Freedom of Expression in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
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The Future of Mosul Before, During, and After the Liberation
1 The Future of Mosul Before, During, and After the Liberation Dylan O’Driscoll Research Fellow Middle East Research Institute September 2016 About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2016 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. About the Author Dylan O’Driscoll is a Research Fellow in International Politics and National Security Programme at the Middle East Research Institute (MERI). He holds a PhD and MA from the University of Exeter, UK. Acknowledgments I would like to thank all the interviewees and people I had discussions with on the topic for giving me their time, local knowledge and personal insights. A very special thanks goes to Shivan Fazil for his help in organising the interviews and kick off workshop, his input towards the project and for his much-needed interpreting skills. -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
COI Note on the Situation of Yazidi Idps in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
COI Note on the Situation of Yazidi IDPs in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq May 20191 Contents 1) Access to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KR-I) ................................................................... 2 2) Humanitarian / Socio-Economic Situation in the KR-I ..................................................... 2 a) Shelter ........................................................................................................................................ 3 b) Employment .............................................................................................................................. 4 c) Education ................................................................................................................................... 6 d) Mental Health ............................................................................................................................ 8 e) Humanitarian Assistance ...................................................................................................... 10 3) Returns to Sinjar District........................................................................................................ 10 In August 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham (ISIS) seized the districts of Sinjar, Tel Afar and the Ninewa Plains, leading to a mass exodus of Yazidis, Christians and other religious communities from these areas. Soon, reports began to surface regarding war crimes and serious human rights violations perpetrated by ISIS and associated armed groups. These included the systematic -
Substance Use Among High School Students in Erbil City, Iraq: Prevalence and Potential Contributing Factors
Research article EMHJ – Vol. 25 No. 11 – 2019 Substance use among high school students in Erbil City, Iraq: prevalence and potential contributing factors Nazar Mahmood,1 Samir Othman,1 Namir Al-Tawil 1 and Tariq Al-Hadithi1 1Department of Community Medicine, College of Medicine, Hawler Medical University-Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq (Correspondence to: Nazar A. Mahmood: [email protected]). Abstract Background: Substance use among adolescents, especially smoking and alcohol consumption, has become a public health concern in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq, in the past 10 years. Aims: This study aimed to determine the prevalence of substance use and certain associated factors among high school students in Erbil City, Kurdistan Region, Iraq. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted using a multistage cluster sampling technique to collect a sample of 3000 students. A modified version of the School Survey on Drug Use from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime was used for data collection. Binary logistic regression models were used to identify risk factors for substance use. Results: The lifetime prevalence rates of cigarettes smoking, waterpipe smoking and alcohol consumption were 27.6%, 23.6% and 3.7%, respectively. Male gender, age 17–19 years, smoker in the family, and easy accessibility of cigarettes were significantly associated with cigarette smoking. Factors significantly associated with waterpipe smoking were male gen- der, age 17–19 years, waterpipe smoker in the family, waterpipe smoker friend, and easy accessibility. Male gender, alco- hol dependent in the family, alcohol-dependent friend, easy accessibility of alcohol, and low family income were signifi- cant predictors of alcohol consumption. -
Babylonian Populations, Servility, and Cuneiform Records
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60 (2017) 715-787 brill.com/jesh Babylonian Populations, Servility, and Cuneiform Records Jonathan S. Tenney Cornell University [email protected] Abstract To date, servility and servile systems in Babylonia have been explored with the tradi- tional lexical approach of Assyriology. If one examines servility as an aggregate phe- nomenon, these subjects can be investigated on a much larger scale with quantitative approaches. Using servile populations as a point of departure, this paper applies both quantitative and qualitative methods to explore Babylonian population dynamics in general; especially morbidity, mortality, and ages at which Babylonians experienced important life events. As such, it can be added to the handful of publications that have sought basic demographic data in the cuneiform record, and therefore has value to those scholars who are also interested in migration and settlement. It suggests that the origins of servile systems in Babylonia can be explained with the Nieboer-Domar hy- pothesis, which proposes that large-scale systems of bondage will arise in regions with * This was written in honor, thanks, and recognition of McGuire Gibson’s efforts to impart a sense of the influence of aggregate population behavior on Mesopotamian development, notably in his 1973 article “Population Shift and the Rise of Mesopotamian Civilization”. As an Assyriology student who was searching texts for answers to similar questions, I have occasionally found myself in uncharted waters. Mac’s encouragement helped me get past my discomfort, find the data, and put words on the page. The necessity of assembling Mesopotamian “demographic” measures was something made clear to me by the M.A.S.S. -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development. -
Employment Promotion 4.0
Implemented by : Employment Promotion 4.0 Information & Communication Technologies (ICT) for a Modern Youth in Iraq The challenge are supported by experienced mentors in developing their busi- ness ideas. The trainings focus on practice-oriented skills in ICT, entrepreneurship and soft skills, and improve the overall employ- Iraq's population is one of the youngest in the world. Almost two ability of young Iraqis. Therefore, employment prospects are cre- thirds of all Iraqis are under the age of 25, many of whom are in- ated for both entrepreneurs and job seekers. ternally displaced persons in their own country, or refugees from neighbouring countries. The majority has hardly any employment Project Name ICT – Perspectives for the Modern Youth in Iraq prospects; every fifth of them is unemployed. Commissioned German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation Job opportunities in the traditional sectors of the Iraqi economy, by and Development (BMZ) such as the oil industry and public services, are decreasing. More than half of the working population is currently employed in the Project Region Baghdad, Basra, Mosul, Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Anbar public sector, but with decreasing government revenues due to National Partner Ministry of Planning, Iraq declining oil prices, these jobs don’t offer long-term perspectives. Duration 12/2017 – 11/2020 The private sector, however, has hardly developed until now. Young Iraqis are becoming increasingly interested in the field of Furthermore, the matchmaking process between the supply and information and communication technologies (ICT) as a possible demand side on the ICT market is an integral part of the project. field of employment. The basic requirements for this sector are Access to finance and investments is a major burden for startups comparatively good in Iraq: Mobile Internet in broadband quality and their growth prospects. -
Explaining Women's Rights in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
Outperforming Baghdad? Explaining women’s rights in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2017/02/08/outperforming-baghdad-explaining-womens-rights-in-the-kurdistan-region-of- iraq/ The Kurdistan Regional Government has taken action to change discriminatory laws and policies against women – surpassing other parts of Iraq in this area. Dr Zeynep Kaya discusses her research on the driving forces behind progress made toward achieving gender equality in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, while critically drawing attention to the ongoing challenges that prevent its full realisation. By Levi Clancy (Own work) [CC BY-SA 4.0], via Wikimedia Commons Women in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq appear to have more rights, at least on paper, than women in the other parts of Iraq. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has a more advanced track record of non-discriminatory laws. It has incorporated two important policies relating to women more robustly than the Iraqi federal government, namely the principles of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) on gender- mainstreaming and the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda on women’s participation in political decision- making in peace and war. The KRG has amended the Iraqi Personal Status Law and Penal Code, introducing restrictions to polygamy, making violence perpetrated by husbands against wives punishable (The Law against Domestic Violence 2011) and removing mitigating circumstances that alleviated punishment for the perpetrators of so-called “honour” killing. These changes only apply at the regional level, while original laws still apply in the rest of Iraq. The Kurdish government also ratified a National Strategy to Confront Violence against Women in 2012. -
How to Respond to an Iraqi Militia Outrage by Michael Knights
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3435 Rockets over Erbil: How to Respond to an Iraqi Militia Outrage by Michael Knights Feb 16, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Knights Michael Knights is the Boston-based Jill and Jay Bernstein Fellow of The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of Iraq, Iran, and the Persian Gulf states. Brief Analysis Iran-backed militias took the unprecedented step of rocketing a major city and U.S. base in Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Biden administration must quickly find its own formula for restoring deterrence. n February 15, the city of Erbil (the capital of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, or KRI) was struck with a heavy O rocket attack that killed one contractor working for the U.S.-led coalition at Erbil’s airport, wounded five more coalition personnel (including one U.S. soldier), and injured at least three local civilians. As many as twenty- eight rocket launches may have been attempted, with more than a dozen rockets landing in the densely populated city, an unprecedentedly reckless strafing of a civilian population center. Despite efforts to muddy the waters by using “facade” groups to claim responsibility for the attack, Iran-backed militias are likely responsible, given their patterns of publicizing previous attacks. The Biden administration now has the difficult task of crafting a response that is measured but resolute, and must make some key decisions about how to attribute and deter such attacks on U.S. persons and U.S. partners in the future. The Erbil Rocket Attack A t 21.15 hours (Erbil time), a barrage of 107 mm rockets was fired from a disguised launch vehicle outside an agricultural market five miles southwest of Erbil. -
Games Without Frontiers: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Power in Iraqi Kurdistan
GAMES WITHOUT FRONTIERS: RENEGOTIATING THE BOUNDARIES OF POWER IN IRAQI KURDISTAN THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MIKE FLEET AND MEGAN CONNELLY JUNE 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU Photo above: Kurdistan parliament speaker Rewaz Faiq (top C), leads a parliament session in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s northern autonomous Kurdish region, on May 25, 2021. Photo by SAFIN HAMED/AFP via Getty Images. Introduction Over the past year, intensifying political and economic conflicts between the Kurdistan Region’s two hegemonic parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of The parties’ efforts Kurdistan (PUK), have challenged the legal and institutional order to renegotiate their in which the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) operates. While financial entitlements power has always been concentrated in an exclusive coalition of and the scope of their partisan elites, the KDP and PUK had each tacitly acknowledged administrative control the other’s de facto autonomy over the territories they governed have so far produced independently from the civil war of the 1990s until the reunification no consensus. of the KRG. But a new generation of leadership within the parties, a fraught relationship with the federal government, and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point. While the KDP has claimed a majoritarian mandate to govern on a reform platform that eliminates consociational entitlements, the PUK has issued an ultimatum: respect local autonomy and 2 A new generation of leadership, a fraught relationship with [Baghdad], and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point.” restore an equitable division of power within the KRG or it will in consumer demand during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, withdraw from the governing coalition.