITTALS, STILL MASS CONVICTIONS.... he Turkish govern- economist. The vice-president of ten points lower than the previ- ment is increasingly the CHP, Aykut Erdoğdu, ous year, with the disagreement embarrassed by the recalled that the Istanbul rate rising from 38 to 48%. On economic situation. Chamber of Commerce had esti- 16, TurkStat published unem- T The TurkStat Statistical mated annual inflation at ployment figures for June: 13%, Institute reported on 2 22.55%. The figure of the trade up 2.8%, or 4,253,000 unem- September that production in the union Türk-İş is almost identical. ployed. For young people aged previous quarter fell by 1.5% HDP MP Garo Paylan ironically 15 to 24, it is 24.8%, an increase compared to the same period in said: “Mr. -
Curbing Irans Missile Program a Dream That Will Never Come True Page 2 |No
Mehr Vision|No.10|July 2018 Ayatollah Khamenei: Curbing Irans missile program a dream that will never come true Page 2 |No. 10| July 2018 MEHR NEWSAGENCY Contents Limitation on Iran’s missile program dream never to come true 4 Trump rips up JCPOA to reduce Iran regional importance, foster... 5 Brazilian govt. to help businesses continue trade with Iran 8 We would immediately establish diplomatic ties with Syria 11 We are not the PKK’s political wing: Selahattin Demirtaş 12 No individual positions among EU on Iran nuclear deal 14 Interview Trump’s strategy toward Iran at expense of US credibility: Costello 17 Pompeo speech an exercise in idiocy: Prof. Zonis 18 EU-US conflict; temporal or permanent? 20 Trade war intensified between US, Europe 21 US-adopted tactics to contain EU as ‘regionalism model’ 23 US strategy in cybercrime operations 24 Will Europe give in to Washington’s demands? 25 Is Europe really struggling to maintain JCPOA? 26 Mehr Vision The story of Elysees Palace andnuclear deal with Iran 27 Pompeo’s special mission, shadow of US secret diplomacy over Europe 28 Opinion Managing Director: Ali Asgari Saudi Arabia’s desperate alliance moves 29 US-EU possible soft tactic to contain Iran 30 Editorial Board: Seyed Amir Hassan Dehghani, Merkel lost the game! 31 Mohammad Ghaderi, Two politicians and three cases 32 Payman Yazdani Editorial Coordinator: Lachin Rezaian TSE index hit 50-year record high of 102,000 points 34 Contributors: Some media have held a feast of lies about Nicaragua protests: envoy 35 Payman Yazdani, Mohammad Ghaderi, Lachin Rezaian, Marjohn Sheikhi, What does Saudi Arabia want from Lebanon? 37 Hanif Ghaffari, Javad Heirannia, Sajad Report World Bee Day;what’s the ‘buzz’ about? 38 Abedi, Mohammad Ali Haqshenas, Global refugee compact to mobilize support for protracted refugee.. -
Post-War Iraq: a Table and Chronology of Foreign Contributions
Order Code RL32105 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Post-War Iraq: A Table and Chronology of Foreign Contributions Updated November 5, 2004 Jeremy M. Sharp Middle East Policy Analyst Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Post-War Iraq: A Table and Chronology of Foreign Contributions Summary Securing foreign contributions to the reconstruction and stabilization of Iraq has been a major issue for U.S. policymakers since the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report tracks important changes in financial and personnel pledges from foreign governments since the August 19, 2003 bombing of the U.N. Headquarters in Baghdad and major events since the fall of Baghdad on April 9, 2003. According to the latest estimates, foreign donors have pledged $13 billion in grants and loans for Iraq reconstruction, but have only disbursed around $1 billion to the United Nations and World Bank trust funds for Iraq. The largest non- American pledges of grants have come from Japan, the United Kingdom, Canada, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export credits. The March 11, 2004, Madrid bombings and the subsequent pledge by Spanish Prime Minister-elect José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero to withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq has raised some concern over foreign support for Iraqi reconstruction and stabilization. Although other coalition members have reaffirmed their commitment to providing security in Iraq since the Madrid bombings, continued violence and terrorist attacks both inside and outside Iraq may affect political will in troop- contributing countries to sustain their force presence. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
Iraq Fact Sheet
Iraq Fact Sheet Government The Iraqi government was created by a new constitution in 2005, after the fall of Saddam Hussein. The government is led by a Kurdish President, currently Fuad Masum, a Shia Prime Minister, currently Haider Abadi, and a Sunni Arab Vice President, currently, Khodair Khozaei. The Prime Minister is the dominant leader. The population of Iraq is estimated to be 38 million, with two official languages, Arabic and Kurdish. Ethnic and Religious Groups Sunni Arabs: Iraqi Sunni Arabs number about 20% of the population, or around 5-7 million people. Under Saddam Hussein, who was a Sunni Arab, they had a privileged place in Iraq. During the de- Ba’athification process post-2005, Sunni Arabs were largely excluded by the Shia elites, particularly under former Prime Minister Nouri Maliki. Sunnis, including those from the “Awakening Councils,” were also mostly excluded from joining the Iraqi Army, as it was feared that they could retake control. Shia Arabs: Shia Arabs are roughly 60% of the total population. Under Saddam, the Shiites were largely oppressed, shut off from their Shia neighbor Iran, and generally excluded from power in the country. In post-Saddam Iraq, the constitution gave Shias the most powerful position, that of Prime Minister. Nouri Maliki, the former Prime Minister, favored Shias. Maliki also took advantage of U.S. aid; it is reported that Iraq’s security forces received nearly $100 billion from 2006 to 2014. Maliki became increasingly authoritarian during his eight years as premier, and eventually was pushed out. The current Prime Minister, Haider al-Abadi, is also a Shia Arab from the same party – Dawa – as Maliki, but has been generally less biased, less corrupt, more pro-American, and less pro-Iranian. -
State Formation and Civil War in Iraq 2003-2016: a Question of Sect Or Structure?
STATE FORMATION AND CIVIL WAR IN IRAQ 2003-2016: A QUESTION OF SECT OR STRUCTURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts and Arab Studies by Ana Nikonorow Washington, DC 15 October 2016 Copyright 2016 by Ana Nikonorow All Rights Reserved ii STATE FORMATION AND CIVIL WAR IN IRAQ 2003-2016: A QUESTION OF SECT OR STRUCTURE Ana Nikonorow, B.S. Thesis Advisor: Joseph Sassoon, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Ethno-sectarian diversity is often cited as a strong indicator, if not a cause, for higher likelihood of civil war. Ethno-sectarian dominance is even more so. Iraq is a case not only of ethno- sectarian diversity. It is a case of ethno-sectarian dominance, par excellence. This begs the question: to what extent was communal diversity to blame for Iraq’s descent into civil war after 2003? To what extent were other structural drivers equally or more explanatory? This thesis argues that Iraq’s decent into civil war was primarily caused by a highly-flawed process of structural transition. Some structural flaws that led to a poor transition pre-date 2003. Others were imported after 2003. All of the key drivers toward civil war were distinctly modern. This study examines four elements of transition: socio-cultural factors (communal identity) and changes to security, economic, and political structures. Chapter 3 provides background information about expressions of communal identity in Iraq during the 20th century and after 2003. This background included aggressive, even militant expressions of communal identity. -
Where Tulips and Crocuses Are Popular Food Snacks: Kurdish
Pieroni et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2019) 15:59 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13002-019-0341-0 RESEARCH Open Access Where tulips and crocuses are popular food snacks: Kurdish traditional foraging reveals traces of mobile pastoralism in Southern Iraqi Kurdistan Andrea Pieroni1* , Hawre Zahir2, Hawraz Ibrahim M. Amin3,4 and Renata Sõukand5 Abstract Background: Iraqi Kurdistan is a special hotspot for bio-cultural diversity and for investigating patterns of traditional wild food plant foraging, considering that this area was the home of the first Neolithic communities and has been, over millennia, a crossroad of different civilizations and cultures. The aim of this ethnobotanical field study was to cross-culturally compare the wild food plants traditionally gathered by Kurdish Muslims and those gathered by the ancient Kurdish Kakai (Yarsan) religious group and to possibly better understand the human ecology behind these practices. Methods: Twelve villages were visited and 123 study participants (55 Kakai and 68 Muslim Kurds) were interviewed on the specific topic of the wild food plants they currently gather and consume. Results: The culinary use of 54 folk wild plant taxa (corresponding to 65 botanical taxa) and two folk wild mushroom taxa were documented. While Kakais and Muslims do share a majority of the quoted food plants and also their uses, among the plant ingredients exclusively and commonly quoted by Muslims non-weedy plants are slightly preponderant. Moreover, more than half of the overall recorded wild food plants are used raw as snacks, i.e. plant parts are consumed on the spot after their gathering and only sometimes do they enter into the domestic arena. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington.