Kurdistan, Kurdish Nationalism and International Society

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Kurdistan, Kurdish Nationalism and International Society View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Theses Online The London School of Economics and Political Science Maps into Nations: Kurdistan, Kurdish Nationalism and International Society by Zeynep N. Kaya A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 77,786 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Matthew Whiting. 2 Anneme, Babama, Kardeşime 3 Abstract This thesis explores how Kurdish nationalists generate sympathy and support for their ethnically-defined claims to territory and self-determination in international society and among would-be nationals. It combines conceptual and theoretical insights from the field of IR and studies on nationalism, and focuses on national identity, sub-state groups and international norms. In so doing, this thesis presents a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between the self-determination claims of sub-state nationalist groups and their interaction with international society. Such assertions for the control of a specific territory typically embrace, either implicitly or explicitly, ethnic conceptions of national identity. A three-fold argument is proposed and developed to explain why these ethnic claims to self-determination gain sympathy and support. Firstly, political assertions regarding the identity of a specific piece of land and its cartographical depictions are powerful in influencing outsiders’ perceptions because of the normative context in which they are framed. The norms related to sub-state nationalist groups involve both a specific interpretation of self-determination and the norms of human rights and democracy. Secondly, such claims are further reinforced by the perception that the history of a territory is identical to the history of the people living on it. Although a political association between a people and a territory is a relatively novel link, such associations are often assumed and accepted to exist throughout all of history. Kurdish nationalists use the maps of Kurdistan effectively to convey the message. Finally, the diasporal activities of nationalists who, thanks to their location outside the homeland and their ability to communicate their ideas directly to international society, play an important role in asserting the rightfulness of their demand for self-determination and in promoting the idea of an ethnic territory. 4 Table of Contents List of Figures ....................................................................................... 8 Acknowledgements ............................................................................... 9 Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................... 11 A Brief Outline of the Literature on Kurds .................................................... 17 Analytical and Theoretical Focus ................................................................... 27 International Relations .................................................................................................... 28 Nationalism ................................................................................................................... 32 Kurdish nationalism ........................................................................................................ 36 Summary of the Argument and the Chapters ................................................ 38 Chapter 2: Self-determination, Nationalism and Liberal Democracy ............................................................................................................. 42 Introduction .................................................................................................... 42 Nationalism and Liberal Democracy ............................................................. 42 Nationalism ................................................................................................................... 43 Liberal Democracy .......................................................................................................... 47 Self-determination .......................................................................................... 50 Sovereignty ...................................................................................................................... 51 Self-determination: History and Meaning ........................................................................ 55 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 68 Chapter 3: Theoretical and Conceptual Framework for Understanding Self-Determination .................................................... 70 Introduction .................................................................................................... 70 The Necessity of Adopting a Multi-Theoretical Approach to Understanding Sub-State Nationalist Groups’ Self-Determination Claims ........................... 71 5 The Conceptual Framework to Understand Sub-State Nationalist Groups’ Self-Determination Claims ............................................................................. 81 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 93 Chapter 4: Kurdish Nationalism and Kurdistan Until WWI ............. 95 Introduction .................................................................................................... 95 Kurdish Society and the Use of the Notion of Kurdistan in the Ottoman Empire ............................................................................................................ 97 Brief Historical Background ............................................................................................ 97 Past Uses of the Concept of Kurdistan ............................................................................. 99 Kurdish Tribal Structure within the Context of the Ottomans’ Local Administration System .......................................................................................................................... 105 Kurdish Tribal Revolts ................................................................................. 109 Kurdish Activities until the World War I ....................................................... 116 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 123 Chapter 5: Kurdistan and Kurdish Nationalism Since World War I 125 Introduction .................................................................................................. 125 Kurdistan and Kurdish Nationalism at the End of WWI............................. 126 Kurdish Nationalism and Kurdistan after the WWI .................................... 132 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 147 Chapter 6: Kurdish Nationalism in the Diaspora ............................. 149 Introduction .................................................................................................. 149 Diaspora Politics .......................................................................................... 152 Political Activities within the Kurdish Diaspora .......................................... 156 Kurdish Migration Beyond the Region ........................................................................... 156 Political Activities of Kurdish Groups in the Diaspora .................................................. 159 The Impact of Activities of Kurdish Groups on Kurdish Society in the Diaspora ............ 161 Activities of Kurdish Nationalist Groups in Diaspora in an International Context ......................................................................................................... 166 Assertiveness ................................................................................................................. 167 International Connections .............................................................................................. 169 6 Kurdish diaspora’s use of the international political norms .............................................. 175 Conclusion .................................................................................................... 177 Chapter 7 - Conclusion ...................................................................... 179 Bibliography ....................................................................................... 191 7 List of Figures 1.1: Kurdish Institute of Paris Map of Kurdistan.................................................................. 14 1.2: ‘Administrative Units of Contemporary Kurdistan’ by
Recommended publications
  • The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Turkey
    http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 15272 21 April 2021 The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey Report1 Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mr Thomas HAMMARBERG, Sweden, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group, and Mr John HOWELL, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance Summary The Monitoring Committee is deeply concerned about recent developments in Turkey which have further undermined democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Procedures seeking to lift the parliamentary immunity of a third of the parliamentarians (overwhelmingly from opposition parties), the attempt to close the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the continued crackdown on its members put political pluralism and the functioning of democratic institutions at risk. The presidential decision of 20 March 2021 to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No.210, the Istanbul Convention) to combat violence against women and domestic violence is a regrettable step backwards, made without any parliamentary debate, which raises the question of the modalities of denunciation of conventions in democratic societies. The committee also urges the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala following the final judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. In order to reverse these worrying trends, the Turkish authorities should seize the opportunity of implementing the Human Rights Action Plan and revising the legislation on elections and political parties to take meaningful steps, put an end to the judicial harassment of opposition and dissenting voices, improve freedom of expression and media and restore the independence of the judiciary, in co-operation with the Council of Europe 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities
    Order Code RL34021 Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities Updated November 25, 2008 Hussein D. Hassan Information Research Specialist Knowledge Services Group Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities Summary Iran is home to approximately 70.5 million people who are ethnically, religiously, and linguistically diverse. The central authority is dominated by Persians who constitute 51% of Iran’s population. Iranians speak diverse Indo-Iranian, Semitic, Armenian, and Turkic languages. The state religion is Shia, Islam. After installation by Ayatollah Khomeini of an Islamic regime in February 1979, treatment of ethnic and religious minorities grew worse. By summer of 1979, initial violent conflicts erupted between the central authority and members of several tribal, regional, and ethnic minority groups. This initial conflict dashed the hope and expectation of these minorities who were hoping for greater cultural autonomy under the newly created Islamic State. The U.S. State Department’s 2008 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, released September 19, 2008, cited Iran for widespread serious abuses, including unjust executions, politically motivated abductions by security forces, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, and arrests of women’s rights activists. According to the State Department’s 2007 Country Report on Human Rights (released on March 11, 2008), Iran’s poor human rights record worsened, and it continued to commit numerous, serious abuses. The government placed severe restrictions on freedom of religion. The report also cited violence and legal and societal discrimination against women, ethnic and religious minorities. Incitement to anti-Semitism also remained a problem. Members of the country’s non-Muslim religious minorities, particularly Baha’is, reported imprisonment, harassment, and intimidation based on their religious beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq
    The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq Julie Ahn—Maeve Campbell—Pete Knoetgen Client: Office of Iraq Affairs, U.S. Department of State Harvard Kennedy School Faculty Advisor: Meghan O’Sullivan Policy Analysis Exercise Seminar Leader: Matthew Bunn May 7, 2018 This Policy Analysis Exercise reflects the views of the authors and should not be viewed as representing the views of the US Government, nor those of Harvard University or any of its faculty. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us throughout the development, research, and drafting of this report. Our field work in Iraq would not have been possible without the help of Sherzad Khidhir. His willingness to connect us with in-country stakeholders significantly contributed to the breadth of our interviews. Those interviews were made possible by our fantastic translators, Lezan, Ehsan, and Younis, who ensured that we could capture critical information and the nuance of discussions. We also greatly appreciated the willingness of U.S. State Department officials, the soldiers of Operation Inherent Resolve, and our many other interview participants to provide us with their time and insights. Thanks to their assistance, we were able to gain a better grasp of this immensely complex topic. Throughout our research, we benefitted from consultations with numerous Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty, as well as with individuals from the larger Harvard community. We would especially like to thank Harvard Business School Professor Kristin Fabbe and Razzaq al-Saiedi from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative who both provided critical support to our project.
    [Show full text]
  • 5. Kurdish Tribes
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Blood feuds Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
    Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
    THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting.
    [Show full text]
  • Darwīsh Maḥmūd: an Unknown Sixteenth Century Kurdish Notable*
    DARWĪSH MAḤMŪD: AN UNKNOWN SIXTEENTH CENTURY KURDISH NOTABLE* MUSTAFA DEHQAN & VURAl GENÇ Abstract The sixteenth century Kurds normally had no access to traditional accomplishments such as prose, poetry, historiography, calligraphy, and professional education. These accomplishments were the instruments of access to the rulers and the cause for higher appointments by the Ottoman and Safavid emperors. The first and most famous member of the Kurdish community to receive an influential bureaucratic position in Ottoman Empire was Idrīs of Bidlīs. In the days of Selim I (r. 1512-1520), Idrīs’s fortune rose to such a degree that many Kurdish potentates could only with his assistance and political support. The main point of the present paper is to demonstrate that Idrīs was not the only educated Kurd who, in the sixteenth century, rendered services to the Ottoman emperor, thus coming into his favor and grace. Specifically, it is examines the case of Darwīsh Maḥmūd, a disciple of Idrīs of Bidlīs, who like his master, rose to prominence in service to the Ottomans. INTRODUcTORY NOTE LIFE AND CAREER Unlike Idrīs of Bidlīs, Darwīsh Maḥmūd’s bureaucratic, Details of the life of Darwīsh Maḥmūd are very administrative, and political activities are relatively poorly scanty. He was of Kalachīrī clan which was a sub- documented. For instance, we lack the kind of detailed division of Bilbāsī tribe of the Ŗōzhikī confederation, the information from chronicles and archival sources that have dominant group in Bidlīs2. The exact dates of his life enabled us to reconstruct life and career of Idrīs, in particu- are not known, but scholars may estimate that he lived lar with regard to diplomatic missions to Kurdistan1.
    [Show full text]
  • Hdl 34403.Pdf
    PUBLISHED VERSION Hall, Christopher Ian History, Christianity and diplomacy: Sir Herbert Butterfield and international relations Review of International Studies, 2002; 28(4):719-736 Copyright © British International Studies Association Originally Published at: http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=ISH PERMISSIONS http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displaySpecialPage?pageId=4676 Institutional repositories 2.4. The author may post the VoR version of the article (in PDF or HTML form) in the Institutional Repository of the institution in which the author worked at the time the article was first submitted, or (for appropriate journals) in PubMed Central or UK PubMed Central or arXiv, no sooner than one year after first publication of the article in the Journal, subject to file availability and provided the posting includes a prominent statement of the full bibliographical details, a copyright notice in the name of the copyright holder (Cambridge University Press or the sponsoring Society, as appropriate), and a link to the online edition of the Journal at Cambridge Journals Online. 23 April 2014 http://hdl.handle.net/2440/34403 Review of International Studies (2002), 28, 719–736 Copyright © British International Studies Association History, Christianity and diplomacy: Sir Herbert Butterfield and international relations IAN HALL* Abstract. Sir Herbert Butterfield, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge (1955–68), Regius Professor of History (1963–68), and author of The Whig Interpretation of History (1931), was one of the leading historians of the twentieth century. A diplomatic historian and student of modern historiography, Butterfield was deeply concerned too with contemporary inter- national relations, wrote much on the subject and, in 1958, created the ‘British Committee on the Theory of International Politics’.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
    KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dubai Initiative
    The Dubai Initiative Working Paper Securing the Peace: The Battle over Ethnicity and Energy in Modern Iraq Justin Dargin Securing the Peace: The Battle over Ethnicity and Energy in Modern Iraq Dubai Initiative – Working Paper Justin Dargin Research Fellow, The Dubai Initiative Better Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard University June 2009 SeCURIng THe Peace: THe Battle oveR eTHnICITy AnD eneRgy In MoDeRn IRAq | 1 “There is something very sinister to my mind in this Mesopotamian entanglement.” Winston Churchill letter to Prime Minister David Lloyd George, August 1920 I. Introduction This article examines the legal and political impediments to the Kurd- ish Regional Government’s (KRG) exploration and production contracts, which the central government in Baghdad has refused to recognize. The newly estab- lished Iraqi national constitution significantly opened as many petroleum-control questions as it resolved. Negotiated in 2005, the constitution not only separated branches of government, but established Federalism as its lodestar. When faced with unresolved issues over regional and national control over petroleum resourc- es, however, International Oil Companies (IOCs) function in an ambiguous legal environment that fails to clearly distinguish between federal and regional powers Article 112(1) of the constitution grants the central government a condi- tional right to “…undertake management of oil and gas extracted from present oil and gas fields…” (emphasis mine). Reflective of Iraq’s commitment to federalism, the right to manage oil fields is shared by the central government, the produc- ing governorates and the regional governments. Article 112(1) could, therefore, be construed to mean that the central government has no right to exercise authority over nonproducing fields and future fields: rights that are not explicitly granted to the federal government may be held as residual rights by the regional authori- ties.
    [Show full text]
  • To Appear in Kurdish Studies Language
    To appear in Kurdish Studies Language attitudes and religion: Kurdish Alevis in the UK Birgul Yilmaz1 2 Abstract In this article I report on results of a Matched Guise Tests (MGT) study investigating attitudes towards Bohtan (BHKr) and Maraş Kurmanji (MRKr) spoken among the UK diaspora. I focus on BHKr, which I use to refer to the Kurmanji that is identified as “good Kurmanji”, also referred to as “academic”/ “proper”, and MRKr to refer to the Kurmanji that is referred to as “bad Kurmanji” by Kurmanji speakers in the UK (Yilmaz, 2018). The MGT, and questions pertaining to perceptual dialectology such as respondents’ perceptions of region, religion, gender and class in this study, show that attitudes towards what is perceived as BHKr and MRKr differ significantly. By concentrating on language attitudes towards Kurmanji which have never been studied in the UK context before, this paper investigates negative and positive evaluations of both BHKr and MRKr in relation to religious affiliation. Keywords Language attitudes, religion, matched guise tests, Kurdish-Kurmanji, Alevis 1 Birgul Yilmaz is a British Academy Postdoctoral Researcher at UCL Institute of Education in London Centre for Applied Linguistics | 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL Email: [email protected] 2 I wish to thank Michael Chyet, Ruth Kircher, Jeff Izzard and the reviewers of this special issue for their feedback on earlier versions and thoughtful suggestions. 1 Introduction Sociolinguistic studies have dealt with social factors such as social status, gender and age (Labov, 1966), and the ways in which these are intertwined with change and variation (Eckert 2012).
    [Show full text]
  • Between Ankara and Tehran: How the Scramble for Kurdistan Can Reshape Regional Relations
    Between Ankara and Tehran: How the Scramble for Kurdistan Can Reshape Regional Relations Micha’el Tanchum On June 30, 2014, President Masoud Barzani of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) made the historic announcement that he would seek a formal referendum on Kurdish independence. Barzani’s announcement came after the June 2014 advance into northern Iraq by the jihadist forces of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) had effectively eliminated Iraqi government control over the provinces bordering the KRG. As Iraq’s army abandoned its positions north of Baghdad, the KRG’s Peshmerga advanced into the “disputed territories” beyond the KRG’s formal boundaries and took control of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk, the jewel in the crown of Iraqi Kurdish territorial ambitions. Thus, the Barzani-led KRG calculated it had attained the necessary political and economic conditions to contemplate outright independence. Asserting Iraq had been effectively “partitioned” and that “conditions are right,” the KRG President declared, “From now on, we will not hide that the goal of Kurdistan is independence.” 1 The viability of an independent Kurdish state will ultimately depend on the Barzani government’s ability to recalibrate its relations with its two powerful neighbors, Turkey and Iran. This, in turn, depends on the ability of Barzani’s Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) to preserve its hegemony over Iraqi Kurdistan in the face of challenges posed by its Iraqi political rival, the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan), and the Turkish-based PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party). Barzani’s objective to preserve the KDP’s authority from these threats forms one of the main drivers behind his Dr.
    [Show full text]